• 


UCSB  LIBRARY 


J> 

x~  -** 


BOH  TOEH  OF  ATJgf  IRIA 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1858,  by 

WILLIAM    H.     PRESCOTT, 
in  the  Clerk's  Office  of  the  District  Court  of  the  District  of  Massachusetts. 


CAMBRIDGE: 

SXECTROTYPED  B?  METCALP  AND  COMPANY. 


CONTENTS 


VOLUME   THIRD 


BOOK    V. 

CHAPTER    I. 

PM« 

THE  MOORS  OF  SPAIN 1 

Conquest  of  Spain  by  the  Arabs 1 

Hostility  between  the  Two  Races 2 

The  Country  recovered  by  the  Spaniards     ....  4 

Effect  of  the  Struggle  on  the  National  Character    ...  5 

Religious  Intolerance  of  the  Spaniards        ....  6 

Attempts  to  convert  the  Moslems    ......  7 

Policy  of  Ximenes       .....        ,         .         .         .  8 

Suppression  of  the  Mahometan  Worship          ....  9 

Outward  Conformity  to  Christianity 10 

Moors  abandon  their  National  Habits 11 

Their  Condition  under  Philip  the  Second    .        .        .         .  12 
Their  Industry  and  Commerce        .        .        .        .         .        .13 

Treatment  by  the  Government 15 

Ordinance  of  1563                           '.        .  •     .         .  18 

Stringent  Measures  called  for  by  the  Clergy          .        .        .  21 

Prepared  by  the  Government          .        .        .        .         .      '  .  22 

Severity  of  the  Enactments 24 

Approval  of  them  by  Philip   .         '.  .28 

Proclamation  at  Granada 29 

Indignation  of  the  Moriscocs  .         .         .         .         .         .         .30 

Representations  to  Deza      .     ' 31 

Appeal  to  the  Throne     .        .        .        .        .     '  .         .         .  32 

Rejection  of  their  Prayers  .......  34 


CONTESTS. 
IV 


CHAPTER  II.  page 

36 
REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOI  ^ 

The  Edict  enforced      .  37 

Plans  for  Resistance  by  the  Moriscoes     .  ^ 

Their  Descent  on  Granada  42 

Failure  of  the  Attempt  .  43 

General  Insurrection  .  45 

Election  of  a  King  4g 

Character  of  Aben-Humeya        .        - 

His  Coronation        .  4g 

His  Preparations  for  Defence 
The  Christian  Population 

Unsuspicious  of  their  Danger 

Attacked  by  the  Moors  —  Panic      . 

General  Massacre 

Horrible  Cruelties 

Fate  of  the  Women  and  Children 

Fierceness  of  Aben-Farax       . 

Deposed  from  his  Command 

CHAPTER  III. 

fiO 
REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES     . 

Consternation  in  the  Capital 

Mutual  Fears  of  the  Two  Races 

Garrison  of  the  Alhambra  strengthened 

Troops  mustered  by  Mondejar 

Civic  Militia  —  Feudal  Levies      . 

"Warlike  Ecclesiastics      .... 

March  of  the  Army 

Pass  of  Tablate      . 

Bridge  crossed  by  a  Friar    . 

The  Army  follows 

The  Moriscoes  withdraw 

Entrance  into  the  Alpujarras •        .72 

Night  Encampment  at  Lanjaron 

Relief  of  Orgiba    ...;''  .74 

Mondejar  pursues  his  March         .         .         .         •         . 

Gloom  of  the  Mountain  Scenery      .     !    .         .        .         .         .76 


CONTENTS.  V 

Page 
Defile  of  Alfujarali         ........       77 

Sudden  Attack  .         .         ,         .         .         .         .         .         .  77 

Bravery  of  the  Andalusian  Knigbta       ..         .         .         .         .78 

Precipitate  Retreat  of  the  Moriscoes    .        .        .        .        .  79 

Capture  of  Bubion .         .       80 

Humanity  of  Mondejar       .        .       '.        .        ."       .        .          81 
Sufferings  of  the  Army          .        .         .  •      .        .        .    '     .      82 

Capture  of  Jubiles <      .         .83 

Prisoners  protected  by  Mondejar 84 

Massacred  by  the  Soldiers  .......  85 

Christian  Women  sent  to  Granada  ......      87 

Welcomed  by  the  Inhabitants     ......          88 

CHAPTER   IV. 

REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES     .        .        .        .        .        .90 

Mondejar's  Policy 90 

Aben-Humeya  at  Patcrna      .         .         .         .        .        .         .91 

Offers  to  surrender     ........  93 

Flight  to  the  Sierra  Nevada .       94 

Disposition  of  the  Moorish  Prisoners    .....  95 

Attack  on  Las  Guajaras 97 

Evacuated  by  the  Garrison 98 

Massacre  ordered  by  Mondejar       ......       99 

Cruelty  of  the  Count  of  Tendilla        .        .        .        .        .         100 

Attempt  to  capture  Aben-Humeya          .         .        .        .         .101 

His  Escape 102 

Heroism  of  Aben-Aboo          .        .        .         .         .         .         .103 

The  Marquis  of  Los  Velez 104 

His  Campaign  in  the  Alpujarras      ......     105 

Cruelties  committed  by  the  Troops       .         .         .         .         .         107 

Celebration  of  a  religious  Ftte        .        .        ...        .108 

Licentiousness  of  the  Soldiery 109 

Contrast  between  Mondejar  and  Los  Velcz     .        .        .         .110 

Accusations  against  the  former 112 

Decision  arrived  at  in  Madrid         .         .         .        .        .        .     114 

Effect  on  the  Army    .        .        .         •      ,.        .        .        .         115 

Moorish  Prisoners  in  Granada        ..         .         .         .         .116 

Rumors  circulated  in  the  Capital         ...         117 

Night  Attack  on  the  Prisoners         .         .       ..         .         .         .118 

Fearful  Struggle  and  Massacre    .       ,..,..,       •.        •  j      •         H9 


CONTENTS. 

"V1  Page 

.      120 

Apathy  of  the  Government   .       -  m 
Renewal  of  the  Insurrection       . 

CHAPTER  V. 

124 

REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOE!  ^ 

Don  John  of  Austria  125 

Birth  and  Early  History  127 

Placed  under  the  Care  of  Quixada     .  ^ 

Secrecy  in  regard  to  his  Origin     ..       ...  ^ 
The  young  Geronimo  at  Yuste  . 

Testamentary  Dispositions  of  the  Emperor  ^  ^ 

The  Boy  presented  to  the  Regent       .  ^ 

Curious  Scene       .  136 

Meeting  appointed  with  the  King        .  ^ 

Philip  acknowledges  his  Brother     .  ^ 

Assigns  him  an  Establishment     . 

Royal  Triumvirate  at  Alcala  ...» 

Chivalrous  Character  of  Don  John      .... 


His  Adventurous  Disposition 

He  is  intrusted  with  the  Command  of  a  Fleet      . 

His  Cruise  in  the  Mediterranean     . 

He  is  selected  for  the  Command  in  Granada 

Restrictions  on  his  Authority 

His  Reception  at  Granada 

_    .  .  150 

Answers  to  Petitioners 

Discussions  in  the  Council  of  War 

New  Levies  summoned  .... 

Increased  Power  of  Aben-Humeya     . 

Forays  into  the  Christian  Territory 

Movements  of  Los  Velez   .        .... 

Extension  of  the  Rebellion     . 

Successful  Expedition  of  Requesens   . 

Moriscoes  lay  Siege  to  Seron 

Surrender  and  Massacre  of  the  Garrison     . 

Decree  for  removing  the  Moriscoes  from  Granada  . 

Their  Consternation  and  Grief  .         . 

Expulsion  from  the  City        .... 

Farewell  to  their  Ancient  Home 

Distribution  through  the  Country   . 

Ruinous  Effects  on  Granada       .         .'        .         . 

Character  of  the  Transaction 169 


CONTENTS.  Vll 


CHAPTER    VI. 

P«g» 
REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES     ...        .        .        .171 

State  of  the  Troops  under  Los  Velcz  .         .        .        .        171 

Encounter  with  Aben-Humeya       .         .      ,  -4    >  ^-  •  _  .         .     173 
Flight  of  the  Morisco  Prince      .         .         -,<••«      -  v        174 
Desertions  from  the  Spanish  Camp        _.,,,,        .         .175 
Mondejar  recalled  to  Court        ..,.,,.       ,.         .        ,         176 
IDs  Character        .        .        .        .       %.        .        .        .         .177 

Exterminating  Policy  of  the  Government    .  ,         .        1 78 

Sensual  Tyranny  of  Aben-IIumeya        .        .      tf         .         .179 
Treachery  towards  Diego  Alguazil      .        .         .        .      t  ,        181 

Plan  of  Revenge  formed  by  Alguazil      .         .         .       ' .        .182 
Conspiracy  against  Aben-IIumeya       ....         .         .        184 

His  Assassination  .         ....         .        .        ,        .     186 

He  is  succeeded  by  Aben-Aboo •  .         187 

Energy  of  the  new  Chief      .  .        .         .        .        .     189 

Repulse  at  Orgiba      .        .....        .        .        190 

The  Place  evacuated  by  the  Garrison      .         .        .         .        .191 

Continual  Forays       ........        192 

Conflicts  in  the  Vega     .        .         . 193 

Don  John's  Desire  lor  Action 194 

Philip  yields  to  his  Entreaties         .      _.         .        ...         .195 

Preparations  for  the  Campaign 196 

Surprise  of  Guejar 198 

Mortification  of  Don  John          .        .         ..        .        .         199 

Mendoza  the  Historian 200 

CHAPTER   VII. 

REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES 204 

Philip's  Instructions  to  his  Brother  v.  .  .,.-.,,.        .     204 

Don  John  takes  the  Field    .        .  ....  •         •         .        206 

Discontent  of  Los  Velez      ^  ,        .        .  .    ,,   .         .        .     207 

His  Meeting  with  Don  John       .  ,        .  .        .         '.        208 

He  retires  from  the  War      ...       t.  .        .....     209 

Investment  of  Galera         .         .  ......         .        .        210 

Description  of  the  Place         .        ,  ;  t  »,  •         »        »,        .211 

Munitions  and  Garrison      .         trt'M ..«.  .   ,,  ..         213 

Establishment  of  Batteries      .  215 


CONTENTS. 

Page 

9 1  fi 

The  Siege  opened 

First  Assault     ..••••• 

Spaniards  repulsed 

Mines  opened  in  the  Rock 

Second  Assault 

Explosion  of  the  Mine 

Troops  rush  to  the  Attack 

Struggle  at  the  Ravelin 

Bravery  of  the  Morisco  Women 

Ill-Success  of  Padilla 

Failure  of  the  Attack 226 

Insubordination  of  the  Troops 227 

Severe  Loss  of  the  Spaniards 228 

Bloody  Determination  of  Don  John 228 

Prudent  Advice  of  Philip 229 

Condition  of  the  Besieged 230 

Preparations  for  a  last  Attack 232 

Cannonade  and  Explosions 233 

Third  Assault 234 

Irresistible  Fury  of  the  Spaniards 235 

Struggle  in  the  Streets  and  Houses 236 

Desperation  of  the  Inhabitants 237 

Inhumanity  of  the  Conqueror 238 

Wholesale  Massacre 239 

The  Town  demolished 241 

Tidings  communicated  to  Philip  .         .         .         .         .         .  242 

Reputation  gained  by  Don  John     .        .         .         .         .         .243 

CHAPTER    VIII. 

REBELLION  OP  THE  MORISCOES 244 

Seron  reconnoitred         •••.....  244 

Sudden  Attack  by  the  Moriscoes 245 

Army  thrown  into  Confusion           .....  246 

Indignation  of  Don  John    .         .         .         .         .         .         .  248 

Death  of  Quixada         .......  250 

His  Character 251 

Dona  Magdalena  de  Ulloa 252 

Rapid  Successes  of  Don  John 253 

Negotiations  opened  with  El  Habaqui     .....  254 

Merciless  Pursuit  of  the  Rebels  ....  255 


CONTENTS.  IX 

Pa«« 

Guerilla  Warfare ''..'.     256 

Conferences  at  Fondon       .         .         .        ..'.'.         257 

Aben-Aboo  consents  to  treat  .        .         .         .  ...     258 

Arrangement  concluded     .         .         .         .  .        .  "     ,        259 

Submission  tendered  by  El  Ilabaqui       ...  .'  ''.         .     260 

Dissatisfaction  with  the  Treaty    .         .         .    "  '.  '^.'        /       262 

Vacillation  of  Aben-Aboo      .         .        .      '  .  •;    ~   !.      '  .     263 

£1  Ilabaqui  engages  to  arrest  him       .        .  .''       .        .        264 

Fate  of  El  Ilabaqui       .         .         .'.'"'     J  .         .     265 

Mission  of  Palacios '  .        .         .         2C6 

His  Interview  with  Aben-Aboo       .         .         .  .        .         .267 

Spirited  Declaration  of  that  Chief      '. "     '  .  .        .         .        268 

Stern  Resolve  of  the  Government .         .         .  .   '     .         .269 

War  of  Extermination        .         .         .         .    '  .      '  .         .         270 

Expedition  of  the  Duke  of  Arcos  .        .   '     .  .        .         .     271 

March  across  the  Plain  of  Calaluz       .         .  .         .         .         272 

Engagement  with  the  Moriscoes      .        .        .  '     ^        .        .    273 

The  Rebellion  crushed        .         .         .         .  .  '       .         .         274 

Edict  of  Expulsion         .         .         .         .         .  .         .         .275 

Removal  of  the  Moriscoes  .        .        .        .  .         .         .        276 

Don  John's  Impatience  to  resign     .    .  '  .         .  .         .         .278 

His  final  Dispositions  .         .         .         .         .  .         .         .         279 

Hiding-Place  of  Aben-Aboo  .        .         .        .....     280 

Plot  formed  for  his  Capture         .         .         .  .         .      '    .         281 

His  Interview  with  El  Senix  .         .         .         .  .        .'       .     282 

His  Murder       .         .         .         .      '   ;•    '    .  .         .'       .         283 

His  Body  brought  to  Granada         .         .        .  '  .    "    .        .     284 

His  Head  placed  in  a  Cage 285 

Remarks  on  his  Career         «.         .         .     '    .  .        '.         .     286 
Wasted  Condition  of  the  Country        .....        288 

The  scattered  Moriscoes        .        .        .     '   '.  ".'        .         .     289 

Cruelly  treated  by  the  Government     .         .  ...         .        290 

Their  Industry  and  Cheerfulness     .         .     '    .  .         .         .     291 

Increase  of  their  Numbers          .        .    '    •.  .        .        .        292 

They  preserve  their  National  Feeling     ...  .•        .         .     293 

Mutual  Hatred  of  the  Two  Races        .        .  .        .        .         294 

Expulsion  of  the  Moriscoes  from  Spain  .         .  .         .     '    .     295 

Works  of  Marmol  and  Circourt  .        .  296 


CONTENTS. 

jL 

CHAPTER   IX.  page 

."  .     "  'i     298 
WAR  WITH  THE  TURKS  ^ 

Sultan  Selim  the  Second    •'*'•'  299 

Determines  on  the  Conquest  of  Cypru  ^ 

Spirit  of  Pius  the  Fifth      .....  gol 

His  Appeals  to  Philip    ..•'."•  801 

King's  Entrance  into  Seville       .         •  g03 

Determines  to  join  the  League     .  .  go4 

Capture  of  Nicosia    .  go5 

Vacillating  Conduct  of  Venice 

Meeting  of  Deputies  at  Rome    . 

Treaty  of  Confederation 

Ratided  and  proclaimed     . 

Turkish  Fleet  in  the  Adriatic 

Papal  Legate  at  Madrid     ... 

Concessions  to  the  Crown      . 

Fleets  of  Venice  and  Rome 

Preparations  in  Spain    .... 

Enthusiasm  of  the  Nation 

Don  John's  Departure    .... 

His  Reception  at  Naples    .         .        . 

His  noble  Appearance  .... 

Accomplishments  and  Popularity 

Presentation  of  the  Consecrated  Standard 

Arrival  at  Messina 

Grand  Naval  Spectacle .... 

Strength  and  Condition  of  the  Fleets 

Discretion  of  the  Generalissimo 

Communications  from  the  Pope  . 

Departure  from  Messina 

CHAPTER   X. 

WAR  WITH  THE  TURKS      .......        826 

Arrival  at  Corfu    .  .   *    .        .    •    .      .  .         .         .326 

Council  of  War         ........         827 

Resolution  to  give  Battle        .  .         .        .         .         .828 

Arbitrary  Conduct  of  Veniero 329 

Passage  across  the  Sea  of  Ionia      .  .         .         .         .     830 


CONTENTS.  XI 

Pap. 

Fall  of  Famagosta         .        .                           ....  831 

The  Enemy  in  Sight 332 

Preparations  for  Combat         .         .         .         .         .        V ••      .  833 

Final  Instructions  of  Don  John           •»....  334 

Approach  of  the  Turkish  Fleet      « 836 

Its  Form  and  Disposition 337 

Change  in  the  Order  of  Battle 338 

Last  Preparation  of  the  Christians 339 

Battle  of  Lcpanto          ••.•<«....  840 

Left  Wing  of  the  Allies  turned  .       -.        .        ,   -     .        .  341 
Right  Wing,  under  Doria,  broken  .         .        .*.<.        ,842 

Don  John  and  Ali  Pasha  engage         . .       .         .        •«        .  343 

Superior  Fire  of  the  Spaniards      «        »        *   •     f  ,-•  ••.        .  344 

Bird's-eye  View  of  the  Scene    -.       -.        .        .        -.-'        .  345 

Venetians  victorious  on  the  Left     .        '•••••,     -  .   •     .  846 

Continued  Struggle  in  the  Centre       .        .        .•'     '  .  •  '   .  348 

Turkish  Admiral  boarded       /        *        .        .        .        .         .  849 

Death  of  Ali  Pasha    .        %       -.        .        .    • .  .        .        .  850 

Victor)'  of  the  Christians        .         .        .       •»        .-.        .  851 

Flight  of  Uluch  Ali .  852 

Chase  and  Escape .        .  353 

Allies  take  Shelter  in  Petala 354 

CHAPTER    XI. 

WAR  WITH  THE  TURKS         .        .  • 855 

Losses  of  the  Combatants 355 

Turkish  Armada  annihilated  .     '    .         .         .         .         .         .  356 

Roll  of  Slaughter  and  Fame       ...        .        .        .  857 

Exploits  of  Farnese    '  .        .        .        ...        .         .  859 

Noble  Spirit  of  Cervantes  .        .        .        ...        .  859 

Sons  of  Ah'  Pasha  Prisoners  .         .         .      •   ,       ; .         .         .  860 

Generously  treated  by  Don  John         .        .        .         .        .  861 

His  Conduct  towards  Veniero        .•.-..         .         .        .  862 

Operations  suspended        ".     •  .   •'-*.''    ' .'       .         .        .  868 

Triumphant  Return  to  Messina       .         .         .       ->*     - '..         .  864 

Celebrations  in  Honor  of  the  Victory           .        .                 .  366 

Tidings  despatched  to  Spain  .*.•.•.'.         .         .  367 

Philip's  Reception  of  them       *  .     •    .  :      .         .         .         .  368 

Acknowledgments  to  his  Brother 369 

Don  John's  Conduct  criticised  371 


xii  CONTENTS. 

Page 

Real  Fruits  of  the  Victory       ....      •..'  •">.••       .    373 
Delay  in  resuming  Operations       .        .        .        .  •     :        ,        374 

Death  of  Pius  the  Fifth .        .375 

Philip's  Distrust .        376 

Permits  his  Brother  to  sail        .        .        .        .        .        .        .377 

Turks  decline  to  accept  Battle 378 

Anniversary  of  Lepanto .379 

Allies  disband  their  Forces .        380 

Perfidy  of  Venice ...    381 

The  League  dissolved .        382 

Tunis  taken  by  Don  John 383 

He  provides  for  its  Security 384 

Returns  to  Naples 385 

His  Mode  of  Life  there 386 

His  Schemes  of  Dominion .387 

Tunis  retaken  by  the  Moslems      ......         388 

Don  John's  Mission  to  Genoa  .        ...        .        .         .        .889 

He  prepares  a  fresh  Armament     ......         390 

His  Disappointment,  and  Return  to  Madrid     .         .         .         .391 


BOOK    VI. 
CHAPTER    I. 

DOMESTIC  AFFAIRS  OF  SPAIN     ...  392 

Internal  Administration    . 

T>      -,    .  •        .        .        .     oy£ 

Revolutions  under  Isabella  and  Charles  V.  .        .  393 

Absolute  Power  of  the  Crown 

Contrast  between  Charles  and  Philip    ...  395 

The  latter  wholly  a  Spaniard  . 

The  Royal  Councils      .... 

Principal  Advisers  of  the  Crown       .        .  398 

Character  of  Ruy  Gomez  de  Silva 

Figueroa,  Count  of  Feria 

Cardinal  Espinosa 

Two  Parties  in  the  Council      . 

Balance  held  by  Philip 

His  Manner  of  transacting  Business 

* 


CONTENTS.  Xlll 

Ftp 

His  Assiduity   .         .        .        .      .  .      _-„  •     •'.    -:f  .  ••-.-.•    .     411 

His  Mode  of  dividing  the  Day      .        .       ..       ..   •     .        .        412 

His  Love  of  Solitude        .        .        .        .  .     ,    .  ;.-i  .    413 

Extent  of  his  Information     .         .         .       ..        .        »        .        414 

Partial  Confidence  in  his  Ministers   .         .        .        .        .         .415 

His  Frugality        .        .        .     ...  •.    t';    ,.     .  .    ^  .        .        416 

His  Magnificent  Establishment          .         .        .        .        .         .     417 

His  Fatal  Habit  of  Procrastination        .        .        .        .        .        419 

Remonstrances  of  his  Almoner          .         .        .        »        .        .     420 
Habits  of  the  great  Nobles    .        .        .  .  '    .        .        421 

Manners  of  the  Court      .        .         .        .•       •.        .        .         .     422 

Degeneracy  of  tlie  Nobles    .        .        .        .        .        .        .        423 

Splendor  of  their  Households  .         .         .         .        .        .         .424 

Loss  of  Political  Power        .        .        .         .        .        ...        425 

Depressed  Condition  of  the  Commons      .       ..      -  .        .        .426 

Petitions  of  the  Cortes .        427 

Their  Remonstrance  against  Arbitrary  Government  .  .428 
Their  Regard  for  the  National  Interests  *  .  .  .  429 
Erroneous  Notions  respecting  Commerce  ....  430 

Sumptuary  Laws 431 

Encouragement  of  Bull-Fights          ......    433 

Various  Subjects  of  Legislation 434 

Schools  and  Universities 435 

Royal  Pragmatics         .        .    "   .        .        .        .        .        .        436 

Philip's  Replies  to  the  Cortes .437 

Freedom  of  Discussion         . 438 

Standing  Army 439 

Guards  of  Castile 440 

CHAPTER   II. 

DOMESTIC  AFFAIRS  OF  SPAIX         .       •        .        .       .        .441 

Philip  the  Champion  of  the  Faith         .       -.        .        .        .  441 

Endowments  of  the  Church 442 

Alienations  in  Mortmain 443 

Disputed  Prerogatives      .        .        .        .        .        .        .        .  444 

Appointments  to  Benefices   .        .        .        ...        .        .  445 

The  Clergy  dependent  on  the  Crown       .        .        .        .        .  446 

The  Escorial 447 

Motives  for  its  Erection 448 

Site  selected                          .  .<  449 


CONTENTS. 

Page 

Convent  founded {.  •»        •*.*..•     45° 

Royal  Humility    .        .       -.       -. 

Building  commenced 452 

Philip's  Interest  in  it •         •         «         453 

His  Architectural  Taste    .        .        .        .        .        .        .         .454 

His  Oversight  of  the  Work      ].'-£  f     i       *.T    ,  .  '  f.  J  '  .'  '•     455 
He  governs  the  World  from  the  Escorial          '.    "    .         .•        .     456 

The  Edifice  endangered  by  Fire 457 

Materials  used  in  its  Construction 458 

Artists  employed 460 

Philip's  Fondness  for  Art 461 

Completion  of  the  Escorial  .        .  •     .    "  .        .         .         .        462 
The  Architects         ........        .463 

Character  of  the  Structure 464 

Its  Whimsical  Design       .'.'".."'.        .         .         .465 

Its  Magnitude 466 

Interior  Decorations      ...,     - ...        ,        .   .,    ._        .        .         .467 
Ravages  it  has  undergone     .        .        .        .     "  .        .        .        468 

Its  present  Condition       .        ,        .        .        .        ...        .     459 

Anne  of  Austria  .        .        .        .        .        .        .        .        .        470 

Her  Reception  in  Spain  .        .        .        .        .        .  ,471 

Her  Marriage  with  Philip     .     .-.        .        .        .        .        J        473 

Her  Residence  at  the  Escorial          .        .        .     '   .  ,474 

Her  Character  and  Habits 1'       475 

Her  Death 47g 


HISTORY 


OF 


PHILIP  THE   SECOND 


BOOK  V. 
CHAPTER    I. 

THE    MOORS    OF    SPAIN. 

Conquest  of  Spain  by  the  Arabs.  —  Slow  Recovery  by  the  Spaniards. 
—  Efforts  to  convert  the  Moslems.  —  Their  Homes  in  the  Alpujar- 
ras.  —  Their  Treatment  by  the  Government.  —  The  Minister 
Espinosa.  —  Edict  against  the  Moriscoes. —  Their  ineffectual  Re- 
monstrance. 

1566,  1567. 

IT  was  in  the  beginning  of  the  eighth  century, 
in  the  year  711,  that  the  Arabs,  filled  with  the 
spirit  of  conquest  which  had  been  breathed  into 
them  by  their  warlike  apostle,  after  traversing 
the  southern  shores  of  the  Mediterranean,  reached 
the  borders  of  those  straits  that  separate  Africa 
from  Europe.  Here  they  paused  for  a  moment, 
before  carrying  their  banners  into  a  strange  and 
unknown  quarter  of  the  globe.  It  was  but  for  a 
moment,  however,  when,  with  accumulated  strength, 
they  descended  on  the  sunny  fields  of  Andalusia, 

YOU   III.  1 


2  THE  MOORS  OF  SPAIN.  [Boos  V. 

met  the  whole  Gothic  array  on  the  banks  of  the 
Guadalete,  and,  after  that  fatal  battle  in  which 
King  Roderick  fell  with  the  flower  of  his  nobility, 
spread  themselves,  like  an  army  of  locusts,  over 
every  part  of  the  Peninsula.  Three  years  sufficed 
for  the  conquest  of  the  country,  —  except  that 
small  corner  in  the  north,  where  a  remnant  of  the 
Goths  contrived  to  maintain  a  savage  independence, 
and  where  the  rudeness  of  the  soil  held  out  to 
the  Saracens  no  temptation  to  follow  them. 

It  was  much  the  same  story  that  was  repeated, 
more  than  three  centuries  later,  by  the  Norman 
conquerors  in  England.  The  battle  of  Hastings 
was  to  that  kingdom  what  the  battle  of  the  Gua- 
dalete was  to  Spain ;  though  the  Norman  barons, 
as  they  rode  over  the  prostrate  land,  dictated  terms 
to  the  vanquished  of  a  sterner  character  than  those 
granted  by  the  Saracens. 

But  whatever  resemblance  there  may  be  in  the 
general  outlines  of  the  two  conquests,  there  is  none 
in  the  results  that  followed.  In  England  the  Nor- 
man and  the  Saxon,  sprung  from  a  common  stock, 
could  not  permanently  be  kept  asunder  by  the 
barrier  which  at  first  was  naturally  interposed  be- 
tween the  conqueror  and  the  conquered;  and  in 
less,  probably,  than  three  centuries  after  the  inva- 
sion, the  two  nations  had  imperceptibly  melted  into 
one,  so  that  the  Englishman  of  that  day  might 
trace  the  current  that  flowed  through  his  veins  to 
both  a  Norman  and  a  Saxon  origin. 

It  was  far  otherwise  in  Spain,  where  difference 


Cir.  I.]  CONQUEST   OF   SPAIN.  3 

of  race,  of  religion,  of  national  tradition,  of  moral 
and  physical  organization,  placed  a  gulf  between 
the  victors  and  the  vanquished  too  wide  to  be  over- 
leaped. It  is  true,  indeed,  that  very  many  of  the 
natives,  accepting  the  liberal  terms  offered  by  the 
Saracens,  preferred  remaining  in  the  genial  clime 
of  the  south  to  sharing  the  rude  independence  of 
their  brethren  in  the  Asturias,  and  that,  in  the 
course  of  time,  intermarriages,  to  some  extent,  took 
place  between  them  and  their  Moslem  conquerors. 
To  what  extent  cannot  now  be  known.  The  inter- 
course was  certainly  far  greater  than  that  between 
our  New-England  ancestors  and  the  Indian  race 
which  they  found  in  possession  of  the  soil,  —  that 
ill-fated  race,  which  seems  to  have  shrunk  from  the 
touch  of  civilization,  and  to  have  passed  away 
before  it  like  the  leaves  of  the  forest  before  the 
breath  of  winter.  The  union  was  probably  not  so 
intimate  as  that  which  existed  between  the  old 
Spaniards  and  the  semi-civilized  tribes  that  occu- 
pied the  plateau  of  Mexico,  whose  descendants,  at 
this  day,  are  to  be  there  seen  filling  the  highest 
places,  both  social  and  political,  and  whose  especial 
boast  it  is  to  have  sprung  from  the  countrymen  of 
Montezuma. 

The  very  anxiety  shown  by  the  modern  Spaniard 
to  prove  that  only  the  sangre  azul —  "  blue  blood  " 
—  flows  through  his  veins,  uncontaminated  by  any 
Moorish  or  Jewish  taint,  may  be  thought  to  afford 
some  evidence  of  the  intimacy  which  once  existed 
between  his  forefathers  and  the  tribes  of  Eastern 


4  THE   MOORS   OF  SPAIN.  [BOOK  V. 

origin.  However  this  may  be,  it  is  certain  that  no 
length  of  time  ever  served,  in  the  eye  of  the  Span- 
iard,  to  give  the  Moslem  invader  a  title  to  the  soil ; 
and 'after  the  lapse  of  nearly  eight  centuries,  —  as 
long  a  period  as  that  which  has  passed  since  the 
Norman  conquest,  —  the  Arabs  were  still  looked 
upon  as  intruders  whom  it  was  the  sacred  duty  of 
the  Spaniards  to  exterminate  or  to  expel  from  the 

land. 

This  then  was  their  mission.  And  it  is  interest- 
ing to  see  how  faithfully  they  fulfilled  it ;  and  dur- 
ing the  long  period  of  the  Middle  Ages,  when  other 
nations  were  occupied  with  base  feudal  quarrels  or 
border  warfare,  it  is  curious  to  observe  the  Span- 
iard intent  on  the  one  great  object  of  reclaiming 
his  country  from  the  possession  of  the  infidel.  It 
was  a  work  of  time;  and  his  progress,  at  first 
almost  imperceptible,  was  to  be  measured  by  cen- 
turies. By  the  end  of  the  ninth  century  it  had 
reached  as  far  as  the  Ebro  and  the  Douro.  By  the 
middle  of  the  eleventh,  the  victorious  banner  of  the 
Cid  had  penetrated  to  the  Tagus.  The  fortunes 
of  Christian  Spain  trembled  in  the  balance  on  the 
great  day  of  Navas  de  Tolosa,  which  gave  a  per- 
manent ascendency  to  the  Castilian  arms ;  and  by 
the  middle  of  the  thirteenth  century  the  campaigns 
of  James  the  First  of  Aragon,  and  of  St.  Ferdinand 
of  Castile,  stripping  the  Moslems  of  the  other 
southern  provinces,  had  reduced  them  to  the  petty 
kingdom  of  Granada.  Yet  on  this  narrow  spot 
they  still  continued  to  maintain  a  national  exist- 


CH.  I  ]  RECOVERY  BY  THE  SPANIARDS.  5 

ence,  and  to  bid  defiance  for  more  than  two  centu- 
ries longer  to  all  the  efforts  of  the  Christians.  The 
final  triumph  of  the  latter  was  reserved  for  the 
glorious  reign  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella.  It  was 
on  the  second  of  January,  1492,  that,  after  a  war 
which  rivalled  that  of  Troy  in  its  duration,  and 
surpassed  it  in  the  romantic  character  of  its  inci- 
dents, the  august  pair  made  their  solemn  entry  into 
Granada;  while  the  large  silver  cross  which  had 
served  as  their  banner  through  the  war,  sparkling 
in  the  sunbeams  on  the  red  towers  of  the  Alham- 
bra,  announced  to  the  Christian  world  that  the  last 
rood  of  territory  in  the  Peninsula  had  passed  away 
for  ever  from  the  Moslem. 

The  peculiar  nature  of  the  war  in  which  the 
Spaniard  for  eight  centuries  had  thus  been  en- 
gaged, exercised  an  important  influence  on  the 
national  character.  Generation  after  generation 
had  passed  their  lives  in  one  long,  uninterrupted 
crusade.  It  had  something  of  the  same  effect  on 
the  character  of  the  nation  that  the  wars  for  the 
recovery  of  Palestine  had  on  the  Crusaders  of  the 
Middle  Ages.  Every  man  learned  to  regard  him- 
self as  in  an  especial  manner  the  soldier  of  Heaven, 
—  for  ever  fighting  the  great  battle  of  the  Faith. 
With  a  mind  exalted  by  this  sublime  conviction, 
what  wonder  that  he  should  have  been  ever  ready 
to  discern  the  immediate  interposition  of  Heaven  in 
his  behalf  ?  —  that  he  should  have  seen  again  and 
again  the  patron  saint  of  his  country,  charging  on 
his  milk-white  steed  at  the  head  of  his  celestial 


THE  MOORS  OF  SPAIN.  !*>«  * 

^a  wavering  fortunes  of 

css  -of  w  r 

t  assumed  elsewhere  only  a  pohUcal  or 

UtTore    here   the  garb   of  religion. 
pe,      M  ^  ^ 


those  of  Palestine,  where  the 


andbeheld   also  the   enemies  of  God;   and 
Egs  of  national  hostility  were  still  further  em- 
bittered by  those  of  religious  hatred.    In  the  palmy 
days  of  the  Arabian  empire,  these  feelings    i 
true,  were  tempered  by  those   of  respect  for  an 
enemy  who  in  the   various    forms  of   civilization 
surpassed  not  merely  the  Spaniards,  but  every  na- 
tion in  Christendom.     Nor  was  this  respect  wholly 
abated  under  the  princes   who   afterwards   rued 
with  imperial  sway  over  Granada,   and  who  < 
played,  in  their  little  courts,  such  a  union  of 
courtesies  of  Christian  chivalry  with  the  magnifi- 
cence of  the  East,  as  shed  a  ray  of  glory  on  the 
declining  days  of  the  Moslem  empire  in  the  Pen- 

insula. 

But  as  the  Arabs,  shorn  of  their  ancient  opu- 
lence and  power,  descended  in  the  scale,  the  Span- 
iards became  more  arrogant.  The  feelings  of  aver- 
sion with  which  they  had  hitherto  regarded  their 
enemies,  were  now  mingled  with  those  of  contempt. 


Cn.  I.]  EFFORTS   TO   CONVERT   THEM.  7 

The  latent  fire  of  intolerance  was  fanned  into  a 
blaze  by  the  breath  of  the  fanatical  clergy,  who 
naturally  possessed  unbounded  influence  in  a  coun- 
try where  religious  considerations  entered  so  large- 
ly into  the  motives  of  action  as  they  did  in  Spain. 
To  crown  the  whole,  the  date  of  the  fall  of  Granada 
coincided  with  that  of  the  establishment  of  the 
Inquisition, — as  if  the  hideous  monster  had  wait- 
ed the  time  when  an  inexhaustible  supply  of  vic- 
tims might  be  afforded  for  its  insatiable  maw. 

By  the  terms  of  the  treaty  of  capitulation,  the 
people  of  Granada  were  allowed  to  remain  in  pos- 
session of  their  religion  and  to  exercise  its  rites  ; 
and  it  was  especially  stipulated  that  no  induce- 
ments or  menaces  should  be  held  out  to  effect  their 
conversion  to  Christianity.1  For  a  few  years  the 
conquerors  respected  these  provisions.  Under  the 
good  Talavera,  the  first  archbishop  of  Granada, 
no  attempt  was  made  to  convert  the  Moslems  ex- 
cept by  the  legitimate  means  of  preaching  to  the 
people  and  of  expounding  to  them  the  truths  of 
revelation*  Under  such  a  course  of  instruction 
the  work  of  proselytism,  though  steadily,  went  on 
too  slowly  to  satisfy  the  impatience  of  some  of  the 
clergy.  Among  others,  that  extraordinary  man, 
Cardinal  Ximenes,  archbishop  of  Toledo,  was  eager 

1  "  Que  ningun  Moro  ni  Mora  serd  recebida,  hasta  ser  interroga- 

serrin  apremiados  d  ser  Christianos  da."     See  the  original  treaty,  as 

contra  su  voluntad ;  y  que  si  al-  given  in  extenso  by  Marmol,  Re- 

gima  doncella,  6  casada,  d  viuda,  belion   de  los  Moriscos,  (Madrid, 

por  razon  de  algunos  amores  so  1797,)  torn.  I.  pp.  83-98. 
quisiere  tornar  Christiana,  tampoco 


THE  MOORS   OF  SPAIN-  POCK  V. 

o 

,  try  his  own  hand  in  the  labor  of  conversion 
-  pd  the  royal  assent,  he  set  about  the 

^i?^ 

±  3l   as  to  the  means  to  be  employed  as  the  mos 
S   Propagandist  could  have  des.ed     Wh, 
reasoning   and   expostulation    failed,    he  di( 
hes     te  to  resort  to  bribes,  and,  if  need  were,  to 
£*     Under  these  combined  influences  the  work 
of  proselytism  went  on  apace.     Thousands   were 
added  daily  to  the  Christian  fold;  and  the  more 
orthodox  Mussulmans  trembled  at  the  prospect  of 
a  general  defection  of  their  countrymen, 
perated  by  the  unscrupulous  measures  of  the  pro 
late,  and  the  gross  violation  they  involved  of 
treaty,  they  broke  out  into  an  insurrection,  whic 
soon  extended  along  the  mountain  ranges  in  the 
neighborhood  of  Granada. 

Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  alarmed  at  the  conse- 
quences, were  filled  with  indignation  at  the  high- 
handed   conduct    of  Ximenes.     But    he    replied, 
that  the  state  of  things  was  precisely  that  which 
was  most  to  be  desired.     By  placing  themselves  in 
an  attitude  of  rebellion,  the  Moors  had  renounced 
all  the  advantages  secured  by  the  treaty,  and  had, 
moreover,  incurred  the  penalties  of  death  and  con- 
fiscation of  property  !    It  would  be  an  act  of  grace 
in  the  sovereigns  to  overlook  their   offence,   and 
grant  an  amnesty  for  the  past,  on  condition  that 
every  Moor  should  at  once  receive  baptism  or  leave 
the  country.2    This  precious  piece   of   casuistry, 

2  "  Y  que  pues  habian  sido  rebeldes,  y  por  ello  mereclan  pena  de 


Cn.  I.]      EFFORTS  TO  CONVERT  THEM.          9 

hardly  surpassed  by  anything  in  ecclesiastical  an- 
nals, found  favor  in  the  eyes  of  the  sovereigns, 
who,  after  the  insurrection  had  been  quelled,  lost 
no  time  in  proposing  the  terms  suggested  by  their 
minister  as  the  only  terms  of  reconciliation  open  to 
the  Moors.  And  as  but  few  of  that  unhappy  peo- 
ple were  prepared  to  renounce  their  country  and 
their  worldly  prospects  for  the  sake  of  their  faith, 
the  result  was,  that  in  a  very  short  space  of  time, 
with  but  comparatively  few  exceptions,  every  Mos- 
lem in  the  dominions  of  Castile  consented  to  ab- 
jure his  own  faith  and  receive  that  of  his  ene- 
mies.3 

A  similar  course  of  proceeding  was  attended 
with  similar  results  in  Valencia  and  other  domin- 
ions of  the  crown  of  Aragon,  in  the  earlier  part  of 
Charles  the  Fifth's  reign ;  and,  before  that  young 
monarch  had  been  ten  years  upon  the  throne,  the 
whole  Moorish  population  —  Moriscoes,  as  they 
were  henceforth  to  be  called  —  were  brought  with- 
in the  pale  of  Christianity,  —  or,  to  speak  more 
correctly,  within  that  of  the  Inquisition.4 

Such  conversions,  it  may  well  be  believed,  had 
taken  too  little  root  in  the  heart  to  bear  fruit  It 
was  not  long  before  the  agents  of  the  Holy  Office 

mucrte  y  pcrdimcnto  de  bienes,  el  the  History  of  Ferdinand  and  Isa- 

perdon  quo  les  concediesc  fuese  bella,  part  II.  chapters  6,  7. 
condicional,  con  quo  se  tornasen        4  Advertimientos  de   Don   Ge- 

Christianos,  6  dexasen  la  tierra."  ronimo  Corella  aobre  la  Conversion 

Ibid.,  p.  122.  de  los  Moriscos  del  Reyno  de  Va- 

3  The  reader  curious  in  the  mat-  lencia,  MS. 
ter  will  find  a  full  account  of  it  iu 

VOL.  in.  2 


1Q  THE  MOORS  OF   SPAIN.  [Boo*  V. 

detected,  under  the  parade  of  outward  conformity, 
as  rank  a  growth  of  infidelity  as  had  existed  before 
the  conquest.     The  blame  might  in  part,  indeed, 
be  fairly  imputed  to  the  lukewarmness  of  the  Chris- 
tian laborers  employed  in  the  work  of  conversion. 
To  render  this  more  effectual,  the  government  had 
caused  churches  to  be  built  in  the  principal  towns 
and  villages  occupied  by  the  Moriscoes,  and  sent 
missionaries  among  them  to  wean  them  from  their 
errors   and  unfold  the  great  truths  of  revelation. 
But  an  act  of  divine  grace  could  alone  work  an 
instantaneous  change  in  the  convictions  of  a  nation. 
The  difficulties  of  the  preachers  were  increased  by 
their  imperfect  acquaintance  with  the  language  of 
their  hearers ;  and  they  had  still  further  to  over- 
come  the  feelings  of  jealousy  and  aversion  with 
which  the  Spaniard  was  naturally  regarded  by  the 
Mussulman.     Discouraged  by  these  obstacles,  the 
missionary  became  indifferent  to  the  results.     In- 
stead of  appealing  to  the  understanding,  or  touch- 
ing the  heart,  of  his  hearer,  he  was  willing  to 
accept  his  conformity  to  outward  ceremony  as  the 
evidence  of  his  conversion.     Even  in  his  own  per- 
formance of  the  sacred  rites  the  ecclesiastic  showed 
a  careless  indifference,  that  proved  his  heart  was 
little  in  the  work ;  and  he  scattered  the  purifying 
waters  of  baptism  in  so  heedless  a  way  over  the 
multitude,  that  it  was  not  uncommon  for  a  Mo- 
risco  to  assert  that  none  of  the  consecrated  drops 
had  fallen  upon  him.5 

5  "  Sin  tratar  de  instruir  &  cada  uno  en  particular  ni  de  examinar 


Cu.  I.]  EFFORTS  TO  CONVERT  THEM.  11 

The  representations  of  the  clergy  at  length  drew 
the  attention  of  the  government.  It  was  decided 
that  the  hest  mode  of  effecting  the  conversion  of 
the  Moslems  was  by  breaking  up  those  associations 
which  connected  them  with  the  past,  —  by  com- 
pelling them,  in  short,  to  renounce  their  ancient 
usages,  their  national  dress,  and  even  their  language. 
An  extraordinary  edict  to  that  effect,  designed  for 
Granada,  was  accordingly  published  by  Charles  in 
the  summer  of  1526  ;  and  all  who  did  not  conform 
to  it  were  to  be  arraigned  before  the  Inquisition. 
The  law  was  at  once  met,  as  might  have  been  ex- 
pected, by  remonstrances  from  the  men  of  most 
consideration  among  the  Moriscoes,  who,  to  give 
efficacy  to  their  petition,  promised  the  round  sum 
of  eighty  thousand  gold  ducats  to  the  emperor  in 
case  their  prayers  should  be  granted.  Charles,  who 
in  his  early  days  did  not  always  allow  considera- 
tions of  religion  to  supersede  those  of  a  worldly 
policy,  lent  a  favorable  ear  to  the  petitioners ;  and 
the  monstrous  edict,  notwithstanding  some  efforts 
to  the  contrary,  was  never  suffered  to  go  into  op- 
eration during  his  reign.6 

los  ni  saber  su  voluntad  los  bapti-  —  Ferreras,  IIi*t.  Gdndrale  d'Es- 

/nmn  u  manadaa  y  dc  modo  que  pagne,  torn.  IX.  p.  C5,  C8.  —  Van- 

algunos  de  clloa,  segun  es  fama,  derhammen,  Don  Juan  de  Austria, 

1'MMcmn    pleito    quo  no  los   avia  fol.  55. 

tocado  el  agua  que  en  comun  lea  The  last  writer  says  that,  besides 

hechavan."    Ibid.  the   largess  to  the    emperor,  tho 

•  Marmol,  Rebelion  de  los  Mo-  Moriscoes  •were  canny  enough  to 

riscos,  torn.   I.   pp.    133-155. —  secure  the  good-will  of  his  ministers 

Bleda,  Coronica  do  los  Moros  de  by  a  liberal  supply  of  doubloons 

Kspafia,  (Valencia,  1C18,)  p.  656.  to    them   also.  —  "  Sirvieron    al 

—  Advertimientoa  de  Corella,  MS.  Empcrador  con  ochcnta  mil  duca- 


}2  THE  MOORS  OF  SPAIN.  [BooK  V. 

Such  was  the  state  of  things  on  the  accession  of 
Philip  the  Second.  Granada,  Malaga,  and  the 
other  principal  cities  of  the  south,  were  filled  with 
a  mingled  population  of  Spaniards  and  Moriscoes, 
the  latter  of  whom,  —  including  many  persons  of 
wealth  and  consideration,  —  under  the  influence  of 
a  more  ultimate  contact  with  the  Christians,  gave 
evidence,  from  time  to  time,  of  conversion  to  the 
faith  of  their  conquerors.  But  by  far  the  larger 
part  of  the  Moorish  population  was  scattered  over 
the  mountain  range  of  the  Alpujarras,  southeast 
of  Granada,  and  among  the  bold  sierras  that  stretch 
along  the  southern  shores  of  Spain.  Here,  amidst 
those  frosty  peaks,  rising  to  the  height  of  near 
twelve  thousand  feet  above  the  level  of  the  sea, 
and  readily  descried,  from  their  great  elevation, 
by  the  distant  voyager  on  the  Mediterranean,  was 
many  a  green,  sequestered  valley,  on  which  the 
Moorish  peasant  had  exhausted  that  elaborate  cul- 
ture which,  in  the  palmy  days  of  his  nation,  was 
unrivalled  in  any  part  of  Europe.7  His  patient  toil 
had  constructed  terraces  from  the  rocky  soil,  and, 
planting  them  with  vines,  had  clothed  the  bald 

dos.     Aprovechbles  esto,  y  buena  "  Porque  entre  pnnta*  y  pun  tan 

suma  de  doblones  que  dieron  a  los  Hay  valle8  que  u  hermo*»n. 

.       ,  *         .  Campos  que  la  fcrtilizan, 

pnvados  para  que   Carlos  SUSpen-  Jardine*  que  la  deleitan. 

diesse  la  execucion  deste  acuerdo."  Toda  eiia  esti  poblada 

7  Calderon,  in  his  "  Amar  des-  ^  vlll*8es  y  d«  aldeas ; 

pues  de  la  Muerte,"  has  shed  the  ?!'  i"e' cuaf°  el  ^  "J10"0 

1  A  las  Yislumbres  que  deja, 

splendors    of    his    muse    over    the  Parecen  riscos  nacidos 

green  and  sunny  spots  that  glitter  Concavoe  entre  las  penaa, 

like  emeralds  amidst  the  craggy  Que  rodaron  de  u  cumbre 

wilds  of  the  Alpujarras. 


CH.  I]  HOMES  IN  THE  ALPUJARRAS.  13 

sides  of  the  sierra  with  a  delicious  verdure.  With 
the  like  industry  he  had  contrived  a  network  of 
canals  along  the  valleys  and  lower  levels,  which, 
fed  by  the  streams  from  the  mountains,  nourished 
the  land  with  perpetual  moisture.  The  different 
elevations  afforded  so  many  different  latitudes  for 
agricultural  production ;  and  the  fig,  the  pome- 
granate, and  the  orange  grew  almost  side  by  side 
with  the  hemp  of  the  north  and  the  grain  of  more 
temperate  climates.  The  lower  slopes  of  the  sierra 
afforded  extensive  pastures  for  flocks  of  merino 
sheep ; 8  and  the  mulberry-tree  was  raised  in  great 
abundance  for  the  manufacture  of  silk,  which 
formed  an  important  article  of  export  from  the 
kingdom  of  Granada. 

Thus  gathered  in  their  little  hamlets  among  the 
mountains,  the  people  of  the  Alpujarras  main- 
tained the  same  sort  of  nigged  independence  which 
belonged  to  the  ancient  Goth  when  he  had  taken 
shelter  from  the  Saracen  invader  in  the  fastnesses 
of  the  Asturias.  Here  the  Moriscoes,  formed  into 
communities  which  preserved  their  national  asso- 
ciations, still  cherished  the  traditions  of  their  fa- 
thers, and  perpetuated  those  usages  and  domestic 
institutions  that  kept  alive  the  memory  of  ancient 
days.  It  was  from  the  Alpujarras  that,  in  former 
times,  the  kings  of  Granada  had  drawn  the  brave 

8  Senor  do  Gayangos,  correcting  in  pastures."     See  that    treasure 

a  blunder  of  Casiri  on  the  subject,  of  Oriental  learning,  the   History 

tells  us  that  the  Arabic  name  of  of  the  Mohammedan  Dynasties  in 

the   Alpujarras  was    Al-busherat,  Spain,   (London,  1843,)   voL  II. 

signifying  "  mountains  abounding  p.  515. 


won  ««         •       '     ""'  '' 


**- 


'The'  products  of  the  husbandman  furnished  the 
££  o'f  a  gainful  commerce  with  the  =  . 
the  Mediterranean,  and  especially  with  the  kind 
people  on  the  Barbary  shores.     The  treaty  of  Gra- 
Lda  secured  certain  commercial  advantages  to  t 
M"yond  .hat  .ere  enjoyed  by  the  Span- 
S?  This.it  may  well  be  believed,  was  looked 
npon  with  no  friendly  eye  by  the  latter,  vvho  had 
some  ground,  moreover,  for  distrusting  the  policy 
of  an  intercourse  between  the  Moslems  of  Spam  and 
those  of  Africa,  bound  together  as  they  we, 


9  Such  was  the  exemption  from    se  les  dara  li 

^rsr-JE  SS^S 
S  S^S^t*  s^SSES  £ 

losMorosqueentraren  debaxo  de  tianos  acostumbran  pa^ar. 

ostas  capitulaciones  y  conciertos,  mol,  l^belion  d< 

quisieren  ir  con  sus  mercaderias  I.  p. 
d  tratar  y  contratar  en  Bcrberia, 


CH.  I.]    TREATMENT  BY  THE  GOVERNMENT.       15 

many  ties,  —  above  all,  by  a  common  hatred  of 
the  Christians.  With  the  feelings  of  political  dis- 
trust were  mingled  those  of  cupidity  and  envy,  as 
the  Spaniard  saw  the  fairest  provinces  of  the  south 
still  in  the  hands  of  the  accursed  race  of  Ishmael, 
while  he  was  condemned  to  earn  a  scanty  subsist- 
ence from  the  comparatively  ungenial  soil  of  the 
north. 

In  this  state  of  things,  with  the  two  races  not 
merely  dissimilar,  but  essentially  hostile  to  one 
another,  it  will  readily  be  understood  how  difficult 
it  must  have  been  to  devise  any  system  of  legisla- 
tion, by  which  they  could  be  brought  to  act  in 
harmony  as  members  of  the  same  political  body. 
That  the  endeavors  of  the  Spanish  government 
were  not  crowned  with  success  would  hardly  sur- 
prise us,  even  had  its  measures  been  more  uniform- 
ly wise  and  considerate. 

The  government  caused  the  Alpujarras  to  be 
divided  into  districts,  and  placed  under  the  control 
of  magistrates,  who,  with  their  families,  resided  in 
the  places  assigned  as  the  seats  of  their  jurisdic- 
tion. There  seem  to  have  been  few  other  Chris- 
tians who  dwelt  among  the  Moorish  settlements 
in  the  sierra,  except,  indeed,  the  priests  who  had 
charge  of  the  spiritual  concerns  of  the  natives.  As 
the  conversion  of  these  latter  was  the  leading  ob- 
ject of  the  government,  they  caused  churches  to 
be  erected  in  all  the  towns  and  hamlets ;  and  the 
curates  were  instructed  to  use  every  effort  to  en- 
lighten the  minds  of  their  flocks,  and  to  see  that 


16 


THE  MOORS  OF  SPAIN.  [BOOK  V. 


they  were  punctual  in  attendance  on  the  rites  and 
ceremonies  of  the  Church.  But  it  was  soon  too 
evident  that  attention  to  forms  and  ceremonies  was 
the  only  approach  made  to  the  conversion  of  the 
heathen,  and  that  below  this  icy  crust  of  conform- 
ity the  waters  of  infidelity  lay  as  dark  and  deep 
as  ever.  The  result,  no  doubt,  was  to  be  partly 
charged  on  the  clergy  themselves,  many  of  whom 
grew  languid  in  the  execution  of  a  task  which 
seemed  to  them  to  be  hopeless.10  And  what  task, 
in  truth,  could  be  more  hopeless  than  that  of  per- 
suading a  whole  nation  at  once  to  renounce  their 
long-established  convictions,  to  abjure  the  faith  of 
their  fathers,  associated  in  their  minds  with  many 
a  glorious  recollection,  and  to  embrace  the  faith  of 
the  very  men  whom  they  regarded  with  unmeasured 
hatred  ?  It  would  be  an  act  of  humiliation  not  to 
be  expected  even  in  a  conquered  race. 

In  accomplishing  a  work  so  much  to  be  desired, 
the  Spaniards,  if  they  cannot  be  acquitted  of  the 
charge  of  persecution,  must  be  allowed  not  to  have 
urged  persecution  to  anything  like  the  extent  which 
they  had  done  in  the  case  of  the  Protestant  re- 

10  Such  is  the  opinion  expressed  hasta  agora  no  se  puede  imputar  a 

by  the  author  of  the  "  Advertimien-  ser  incurable  la  enfennedad,  si  no 

tos"  whose  remarks — having  par-  a  averse  errado  la  cura,  y  tambien 

ticular  reference  to    Valencia  —  se  vee  que  hasta  oy  no  estan  basta- 

are  conceived  in  a  spirit  of  candor,  mente  descargados  delante  de  Dios 

and  of  charity  towards  the  Mos-  nuestro  Senor  aquellos  &  quien  toca 

lems,  rarely  found  in  a  Spaniard  este  nepocio,  pues  no  ban  puesto 

of  the  sixteenth  century.  —  "  De  los  medios    que    Christo    nuestro 

dondc,"  he  says,  "  colije  claramente  Senor  tiene  ordenados  para  la  cura 

que  el  no  sanar    estos  enfermos  de  este  mal."    MS. 


Cu.  I.]          TREATMENT  BY  TIIE  GOVERNMENT.  17 

formers.  Whether  from  policy  or  from  some  natu- 
ral regard  to  the  helplessness  of  these  benighted 
heathen,  the  bloodhounds  of  the  Inquisition  were 
not  as  yet  allowed  to  run  down  their  game  at  will ; 
and,  if  they  did  terrify  the  natives  by  displaying 
their  formidable  fangs,  the  time  had  not  yet  come 
when  they  were  to  slip  the  leash  and  spring 
upon  their  miserable  victims.  It  is  true  there 
were  some  exceptions  to  this  more  discreet  pol- 
icy. The  Holy  Office  had  its  agents  abroad, 
who  kept  watch  upon  the  Moriscoes;  and  oc- 
casionally the  more  flagrant  offenders  were  de- 
livered up  to  its  tender  mercies.11  But  a  more 
frequent  source  of  annoyance  arose  from  the  teas- 
ing ordinances  from  time  to  time  issued  by  the 
government,  which  could  have  answered  no  other 
purpose  than  to  irritate  the  temper  and  sharpen 
the  animosity  of  the  Moriscoes.  If  the  govern- 
ment had  failed  in  the  important  work  of  conver- 
sion, it  was  the  more  incumbent  on  it,  by  every 
show  of  confidence  and  kindness,  to  conciliate  the 
good-will  of  the  conquered  people,  and  enable  them 
to  live  in  harmony  with  their  conquerors,  as  mem- 
bers of  the  same  community.  Such  was  not  the 
policy  of  Philip,  any  more  than  it  had  been  that 
of  his  predecessors. 

11  "Forzandoles  con  injurias  y  that  the  Inquisition  was  then  begin- 

penas  pecuniarias  y  juaticiando  d  ning  to  worry  the  Moriscoes  more 

algunos  de  ellos."  Ibid.  than  usual;  —  "  Porque  la  Inquisi- 

Mendoza,  speaking  of  a  some-  cion  los  comenzd  :i  apretar  mas  de 

what  later  period,  just  before  the  lo  ordinario."  Guerra  de  Granada, 

outbreak,  briefly  alludes  to  the  fact  (Valencia,  1 776,)  p.  20. 

VOL.   III.  3 


18  THE  MOORS  OF  SPAIN.  [BOOK  V. 

During  the  earlier  years  of  his  reign,  the  king's 
attention  was  too  closely  occupied  with  foreign 
affairs  to  leave  him  much  leisure  for  those  of  the 
Moriscoes.  It  was  certain,  however,  that  they 
would  not  long  escape  the  notice  of  a  prince  who 
regarded  uniformity  of  faith  as  the  corner-stone  of 
his  government  The  first  important  act  of  legisla- 
tion bearing  on  these  people  was  in  1560,  when 
the  Cortes  of  Castile  presented  a  remonstrance  to 
the  throne  against  the  use  of  negro  slaves  by  the 
Moriscoes,  who  were  sure  to  instruct  them  in  their 
Mahometan  tenets,  and  thus  to  multiply  the  num- 
ber of  infidels  in  the  land.13  A  royal  pragmatic 
was  accordingly  passed,  interdicting  the  use  of 
African  slaves  by  the  Moslems  of  Granada.  The 
prohibition  caused  the  greatest  annoyance ;  for  the 
wealthier  classes  were  in  the  habit  of  employing 
these  slaves  for  domestic  purposes,  while  in  the 
country  they  were  extensively  used  for  agricultu- 
ral labor. 

In  1563,  another  ordinance  was  published,  reviv- 
ing a  law  which  had  fallen  into  disuse,  and  which 
prohibited  the  Moriscoes  from  having  any  arms  in 
their  possession  but  such  as  were  duly  licensed  by 
the  captain-general  and  were  stamped  with  his  es- 
cutcheon.13 The  office  of  captain-general  of  Gra- 

12  Marmol,  Rebelipn  dc  los  Mo-        The  penalty  for   violating  the 
riscos,  torn.  I.  p.  135.  above    ordinance    was    six    years' 

13  Ibid.,  torn.  II.  p.  338.— Or-  hard  labor  in   the  galleys.     That 
denanzas  de  Granada,  fol.  375,  ap.  for  counterfeiting  the  stomp  of  the 
Circourt,  Hist  des  Arabes   d'Es-  Mendoza  arms    was   death.     Vce 
pagne,  (Paris,  1846,)  torn.  II.  p.  victis ! 

267. 


Ca.  I]    TREATMENT  BY  THE  GOVERNMENT.       19 

nada  was  filled  at  this  time  by  Don  Inigo  Lopez  de 
Mendoza,  count  of  Tendilla,  who  soon  after,  on  his 
father's  death,  succeeded  to  the  title  of  marquis  of 
Mondejar.  The  important  post  which  he  held  had 
been  hereditary  in  his  family  ever  since  the  con- 
quest of  Granada.  The  present  nobleman  was  a 
worthy  scion  of  the  illustrious  house  from  which 
he  sprung.14  His  manners  were  blunt,  and  not  such 
as  win  popularity ;  but  he  was  a  man  of  integrity, 
with  a  nice  sense  of  honor  and  a  humane  heart,  — 
the  last  of  not  too  common  occurrence  in  the  iron 
days  of  chivalry.  Though  bred  a  soldier,  he  was 
inclined  to  peace.  His  life  had  been  passed  much 
among  the  Moriscoes,  so  that  he  perfectly  under- 
stood their  humors;  and,  as  he  was  a  person  of 
prudence  and  moderation,  it  is  not  improbable,  had 
affairs  been  left  to  his  direction,  that  the  country 
would  have  escaped  many  of  those  troubles  which 
afterwards  befell  it. 

It  was  singular,  considering  the  character  of 
Mendoza,  that  he  should  have  recommended  so 
ill-advised  a  measure  as  that  relating  to  the  arms 
of  the  Moriscoes.  The  ordinance  excited  a  general 
indignation  in  Granada.  The  people  were  offended 
by  the  distrust  which  such  a  law  implied  of  their 
loyalty.  They  felt  it  an  indignity  to  be  obliged 
to  sue  for  permission  to  do  what  they  considered 

14  The  name  of  Mendoza,  which  appearance  in  Spanish  history  as 

occupied  for  so  many  generations  far  back  as  the  beginning  of  the 

a  prominent  place  in  arms,  in  poli-  thirteenth  century. — Mariana,  Ilis- 

tics,  and  in  letters,  makes  its  first  toria  de  Espaiia,  torn.  I.  p.  G7C. 


2Q  THE  MOORS  OF  SPAIN.  [Boos  V. 

it  was  theirs  of  right  to  do.  Those  of  higher 
condition  disdained  to  wear  weapons  displaying 
the  heraldic  bearings  of  the  Mendozas  instead  of 
their  own.  But  the  greater  number,  without  re- 
gard to  the  edict,  provided  themselves  secretly 
with  arms,  which,  as  it  reached  the  ears  of  the 
authorities,  led  to  frequent  prosecutions.  Thus  a 
fruitful  source  of  irritation  was  opened,  and  many, 
to  escape  punishment,  fled  to  the  mountains,  and 
there  too  often  joined  the  brigands,  who  haunted 
the  passes  of  the  Alpujarras,  and  bade  defiance  to 
the  feeble  police  of  the  Spaniards.15 

These  impolitic  edicts,  as  they  were  irritating  to 
the  Moriscoes,  were  but  preludes  to  an  ordinance 
of  so  astounding  a  character  as  to  throw  the  whole 
country  into  a  state  of  revolution.  The  apostasy 
of  the  Moriscoes,  —  or,  to  speak  more  correctly, 
the  constancy  with  which  they  adhered  to  the  faith 
of  their  fathers,  — gave  great  scandal  to  the  old 
Christians,  especially  to  the  clergy,  and  above  all 
to  its  head,  Don  Pedro  Guerrero,  archbishop  of 
Granada.  This  prelate  seems  to  have  been  a  man 
of  an  uneasy,  meddlesome  spirit,  and  possessed  of  a 
full  share  of  the  bigotry  of  his  time.  While  in 
Rome,  shortly  before  this,  period,  he  had  made 
such  a  representation  to  Pope  Pius  the  Fourth  as 

is  M.  de  Circourt,  in  his  inter-  of  the    Moriscoes,    in    which   ho 

esting  volumes,  has  given  a  minute  shows  a  very  careful  study  of  the 

account  — much  too   minute    for  subject  — Hist  des  Arabes  d'Es- 

these  pages  —  of  the  first  develop-  pagne,  torn.  II.  pp.  268  et  seq. 
ments  of  the  insurrectionary  spirit 


CH.  I.J    TREATMENT  BY  THE  GOVERNMENT.      21 

drew  from  that  pontiff  a  remonstrance,  addressed 
to  the  Spanish  government,  on  the  spiritual  con- 
dition of  the  Moriscoes.  Soon  after,  in  the  year 
1567,  a  memorial  was  presented  to  the  govern- 
ment, by  Guerrero  and  the  clergy  of  his  diocese,  in 
which,  after  insisting  on  the  manifold  backslidings 
of  the  "  New  Christians,"  as  the  Moriscoes  were 
termed,  they  loudly  called  for  some  efficacious  meas- 
ures to  arrest  the  evil.  These  people,  they  said, 
whatever  show  of  conformity  they  might  make  to 
the  requisitions  of  the  Church,  were  infidels  at 
heart.  When  their  children  were  baptized,  they 
were  careful,  on  returning  home,  to  wash  away  the 
traces  of  baptism,  and,  after  circumcising  them,  to 
give  them  Moorish  names.  In  like  manner,  when 
their  marriages  had  been  solemnized  with  Christian 
rites,  they  were  sure  to  confirm  them  afterwards 
by  their  own  ceremonies,  accompanied  with  the 
national  songs  and  dances.  They  continued  to 
observe  Friday  as  a  holy  day;  and  what  was  of 
graver  moment,  they  were  known  to  kidnap  the 
children  of  the  Christians,  and  sell  them  to  their 
brethren  on  the  coast  of  Barbary,  where  they  were 
circumcised,  and  nurtured  in  the  Mahometan  re- 
ligion. This  last  accusation,  however  improbable, 
found  credit  with  the  Spaniards,  and  sharpened 
the  feelings  of  jealousy  and  hatred  with  which 
they  regarded  the  unhappy  race  of  Ishmael.1 


M 


18  Fen-eras,     Hist.    d'Espagne,     142.  —  Vanderhammen,  Don  Juan 
torn.  IX.  p.  524.  —  Marmol,  Re-    de  Austria,  fol.  55. 
bclion  de  los  Moriscos,  torn.  I.  p. 


22  THE  MOOES  OF  SPAIN.  [BOOK  V. 

The  memorial  of  the  clergy  received  prompt 
attention  from  the  government,  at  whose  sugges- 
tion, very  possibly,  it  had  been  prepared.  A  com- 
mission was  at  once  appointed  to  examine  into  the 
matter;  and  their  report  was  laid  before  a  junta 
consisting  of  both  ecclesiastics  and  laymen,  and 
embracing  names  of  the  highest  consideration  for 
talent  and  learning  in  the  kingdom.  Among  its 
members  we  find  the  duke  of  Alva,  who  had  not 
yet  set  out  on  his  ominous  mission  to  the  Nether- 
lands. At  its  head  was  Diego  de  Espinosa,  at 
that  time  the  favorite  minister  of  Philip,  or  at 
least  the  one  who  had  the  largest  share  in  the 
direction  of  affairs.  He  was  a  man  after  the 
king's  own  heart,  and  from  the  humble  station  of 
colegial  mayor  of  the  college  of  Cuen^a  in  Sala- 
manca, had  been  advanced  by  successive  steps  to 
the  high  post  of  president  of  the  council  of  Cas- 
tile and  of  the  council  of  the  Indies.  He  was  now 
also  bishop  of  Siguenza,  one  of  the  richest  sees  in 
the  kingdom.  He  held  an  important  office  in  the 
Inquisition,  and  was  soon  to  succeed  Valdes  in  the 
unenviable  post  of  grand  inquisitor.  To  conclude 
the  catalogue  of  his  honors,  no  long  time  was  to 
elapse  before,  at  his  master's  suggestion,  he  was  to 
receive  from  Rome  a  cardinal's  hat.  The  deference 
shown  by  Philip  to  his  minister,  increased  as  it 
was  by  this  new  accession  of  spiritual  dignity,  far 
exceeded  what  he  had  ever  shown  to  any  other 
of  his  subjects. 

Espinosa  was  at  this  time  in  the   morning  or 


CH.  I.]  THE  MINISTER  ESPINOSA.  23 

rather  the  meridian,  of  his  power.  His  qualifica- 
tions for  business  would  have  been  extraordinary 
even  in  a  layman.  He  was  patient  of  toil,  cheer- 
fully doing  the  work  of  others  as  well  as  his  own. 
This  was  so  far  fortunate  that  it  helped  to  give  him 
that  control  in  the  direction  of  affairs  which  was 
coveted  by  his  aspiring  nature.  He  had  a  dignified 
and  commanding  presence,  with  but  few  traces  of 
that  humility  which  would  have  been  graceful  in 
one  who  had  risen  so  high  by  his  master's  favor 
as  much  as  by  his  own  deserts.  His  haughty  bear- 
ing gave  offence  to  the  old  nobility  of  Castile,  who 
scornfully  looked  from  the  minister's  present  ele- 
vation to  the  humble  level  from  which  he  had 
risen.  It  was  regarded  with  less  displeasure,  it  is 
said,  by  the  king,  who  was  not  unwilling  to  see 
the  pride  of  the  ancient  aristocracy  rebuked  by  one 
whom  he  had  himself  raised  from  the  dust.17  Their 
mortification,  however,  was  to  be  appeased  erelong 
by  the  fall  of  the  favorite,  —  an  event  as  signal  and 
unexpected  by  the  world,  and  as  tragical  to  the 
subject  of  it,  as  the  fall  of  Wolsey. 

The  man  who  was  qualified  for  the  place  of 
grand  inquisitor  was  not  likely  to  feel  much  sym- 
pathy for  the  race  of  unbelievers.  It  was  unfor- 

17  Such  was  the  judgment  of  the  huomo  da  bcne,  libero  et  schietto, 

aeuto  Venetian  who,  as  one  of  the  et  perche  S.  M.  vuol  tener  bassi  li 

train  of  the  minister  Tiepolo,  ob-  grand!  di  Spagna,  conoscendo  1'  al- 

taiiu-d  a  near  view  of  what  was  tierissima  natura  loro."     Gachard, 

]>assin<_'  in  the  court  of  Philip  the  Relations  dcs  Ambassadeurs  Yeni- 

Second. — "  Levato  di  bassissimo  tiens  sur  Charles-Quint  et  Philippe 

ptato  dal  re,  e  posto  in  tanta  gran-  II.,  (Bruxelles,  1855,)  p.  175. 
dezza  in    pochi    anni,   per  csser 


24  THE  MOORS  OF  SPAIN.  [BOOK  V. 

tunate  for  the  Moriscoes  that  their  destinies  should 
be  placed  in  the  hands  of  such  a  minister  as  Espi- 
nosa.  After  due  deliberation,  the  junta  came  to 
the  decision  that  the  only  remedy  for  the  present 
evil  was  to  lay  the  axe  to  the  root  of  it ;  to  cut  off 
all  those  associations  which  connected  the  Moris- 
coes with  their  earlier  history,  and  which  were  so 
many  obstacles  in  the  way  of  their  present  con- 
version. It  was  recommended  that  they  should  be 
interdicted  from  employing  the  Arabic  either  in 
speaking  or  writing,  for  which  they  were  to  use 
only  the  Castilian.  They  were  not  even  to  be  al- 
lowed to  retain  their  family  names,  but  were  to 
exchange  them  for  Spanish  ones.  All  written  in- 
struments and  legal  documents,  of  whatever  kind, 
were  declared  to  be  void  and  of  no  effect  unless 
in  the  Castilian.  As  time  must  be  allowed  for  a 
whole  people  to  change  its  language,  three  years 
were  assigned  as  the  period  at  the  end  of  which 
this  provision  should  take  effect. 

They  were  to  be  required  to  exchange  their 
national  dress  for  that  of  the  Spaniards ;  and,  as 
the  Oriental  costume  was  highly  ornamented,  and 
often  very  expensive,  they  were  to  be  allowed  to 
wear  their  present  clothes  one  year  longer  if  of 
silk,  and  two  years  if  of  cotton,  the  latter  being  the 
usual  apparel  of  the  poorer  classes.  The  women, 
moreover,  both  old  and  young,  were  to  be  required, 
from  the  passage  of  the  law,  to  go  abroad  with 
their  faces  uncovered,  —  a  scandalous  thing  among 
Mahometans. 


CH.  I]  EDICT  AGAINST  THE  MORISCOES.  25 

Their  weddings  were  to  be  conducted  in  public, 
after  the  Christian  forms;  and  the  doors  of  their 
houses  were  to  be  left  open  during  the  day  of  the 
ceremony,  that  any  one  might  enter  and  see  that 
they  did  not  have  recourse  to  unhallowed  rites. 
They  were  further  to  be  interdicted  from  the  na- 
tional songs  and  dances  with  which  they  were  wont 
to  celebrate  their  domestic  festivities.  Finally,  as 
rumors — most  absurd  ones — had  got  abroad  that 
the  warm  baths  which  the  natives  were  in  the  habit 
of  using '  in  their  houses  were  perverted  to  licen- 
tious indulgences,  they  were  to  be  required  to  de- 
stroy the  vessels  in  which  they  bathed,  and  to  use 
nothing  of  the  kind  thereafter. 

These  several  provisions  were  to  be  enforced  by 
penalties  of  the  sternest  kind.  For  the  first  offence 
the  convicted  party  was  to  be  punished  with  im- 
prisonment for  a  month,  with  banishment  from 
the  country  for  two  years,  and  with  a  fine  varying 
from  six  hundred  to  ten  thousand  maravedis.  For 
a  second  offence  the  penalties  were  to  be  doubled ; 
and  for  a  third,  the  culprit,  in  addition  to  former 
penalties,  was  to  be  banished  for  life.  The  ordi- 
nance was  closely  modelled  on  that  of  Charles  the 
Fifth,  which,  as  we  have  seen,  he  was  too  politic  to 
carry  into  execution.18 

18  This  remarkable  ordinance  offence  of  indulging  in  •warm 

may  be  found  in  the  Nueva  Reco-  baths.  For  a  second  repetition 

pilacion,  (ed.  1640,)  lib.  VIII.  tit.  of  this,  the  culprit  was  sentenced 

2,  leyes  13-18.  to  six  years'  labor  in  the  galleys 

The  most  severe  penalties  were  and  the  confiscation  of  half  his 

those  directed  against  the  heinous  estate! 


2(5  THE  MOORS  OF  SPAIN.  [BOOK  V. 

Such  were  the  principal  provisions  of  a  law 
which,  for  cruelty  and  absurdity,  has  scarcely  a 
parallel  in  history.  For  what  could  be  more  ab- 
surd than  the  attempt  by  an  act  of  legislation  to 
work  such  a  change  in  the  long-established  habits 
of  a  nation,  —  to  efface  those  recollections  of  the 
past,  to  which  men  ever  cling  most  closely  under 
the  pressure  of  misfortune,  —  to  blot  out  by  a 
single  stroke  of  the  pen,  as  it  were,  not  only  the 
creed,  but  the  nationality  of  a  people,  —  to  convert 
the  Moslem,  at  once,  both  into  a  Christian  and 
into  a  Castilian  I  It  would  be  difficult  to  imagine 
any  greater  outrage  offered  to  a  people  than  the 
provision  compelling  women  to  lay  aside  their 
veils,  —  associated  as  these  were  in  every  Eastern 
mind  with  the  obligations  of  modesty ;  or  that  in 
regard  to  opening  the  doors  of  the  houses,  and 
exposing  those  within  to  the  insolent  gaze  of  every 
passer ;  or  that  in  relation  to  the  baths,  —  so  in- 
dispensable to  cleanliness  and  comfort,  especially 
in  the  warm  climate  of  the  south. 

But  the  masterpiece  of  absurdity,  undoubtedly,  is 
the  stipulation  in  regard  to  the  Arabic  language  ; 
as  if  by  any  human  art  a  whole  population,  in  the 
space  of  three  years,  could  be  made  to  substitute  a 
foreign  tongue  for  its  own ;  and  that,  too,  under  cir- 
cumstances of  peculiar  difficulty,  partly  arising  from 
the  total  want  of  affinity  between  the  Semitic  and 
the  European  languages,  and  partly  from  the  insu- 
lated position  of  the  Moriscoes,  who,  in  the  cities, 
had  separate  quarters  assigned  to  them,  in  the  same 


Cn.  I.]  EDICT  AGAINST  THE  MORISCOES.  27 

manner  as  the  Jews,  which  cut  them  off  from  in- 
timate intercourse  with  the  Christians.  "We  may 
well  doubt,  from  the  character  of  this  provision, 
whether  the  government  had  so  much  at  heart  the 
conversion  of  the  Moslems  as  the  desire  to  en- 
tangle them  in  such  violations  of  the  law  as  should 
afford  a  plausible  pretext  for  driving  them  from 
the  country  altogether.  One  is  strengthened  in 
this  view  of  the  subject  by  the  significant  reply  of 
Otadin,  professor  of  theology  at  Alcala,  who,  when 
consulted  by  Philip  on  the  expediency  of  the  ordi- 
nance, gave  his  hearty  approbation  of  it,  by  quot- 
ing the  appalling  Spanish  proverb,  "The  fewer 
enemies,  the  better."19  It  was  reserved  for  the 
imbecile  Philip  the  Third  to  crown  the  disasters  of 
his  reign  by  the  expulsion  of  the  Moriscoes.  Yet 
no  one  can  doubt  that  it  was  a  consummation 
earnestly  desired  by  the  great  body  of  the  Span- 
iards, who  looked,  as  we  have  seen,  with  longing 
eyes  to  the  fair  territory  which  they  possessed,  and 
who  regarded  them  with  the  feelings  of  distrust 
and  aversion  with  which  men  regard  those  on 
whom  they  have  inflicted  injuries  too  great  to  be 
forgiven. 

Yet  there  were  some  in  the  junta  with  whom 
the  proposed  ordinance  found  no  favor.  Among 
these,  one  who  calls  to  mind  his  conduct  in  the 

19  "  Do  los  encmijos  los  menos."  pagne,  torn.  IT.  p.  278.)     Accord- 

—  Circourt  gives  a  version  of  the  ing  to  Fen-eras,  Philip  highly  rel- 

whole  of  the  professor's  letter,  with  ished   the   maxim   of  his    ghostly 

his  precious  commentary  on   this  counsellor.     Hist.  d'Espagne,  torn. 

text.     (Ilist.    des    Arabes    d'Es-  IX.  p.  5-25. 


28  THE  MOORS  OF  SPAIN.  [BOOK  V. 

Nether  ands  may  be  surprised  to  find  the  duke 
of  Alva.  Here,  as  in  that  country,  his  course 
was  doubtless  dictated  less  by  considerations  of 
humanity  than  of  policy.  Whatever  may  have 
been  his  reasons,  they  had  little  weight  with  Es- 
pinosa,  who  probably  felt  a  secret  satisfaction  in 
thwarting  the  man  whom  he  regarded  with  all  the 
jealousy  of  a  rival.20 

What  was  Philip's  own  opinion  on  the  matter, 
we  can  but  conjecture  from  our  general  knowledge 
of  his  character.  He  professed  to  be  guided  by 
the  decision  of  the  "wise  and  learned  men"  to 
whom  he  had  committed  the  subject.  That  this 
decision  did  no  great  violence  to  his  own  feelings, 
we  may  infer  from  the  promptness  with  which  he 
signed  the  ordinance.  This  he  did  on  the  seven- 
teenth of  November,  1566,  when  the  pragmatic 
became  a  law. 

It  was  resolved,  however,  not  to  give  publicity 
to  it  at  once.  It  was  committed  to  the  particular 
charge  of  one  of  the  members  of  the  junta,  Diego 
Deza,  auditor  of  the  Holy  Office,  and  lately  raised 
by  Espinosa  to  the  important  post  of  president  of 
the  chancery  of  Granada.  This  put  him  at  once 
at  the  head  of  the  civil  administration  of  the  prov- 
ince, as  the  marquis  of  Mondejar  was  at  the  head 
of  the  military.  The  different  views  of  policy  en- 

20  Cabrera,  throwing  the  rcspon-  ordering  of  an  affair  which  had 

sibihty  of  the  subsequent  troubles  been  better  left  to  men  with  hel- 

onEspmosa  and  Deza,  sarcastically  mets  on  their  heads."     Cabrera, 

remarks  that  "two  cowls  had  the  Filipe  Segundo,  lib.  VII.  cap.  21. 


Cii.  I.]  EDICT  AGAINST  THE  MORISCOES.  29 

tertained  by  the  two  men  led  to  a  conflict  of  au- 
thority, which  proved  highly  prejudicial  to  affairs. 
Deza,  who  afterwards  rose  to  the  dignity  of  car- 
dinal, was  a  man  whose  plausible  manners  covered 
an  inflexible  will.  He  showed,  notwithstanding, 
an  entire  subserviency  to  the  wishes  of  his  patron, 
Espinosa,  who  committed  to  him  the  execution 
of  his  plans. 

The  president  resolved,  with  more  policy  than 
humanity,  to  defer  the  publication  of  the  edict  till 
the  ensuing  first  of  January,  1567,  the  day  pre- 
ceding that  which  the  Spaniards  commemorated 
as  the  anniversary  of  the  surrender  of  the  capital. 
This  humiliating  event,  brought  home  at  such  a 
crisis  to  the  Moriscoes,  might  help  to  break  their 
spirits,  and  dispose  them  to  receive  the  obnoxious 
edict  with  less  resistance. 

On  the  appointed  day  the  magistrates  of  the  prin- 
cipal tribunals,  with  the  corregidor  of  Granada  at 
their  head,  went  in  solemn  procession  to  the  Albai- 
cin,  the  quarter  occupied  by  the  Moriscoes.  They 
marched  to  the  sound  of  kettle-drums,  trumpets, 
and  other  instruments;  and  the  inhabitants,  at- 
tracted by  the  noise  and  fond  of  novelty,  came 
running  from  their  houses  to  swell  the  ranks  of  the 
procession  on  its  way  to  the  great  square  of  Bab  el 
Bonat.  This  was  an  open  space,  of  large  extent, 
where  the  people  of  Granada,  in  ancient  times, 
used  to  assemble  to  celebrate  the  coronation  of  a 
new  sovereign ;  and  the  towers  were  still  standing 
from  which  the  Moslem  banners  waved,  on  those 


30  THE  MOORS  OF  SPAIN.  [Boo*  V. 

days,  over  the  heads  of  the  shouting  multitude. 
As  the  people  now  gathered  tumultuously  around 
these  ancient  buildings,  the  public  crier,  from  an 
elevated  place,  read,  in  audible  tones  and  in  the 
Arabic  language,  the  royal  ordinance.  One  may 
imagine  the  emotions  of  shame,  sorrow,  and  indig- 
nation with  which  the  vast  assembly,  consisting  of 
both  sexes,  listened  to  the  words  of  an  instrument, 
every  sentence  of  which  seemed  to  convey  a  per- 
sonal indignity  to  the  hearers,  —  an  outrage  on  all 
those  ideas  of  decorum  and  decency  in  which  they 
had  been  nurtured  from  infancy ;  which  rudely  rent 
asunder  all  the  fond  ties  of  country  and  kindred ; 
which  violated  the  privacy  of  domestic  life,  de- 
prived them  of  the  use  of  their  own  speech,  and 
reduced  them  to  a  state  of  utter  humiliation  un- 
known to  the  meanest  of  their  slaves.  Some  of 
the  weaker  sort  gave  way  to  piteous  and  passionate 
exclamations,  wringing  their  hands  in  an  agony  of 
grief.  Others,  of  sterner  temper,  broke  forth  into 
menaces  and  fierce  invective,  accompanied  with  the 
most  furious  gesticulations.  Others,  again,  listened 
with  that  dogged,  determined  air  which  showed 
that  the  mood  was  not  the  less  dangerous  that  it 
was  a  silent  one.  The  whole  multitude  was  in  a 
state  of  such  agitation  that  an  accident  might  have 
readily  produced  an  explosion  which  would  have 
shaken  Granada  to  its  foundations.  Fortunately 
there  were  a  few  discreet  persons  in  the  assembly, 
older  and  more  temperate  than  the  rest,  who  had 
sufficient  authority  over  their  countrymen  to  pre- 


CH.  I.]  INEFFECTUAL  REMONSTRANCE.  31 

vont  a  tumult  They  reminded  them  that  iu  their 
fathers'  time  the  Emperor  Charles  the  Fifth  had 
consented  to  suspend  the  execution  of  a  similar 
ordinance.  At  all  events,  it  was  better  to  try  first 
what  could  be  done  by  argument  and  persuasion. 
When  these  failed,  it  would  be  time  enough  to 
think  of  vengeance.21 

One  of  the  older  Moriscocs,  a  man  of  much 
consideration  among  his  countrymen,  was  accord- 
ingly chosen  to  wait  on  the  president  and  explain 
their  views  in  regard  to  the  edict.  This  he  did  at 
great  length,  and  in  a  manner  which  must  have 
satisfied  any  fair  mind  of  the  groundlessness  of  the 
charges  brought  against  the  Moslems,  and  the  cru- 
elty and  impracticability  of  the  measures  proposed 
by  the  government  The  president,  having  granted 
to  the  envoy  a  patient  and  courteous  hearing,  made 
a  short  and  not 'very  successful  attempt  to  vindi- 
cate the  course  of  the  administration.  He  finally 
disposed  of  the  whole  question  by  declaring  that 
"the  law  was  too  just  and  holy,  and  had  been 
made  with  too  much  consideration,  ever  to  be  re- 
pealed; and  that,  in  fine,  regarded  as  a  question 

21  Marmol,  Rebelion  de  lew  Mo-  it  in  a  measure  so  just  and  praise- 

riscos,  torn.   I.   pp.  147-151. —  worthy,  and  every  way  so  condu- 

Cirrourt,   Hist,   des  Aratas  d'Es-  cive  to  their  own  salvation,  as  this 

pagne,  torn.  II.  p.  283.  —  Ferre-  ordinance.  —  "  Tomaron  por  acha- 

ras,  Hist.  d'Espagne,  torn.  IX.  p.  que  esta  accion  tan  justificada  y 

•' •"'•"'•  meritoria  del  Roy,  y  para  sus  al- 

Dr.   Salazar  de  Mendoza  con-  mas  tan  provechosa  y  saludable." 

siders  that  nothing  but  a  real  love  Monarquia  de  Espana,  torn.   II. 

of  rebellion   could  have  induced  p.  137. 
the  Moriscoes  to  find  a  pretext  for 


32  THE  MOORS  OF  SPAIN.  [BOOK  V. 

of  interest,  his  majesty  estimated  the  salvation  of  a 
single  soul  as  of  greater  price  than  all  the  revenues 
he  drew  from  the  Moriscoes."2  An  answer  like 
this  must  have  effectually  dispelled  all  thoughts  of 
a  composition,  such  as  had  formerly  been  made 
with  the  emperor. 

Defeated  in  this  quarter,  the  Moriscoes  deter- 
mined to  lay  their  remonstrance  before  the  throne. 
They  were  fortunate  in  obtaining  for  this  purpose 
the  services  of  Don  Juan  Henriquez,  a  nobleman 
of  the  highest  rank  and  consideration,  who  had 
large  estates  at  Beza,  in  the  heart  of  Granada,  and 
who  felt  a  strong  sympathy  for  the  unfortunate 
natives.  Having  consented,  though  with  much  re- 
luctance, to  undertake  the  mission,  he  repaired 
to  Madrid,  obtained  an  audience  of  the  king,  and 
presented  to  him  a  memorial  on  behalf  of  his  un- 
fortunate subjects.  Philip  received  him  graciously, 
and  promised  to  give  all  attention  to  the  paper. 
"  What  I  have  done  in  this  matter,"  said  the  king, 
"  has  been  done  by  the  advice  of  wise  and  conscien- 
tious men,  who  have  given  me  to  understand  that 
it  was  my  duty."23 

Shortly  afterwards,  Henriquez  received  an  inti- 
mation that  he  was  to  look  for  his  answer  to  the 


23  "  Y  al  fin  concluyd  con  de-  belion  de  los  Moriscos,  torn.  L  p. 

cirle  resolutamente,  que  su    Ma-  163. 

gestad   queria  mas  fe  que  farda,  23  "  Que    e"l    habia    consultado 

y  que  preciaba    mas   salvar  una  aquel    negocio    con    homtyres   de 

alma,  que  todo  quanto  le  podian  ciencia  y  conciencia,  y  le  decian 

dar  de  renta  los  Moriscos  nueva-  que  estaba  obligado  &  hacer  lo  que 

mente  convertidos."    Marmol,  Re-  hacia."    Ibid.,  p.  175. 


CH.  I.]       INEFFECTUAL  REMONSTRANCE.         33 

president  of  Castile.  Espinosa,  after  listening  to 
the  memorial,  expressed  his  surprise  that  a  per- 
son of  the  high  condition  of  Don  Juan  Henriquez 
should  have  consented  to  take  charge  of  such  a 
mission.  "It  was  for  that  very  reason  I  under- 
took it,"  replied  the  nobleman,  "as  affording  me 
a  better  opportunity  to  be  of  service  to  the  king." 
"  It  can  be  of  no  use,"  said  the  minister ;  "  re- 
ligious men  have  represented  to  his  majesty  that  at 
his  door  lies  the  salvation  of  these  Moors  ;  and  the 
ordinance  which  has  been  decreed,  he  has  deter- 
mined shall  be  carried  into  effect."94 

Baffled  in  this  direction,  the  persevering  envoy 
laid  his  memorial  before  the  councillors  of  state, 
and  endeavored  to  interest  them  in  behalf  of  his 
clients.  In  this  he  met  with  more  success ;  and 
several  of  that  body,  among  whom  may  be  men- 
tioned the  duke  of  Alva  and  Luis  de  Avila,  the 
grand  commander  of  Alcantara,  whom  Charles  the 
Fifth  had  honored  with  his  friendship,  entered 
heartily  into  his  views.  But  it  availed  little  with 
the  minister,  who  would  not  even  consent  to  delay 
the  execution  of  the  ordinance  until  time  should 
have  been  given  for  further  inquiry,  or  to  confine 
the  operation  of  it,  at  the  outset,  to  one  or  two 
of  the  provisions  in  order  to  ascertain  what  would 
probably  be  the  temper  of  the  Moriscoes.25  Noth- 
ing would  suit  the  peremptory  humor  of  Espi- 

94  "Que  el  negocio  de  la  pre-        «  Ibid.,  p.  176.  —  Cabrera,  Fi- 
inatira  estaba  determinado,   y  su    lipe  Segundo,  lib.  VII.  cap.  21 . 
Magestad  resoluta  en  que  se  cum- 
pliesc."    Ibid.,  ubi  supra. 

VOL.   III.  5 


34  THE  MOORS   OF  SPAIN.  [BOOK  V. 

nosa  but  the  instant  execution  of  the  law  in  all 
its  details. 

Nor  would  he  abate  anything  of  this  haughty 
tone  in  favor  of  the  captain-general,  the  marquis 
of  Mondejar.  That  nobleman,  with  good  reason, 
had  felt  himself  aggrieved  that,  in  discussions  so 
materially  affecting  his  own  government,  he  should 
not  have  been  invited  to  take  a  part.  From  mo- 
tives of  expediency,  as  much  as  of  humanity,  he  was 
decidedly  opposed  to  the  passage  of  the  ordinance. 
It  was  perhaps  a  knowledge  of  this  that  had  ex- 
cluded him  from  a  seat  in  the  junta.  His  repre- 
sentations made  no  impression  on  Espinosa;  and 
when  he  urged  that,  if  the  law  were  to  be  carried 
into  effect,  he  ought  to  be  provided  with  such  a 
force  as  would  enable  him  to  quell  any  attempt  at 
resistance,  the  minister  made  light  of  the  danger, 
assuring  him  that  three  hundred  additional  troops 
were  as  many  as  the  occasion  demanded.  Espinosa 
then  peremptorily  adjourned  all  further  discussion, 
by  telling  the  captain-general  that  it  would  be  well 
for  him  to  return  at  once  to  Granada,  where  his 
presence  would  be  needed  to  enforce  the  execution 
of  the  law.26 

It  was  clear  that  no  door  was  left  open  to  fur- 
ther discussion,  and  that,  under  the  present  gov- 

B  "  A  estaa  y  otras  muchas  ra-  seria  de    mucha    importancia    su 

zones  que  el  Marques  de  Monde-  persona,  atropellando  como  siempre 

jar  daba,  Don  Diego  de  Espinosa  todas  las  dificultades  que  le  ponian 

le  respondid,  que  la  voluntad  de  su  por  delante."    Marmol,  Rebelion 

Magestad  era  aquella,  y  que  se  de  los  Moriscos,  torn.  I.  p.  168. 
fuese  al  reyno  de  Granada,  donde 


CH.  I.J  INEFFECTUAL  REMONSTRANCE.  35 

eminent,  no  chance  remained  to  the  unfortunate 
Moriscoes  of  buying  off  the  law  by  the  payment  of 
a  round  sum,  as  in  the  time  of  Charles  the  Fifth. 
All  negotiations  were  at  an  end.  They  had  only 
to  choose  between  implicit  obedience  and  open  re- 
bellion. It  was  not  strange  that  they  chose  the 
latter. 


CHAPTER    II. 

REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES. 

Resistance  of  the  Moriscoes.  — Night  Assault  on  Granada.  —  Rising  in 
the  Alpujarras.  —  Election  of  a  King.  —  Massacre  of  the  Chris- 
tians. 

1568. 

THE  same  day  on  which  the  ordinance  was  pub- 
lished in  the  capital,  it  was  proclaimed  in  every 
part  of  the  kingdom  of  Granada.  Everywhere  it 
was  received  with  the  same  feelings  of  shame,  sor- 
row, and  indignation.  Before  giving  way  to  these 
feelings  by  any  precipitate  action,  the  Moriscoes 
of  the  Alpujarras  were  discreet  enough  to  con- 
fer with  their  countrymen  in  the  Albaicin,  who 
advised  them  to  remain  quiet  until  they  should 
learn  the  result  of  the  conferences  going  on  at 
Madrid. 

Before  these  were  concluded,  the  year  expired 
after  which  it  would  be  penal  for  a  Morisco  to 
wear  garments  of  silk.  By  the  president's  orders 
it  was  proclaimed  by  the  clergy,  in  the  pulpits 
throughout  the  city,  that  the  law  would  be  en- 
forced to  the  letter.  This  was  followed  by  more 
than  one  edict  relating  to  other  matters,  but  yet 


CH.  II.J  EESISTANCE   OF  THE  MORISCOES.  37 

tending  to  irritate  still  further   the   minds  of  the 
Moriscoes.1 

All  hope  of  relieving  themselves  of  the  detested 
ordinance  having  thus  vanished,  the  leaders  of  the 
Albaicin  took  counsel  as  to  the  best  mode  of  re- 
sisting the  government.  The  first  step  seemed  to 
be  to  get  possession  of  the  capital.  There  was 
at  this  time  in  Granada  a  Morisco  named  Farax 
Aben-Farax,  who  followed  the  trade  of  a  dyer. 
But  though  he  was  engaged  in  this  humble  calling, 
the  best  blood  of  the  Abencerrages  flowed  in  his 
veins.  He  was  a  man  of  a  fierce,  indeed  ferocious 
nature,  hating  the  Christians  with  his  whole  heart, 
and  longing  for  the  hour  when  he  could  avenge 
on  their  heads  the  calamities  of  his  countrymen. 
As  his  occupation  carried  him  frequently  into  the 
Alpuj arras,  he  was  extensively  acquainted  with 
the  inhabitants.  He  undertook  to  raise  a  force 
there  of  eight  thousand  men,  and  bring  them  down 
secretly  by  night  into  the  vega,  where,  with  the  aid 


1  An  ordinance  was  passed  at  (Ibid.,  p.  170.)  The  Nueva  Re- 
this  time,  that  the  Moriscoes  who  copUacion  contains  two  laws  passed 
had  come  from  the  country  to  re-  about  this  time,  making  it  a  capital 
side,  with  their  families,  in  Granada,  offence  to  hold  any  intercourse  with 
should  leave  the  city  and  return  Turks  or  Moors  who  might  visit 
whence  they  came  under  pain  of  Granada,  even  though  they  came 
death.  (Marmol,  Rebelion  de  los  not  as  corsairs,  but  for  purposes  of 
Moriscos,  torn.  L  p.  169.)  By  traffic.  (Lib.  Vm.  tit  26,leyesl6, 
another  ordinance,  the  Moriscoes  18.)  Such  a  law  proves  the  con- 
were  required  to  give  up  their  stant  apprehensions  in  which  the 
children  between  the  ages  of  three  Spaniards  lived  of  a  treasonable 
and  fifteen,  to  be  placed  in  schools  correspondence  between  their  Mo- 
and  educated  in  the  Christian  doc-  risco  subjects  and  the  foreign  Mos- 
trine  and  the  Castilian  tonjme.  lems. 


38  REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES.         [Boon  V. 

of  his  countrymen  in  the  Albaicin,  he  might  effect 
an  entrance  into  the  city,  overpower  the  garrison  in 
the  Alhambra,  put  all  who  resisted  to  the  sword, 
and  make  himself  master  of  the  capital.  The  time 
fixed  upon  for  the  execution  of  the  plan  was  Holy 
Thursday,  in  the  ensuing  month  of  April,  when 
the  attention  of  the  Spaniards  would  be  occupied 
with  their  religious  solemnities. 

A  secret  known  to  so  many  could  not  be  so  well 
kept,  and  for  so  long  a  time,  but  that  some  infor- 
mation of  it  reached  the  ears  of  the  Christians. 
It  seems  to  have  given  little  uneasiness  to  Deza, 
who  had  anticipated  some  such  attempt  from  the 
turbulent  spirit  of  the  Moriscoes.  The  captain- 
general,  however,  thought  it  prudent  to  take  addi- 
tional precautions  against  it;  and  he  accordingly 
distributed  arms  among  the  citizens,  strengthened 
the  garrison  of  the  Alhambra,  and  visited  sev- 
eral of  the  great  towns  on  the  frontiers,  which 
he  placed  in  a  better  posture  of  defence.  The 
Moriscoes,  finding  their  purpose  exposed  to  the 
authorities,  resolved  to  defer  the  execution  of  it  for 
the  present.  They  even  postponed  it  to  as  late  a 
date  as  the  beginning  of  the  following  year,  1569. 
To  this  they  were  led,  we  are  told,  by  a  prediction 
found  in  their  religious  books,  that  the  year  of 
their  liberation  would  be  one  that  began  on  a 
Saturday.  It  is  probable  that  the  wiser  men  of  the 
Albaicin  were  less  influenced  by  their  own  belief 
in  the  truth  of  the  prophecy,  than  by  the  influence 
it  would  exert  over  the  superstitious  minds  of  the 


CH.  II.]  RESISTANCE  OF  THE  MORISCOES.  39 

mountaineers,  among  whom  it  was  diligently  cir- 
culated.2 

Having  settled  on  the  first  of  January  for  the 
rising,  the  Moslems  of  Granada  strove,  by  every 
outward  show  of  loyalty,  to  quiet  the  suspicions 
of  the  government.  But  in  this  they  were  thwart- 
ed by  the  information  which  the  latter  obtained 
through  more  trustworthy  channels.  Still  surer 
evidence  of  their  intentions  was  found  in  a  letter 
which  fell  by  accident  into  the  hands  of  the  Mar- 
quis of  Mondejar.  It  was  addressed  by  one  of  the 
leaders  of  the  Albaicin  to  the  Moslems  of  the  Bar- 
bary  coast,  invoking  their  aid  by  the  ties  of  consan- 
guinity and  of  a  common  faith.  "  We  are  sorely 
beset,"  says  the  writer,  "  and  our  enemies  encom- 
pass us  all  around  like  a  consuming  fire.  Our 
troubles  are  too  grievous  to  be  endured.  Written," 
concludes  the  passionate  author  of  the  epistle,  "  in 
nights  of  tears  and  anguish,  with  hope  yet  linger- 
ing,—  such  hope  as  still  survives  amidst  all  the 
bitterness  of  the  soul."3 

But  the  Barbary  powers  were  too  much  occupied 
by  their  petty  feuds  to  give  much  more  than  fair 
words  to  their  unfortunate  brethren  of  Granada. 
Perhaps  they  distrusted  the  efficacy  of  any  aid  they 
could  render  in  so  unequal  a  contest  as  that  against 
the  Spanish  monarchy.  Yet  they  allowed  their 

8  Martnol,  Rcbelion  de  los  Mo-        3  "  Eacrita  en  noches  dc  angus- 

riscos,  torn  I.  pp.   223  -  233.  —  tia  y  de  lagrimas  corrientes,  sus- 

Mcndoza,    Guerra    de    Granada,  tentadaa  con  esperanza,  y  la  espe- 

( Valencia,   1776,)  p.  43. — Hita,  ranza  se  deriva  de  la  amargura." 

Guerras  de  Granada,  torn.  II.  p.  Marmol,  Rebelion  de  loa  Moriscos, 

724.  torn.  I.  p.  219. 


40  EEBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES.         [BOOK  V. 

subjects  to  embark  as  volunteers  in  the  war ;  and 
some  good  service  was  rendered  by  the  Barbary 
corsairs,  who  infested  the  coasts  of  the  Mediterra- 
nean, as  well  as  by  the  monfis,  —  as  the  African 
adventurers  were  called,  —  who  took  part  with 
their  brethren  in  the  Alpujarras,  where  they  made 
themselves  conspicuous  by  their  implacable  ferocity 
against  the  Christians. 

Meanwhile  the  hot  blood  of  the  mountaineers 
was  too  much  inflamed  by  the  prospect  of  regaining 
their  independence  to  allow  them  to  wait  patiently 
for  the  day  fixed  upon  for  the  outbreak.  Before 
that  time  arrived,  several  acts  of  violence  were 
perpetrated,  —  forerunners  of  the  bloody  work  that 
was  at  hand.  In  the  month  of  December,  1568, 
a  body  of  Spanish  alguazils,  with  some  other  offi- 
cers of  justice,  were  cut  off  in  the  neighbor- 
hood of  Granada,  on  their  way  to  that  city.  A 
party  of  fifty  soldiers,  as  they  were  bearing  to  the 
capital  a  considerable  quantity  of  muskets,  —  a 
tempting  prize  to  the  unarmed  Moriscoes,  —  were 
all  murdered,  most  of  them  in  their  beds,  in  a 
little  village  among  the  mountains  where  they  had 
halted  for  the  night.4  After  this  outrage  Aben- 
Farax,  the  bold  dyer  of  Granada,  aware  of  the  ex- 
citement it  must  create  in  the  capital,  became  con- 
vinced it  would  not  be  safe  for  him  to  postpone 
his  intended  assault  a  day  longer. 

At  the  head  of  only  a  hundred  and  eighty  fol- 
lowers, without  waiting  to  collect  a  larger  force, 

4  Marmol,  Rebelion  de  los  Moriscos,  torn.  I.  p.  235. 


CH.  II.]  NIGHT  ASSAULT  ON  GRANADA.  41 

he  made  his  descent,  on  the  night  of  the  twenty- 
sixth  of  December,  a  week  before  the  appointed 
time,  into  the  vega  of  Granada.  It  was  a  dreadful 
night.  A  snow-storm  was  raging  wildly  among  the 
mountains,  and  sweeping  down  in  pitiless  fury  on 
the  plains  below.5  Favored  by  the  commotion  of 
the  elements,  Aben-Farax  succeeded,  without  at- 
tracting observation,  in  forcing  an  entrance  through 
the  dilapidated  walls  of  the  city,  penetrated  at  once 
into  the  Albaicin,  and  endeavored  to  rouse  the  in- 
habitants from  their  slumbers.  Some  few  came  to 
their  windows,  it  is  said,  but,  on  learning  the  nature 
of  the  summons,  hastily  closed  the  casements  and 
withdrew,  telling  Aben-Farax  that  "  it  was  mad- 
ness to  undertake  the  enterprise  with  so  small  a 
force,  and  that  he  had  come  before  his  time." 6  It 
was  in  vain  that  the  enraged  chief  poured  forth 
imprecations  on  their  perfidy  and  cowardice,  in 
vain  that  he  marched  through  the  deserted  streets, 
demolishing  crucifixes  and  other  symbols  of  Chris- 

5  "  La  furia  horrible  de  los  torhellinns*  Illt&  gives  a  COndon  in  his  work, 

Cada  memento  ma*  se  vee  yr  creciendo,  ^  ^^  of  wh;ch  ;g      com   ,amt 

Cubre  la  blanca  nieve  los  caminos  • 

Tambien  l..s  hombres  luego  va  cubri-  tnat  the    mountaineers  had   made 

endo."  their  attack  too  late  instead  of  too 

So  sings,  or  rather  says,  the  poet-  early : 

chronicler  Rufo,  whose  epic  of  four  «  PO^  g^  y  ven  j,  tarde." 

and  twenty  cantos  shows  him  to  (Guerras  de   Granada,    torn.    II. 

have  been  much  more  of  a  chroni-  p.    82.)    The   difference   is   ex- 

cler  than  a  poet    Indeed,  in  his  plained  by  the  circumstance  that 

preface,  he  avows  that  strict  con-  the  author  of  the  verses— prob- 

formity  to  truth  which  is  the  car-  ab]y  Rita  himself—  considers  that 

dinal  virtue  of  the  chronicler.    See  Christmas  Eve,   not  New   Year's 

the  Austriada  (Madrid,  1584).  Eve,  was  the  time  fixed  for  the  a»- 

6  "  Pocos  sois,  i  venfs  presto." 
Mendoza,Guerra  de  Granada,  p.  47. 

VOL.    III.  6 


42  REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES.          [BOOK  V. 

tian  worship  which  he  found  in  his  way,  or  that 
he  shouted  out  the  watchword  of  the  faithful, 
"  There  is  but  one  God,  and  Mahomet  is  the 
prophet  of  God ! "  The  uproar  of  the  tempest, 
fortunately  for  him,  drowned  every  other  noise; 
and  no  alarm  was  given  till  he  stumbled  on  a 
guard  of  some  five  or  six  soldiers,  who  were  hud- 
dled round  a  fire  in  one  of  the  public  squares. 
One  of  these  Farax  despatched ;  the  others  made 
their  escape,  raising  the  cry  that  the  enemy  was 
upon  them.  The  great  bell  of  St.  Salvador  rang 
violently,  calling  the  inhabitants  to  arms.  Dawn 
was  fast  approaching ;  and  the  Moorish  chief,  who 
felt  himself  unequal  to  an  encounter  in  which  he 
was  not  to  be  supported  by  his  brethren  in  the 
Albaicin,  thought  it  prudent  to  make  his  retreat. 
This  he  did  with  colors  flying  and  music  playing, 
all  in  as  cool  and  orderly  a  manner  as  if  it  had 
been  only  a  holiday  parade. 

Meantime  the  citizens,  thus  suddenly  startled 
from  their  beds,  gathered  together,  with  eager 
looks  and  faces  white  with  fear,  to  learn  the  cause 
of  the  tumult ;  and  their  alarm  was  not  diminished 
by  finding  that  the  enemy  had  been  prowling 
round  their  dwellings,  like  a  troop  of  mountain 
wolves,  while  they  had  been  buried  in  slumber. 
The  marquis  of  Mondejar  called  his  men  to  horse, 
and  would  have  instantly  given  chase  to  the  in- 
vaders, but  waited  until  he  had  learned  the  ac- 
tual condition  of  the  Albaicin,  where  a  popula- 
tion of  ten  thousand  Moriscoes,  had  they  been 


CM.  II.]  RISING  IN  THE  ALPUJARRAS.  43 

mischievously  inclined,  might,  notwithstanding  the 
timely  efforts  of  the  government  to  disarm  them, 
have  proved  too  strong  for  the  slender  Spanish  gar- 
rison in  the  Alhambra.  All,  however,  was  quiet 
in  the  Moorish  quarter ;  and,  assured  of  this,  the 
captain-general  sallied  out,  at  the  head  of  his  cav- 
alry and  a  small  corps  of  foot,  in  quest  of  the 
enemy.  But  he  had  struck  into  the  mountain 
passes  south  of  Granada ;  and  Mendoza,  after 
keeping  on  his  track,  as  well  as  the  blinding  tem- 
pest would  permit,  through  the  greater  part  of  the 
day,  at  nightfall  gave  up  the  pursuit  as  hopeless, 
and  brought  back  his  way-worn  cavalcade  to  the 
city.7 

Aben-Farax  and  his  troop,  meanwhile,  travers- 
ing the  snowy  skirts  of  the  Sierra  Nevada,  came 
out  on  the  broad  and  populous  valley  of  Lecrin, 
spreading  the  tidings  everywhere,  as  they  went, 
that  the  insurrection  was  begun,  that  the  Albai- 
cin  was  in  movement,  and  calling  on  all  true  be- 
lievers to  take  up  arms  in  defence  of  their  faith. 
The  summons  did  not  fall  on  deaf  ears.  A  train 
had  been  fired  which  ran  along  the  mountain  re- 
gions to  the  south  of  Granada,  stretching  from 
Almeria  and  -the  Murcian  borders  on  the  east  to 
the  neighborhood  of  Velez  Malaga  on  the  west. 
In  three  days  the  whole  country  was  in  arms. 
Then  burst  forth  the  fierce  passions  of  the  Arab,  — 

7  Marmol,  Rebelion  de  los  Mo-  —  Herrera,  Historia  General,  torn, 

riscos,  torn.  I.  p.  238.  —  Mendoza,  I.  p.  726.  —  Ferreras,  Hist.  d'Es- 

Guerra  de  Granada,  pp.  45-52. —  pagne,  torn.  IX.  pp.  573-575. 
Miniana,  Hist,  de  Espana,  p.  367. 


44  REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES.          [Boon  V. 

all  that  unquenchable  hate  which  seventy  years 
of  oppression  had  nourished  in  his  bosom,  and 
which  now  showed  itself  in  one  universal  cry  for 
vengeance.  The  bloody  drama  opened  with  the 
massacre  of  nearly  every  Christian  man  within  the 
Moorish  borders,  —  and  that  too  with  circumstan- 
ces of  a  refined  and  deliberate  cruelty,  of  which, 
happily,  few  examples  are  to  be  found  in  history. 

The  first  step,  however,  in  the  revolutionary 
movement  had  been  a  false  one,  inasmuch  as  the  in- 
surgents had  failed  to  secure  possession  of  the  capi- 
tal, which  would  have  furnished  so  important  a  point 
cTappui  for  future  operations.  Yet,  if  contemporary 
chroniclers  are  correct,  this  failure  should  rather  be 
imputed  to  miscalculation  than  to  cowardice.  Ac- 
cording to  them,  the  persons  of  most  consideration 
in  the  Albaicin  were  many  of  them  wealthy  citi- 
zens, accustomed  to  the  easy,  luxurious  way  of  life 
so  well  suited  to  the  Moorish  taste.  They  had 
never  intended  to  peril  their  fortunes  by  engag- 
ing personally  in  so  formidable  a  contest  as  that 
with  the  Castilian  crown.  They  had  only  proposed 
to  urge  their  simple  countrymen  in  the  Alpuj arras 
to  such  a  show  of  resistance  as  should  intimidate 
the  Spaniards,  and  lead  them  to  mitigate,  if  not  in- 
deed to  rescind,  the  hated  ordinance.8  If  such  was 
their  calculation,  as  the  result  showed,  it  miserably 
failed. 

"Creyendo  que  lo  uno  y  lo  ellos  BUS   personas   y  haciendas." 

otro  seria  parte  para  que  por  bien  Marmol,    Rebelion   de  los  Moris- 

de  paz  se  diese  nueva  orden  en  cos,  torn.  I.  p.  239. 
lo  de  la  prematica,  sin  aventurar 


CH.  1I.J  ELECTION  OF  A  KING.  45 

As  the  Moriscoes  had  now  proclaimed  their  in- 
dependence, it  became  necessary  to  choose  a  sov- 
ereign in  place  of  the  one  whose  authority  they 
had  cast  aside.  The  leaders  in  the  Albaicin  se- 
lected for  this  dangerous  pre-eminence  a  young 
man  who  was  known  to  the  Spaniards  by  his  Cas- 
tilian  name  of  Don  Fernando  de  Valor.  He  was 
descended  in  a  direct  line  from  the  ancient  house 
of  the  Omeyas,9  who  for  nearly  four  centuries  had 
sat  with  glory  on  the  throne  of  Cordova.  He 
was  but  twenty-two  years  of  age  at  the  time  of 
his  election,  and  according  to  a  contemporary, 
who  had  seen  him,  possessed  a  comely  person 
and  engaging  manners.  His  complexion  was  of  a 
deep  olive ;  his  beard  was  thin ;  his  eyes  were 
large  and  dark,  with  eyebrows  well  defined  and 
nearly  approaching  each  other.  His  deportment 
was  truly  royal ;  and  his  lofty  sentiments  were 
worthy  of  the  princely  line  from  which  he  was 
descended.10  Notwithstanding  this  flattering  por- 

9  Beni  Umeyyah,  in  the  Arabic,  Few  will  be  disposed  to  acqui- 
according  to  an  indisputable   au-  esce  in  the  savage  tone  of  criticism 
thority,    my  learned  friend,   Don  with  which  the  learned  Nic.  An- 
Pascual   de  Gayangos.      See    his  tonio  denounces   Hita's  charming 
Moliammedan  Dynasties  in  Spain,  volumes  as  "  Milesian  tales,  fit  only 
passim.  to  amuse  the  lazy  and  the  listless." 

10  "Era  mancebo  de  veinto  y  (Bibliotheca Nova, torn.  I.  p.  536.) 
dos  anos,  de  poca  barba,  color  mo-  Hita  was  undoubtedly  the  prince 
reno,   verdinegro,    cejijunto,    ojos  of  romancers;    but  fiction  is  not 
negros  y  grandes,  gentil  hombre  de  falsehood ;  and  when  the  novelist, 
cuerpo :   mostraba  en   su   talle  y  who  served  in  the  wars  of  the  Al- 
garbo  ser  de  sangre  real,  como  en  pujarras,  tells  us  of  things  which  he 
verdad  lo  era,  teniendo  los  pensa-  professes  to  have  seen  with  his  own 
micntoa  correspondientes."    Hita,  eyes,  we  may  surely  cite  him  as  an 
Guerras  de  Granada,  torn.  II.  p.  1 3.  historical  authority. 


46  BEBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES.          [BOOK  V. 

trait  from  the  pen  of  a  Castilian,  his  best  recom- 
mendation, to  judge  from  his  subsequent  career, 
seems  to  have  been  his  descent  from  a  line  of 
kings.  He  had  been  so  prodigal  in  his  way  of  life 
that,  though  so  young,  he  had  squandered  his 
patrimony,  and  was  at  this  very  time  under  arrest 
for  debt.  He  had  the  fiery  temperament  of  his 
nation,  and  had  given  evidence  of  it  by  murdering 
with  his  own  hand  a  man  who  had  borne  testi- 
mony against  his  father  in  a  criminal  prosecution. 
Amidst  his  luxurious  self-indulgence  he  must  be 
allowed  to  have  shown  some  energy  of  character 
and  an  unquestionable  courage.  He  was  attached 
to  the  institutions  of  his  country ;  and  his  ferocious 
nature  was  veiled  under  a  bland  and  plausible 
exterior,  that  won  him  golden  opinions  from  the 
multitude.11 

Soon  after  his  election,  and  just  before  the  irrup- 
tion of  Aben-Farax,  the  Morisco  prince  succeeded 
in  making  his  escape  from  Granada,  and,  flying  to 
the  mountains,  took  refuge  among  his  own  kin- 
dred, the  powerful  family  of  the  Valoris,  in  the 
village  of  Beznar.  Here  his  countrymen  gathered 
round  him,  and  confirmed  by  acclamation  the 
choice  of.  the  people  of  Granada.  For  this  the 
young  chieftain  was  greatly  indebted  to  the  efforts 
of  his  uncle,  Aben-Jahuar,  commonly  called  El 
Zaguer,  a  man  of  much  authority  among  his  tribe, 

11  "  Usava  de  blandura  general ;  cubierta  cngand  a  muchos  en  los 
queria  ser  tenido  por  Cabeza,  i  no  principios."  Mendoza,  Guerra  do 
por  Rei :  la  crueldad,  la  codicia  Granada,  p.  129. 


CH.  II.]  ELECTION  OF  A  KING.  47 

who,  waiving  his  own  claims  to  the  sceptre,  em- 
ployed his  influence  in  favor  of  his  nephew. 

The  ceremony  of  the  coronation  was  of  a  martial 
kind,  well  suited  to  the  rough  fortunes  of  the 
adventurer.  Four  standards,  emblazoned  with  the 
Moslem  crescent,  were  spread  upon  the  ground, 
with  their  spear-heads  severally  turned  towards  the 
four  points  of  the  compass.  The  Moorish  prince, 
who  had  been  previously  arrayed  in  a  purple  robe, 
with  a  crimson  scarf  or  shawl,  the  insignia  of  roy- 
alty, enveloping  his  shoulders,  knelt  down  on  the 
banners,  with  his  face  turned  towards  Mecca,  and, 
after  a  brief  prayer,  solemnly  swore  to  live  and  die 
in  defence  of  his  crown,  his  faith,  and  his  subjects. 
One  of  the  principal  attendants,  prostrating  him- 
self on  the  ground,  kissed  the  footprints  of  the 
newly  elected  monarch,  in  token  of  the  allegiance 
of  the  people.  He  was  then  raised  on  the  shoul- 
ders of  four  of  the  assistants,  and  borne  aloft  amidst 
the  waving  of  banners  and  the  loud  shouts  of  the 
multitude,  "Allah  exalt  Muley-Mohammed-Abcn- 
Humeya,  lord  of  Andalucia  and  Granada ! " ia 
Such  were  the  simple  forms  practised  in  ancient 
times  by  the  Spanish-Arabian  princes,  when  their 
empire,  instead  of  being  contracted  within  the 


19  ]!,;,!     p    40  Y  *  manera  de  beca  le  cineron 

The  ceremonies  of  the  corona-          *'  cue"°  >'  °mbros  un  cendal  bru5ido' 

Uuatro  vanderas  a  »u»  pies  tendieron, 

tion  make,  of  course,  a  brave  show  Una  hizia  el  Levante  esclarecido, 

in    Rufo's   epic.      One    Stanza   will  Otra  a  do  el  »ol  M  cubre  en  negro  vel<^ 

/E         Y  otnu  dos  a  los  polo*  dos  del  cieto." 

La  Austriada,  foL  24. 
"  Ententes  con  aplauan  le  pusieron 
Al  nuevo  Key  de  purpura  uu  vestido, 


48  REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES.          [BOOK  V. 

rocky  girdle  of  the  mountains,  stretched  over  the 
fairest  portions  of  the  Peninsula.13 

The  first  act   of  Aben-Humeya   was   to    make 
his  appointments  to  the  chief  military  offices.     El 
Zaguer,  his  uncle,  he  made  captain-general  of  his 
forces.     Aben-Farax,  who  had  himself  aspired  to 
the  diadem,  he  removed  to  a  distance,  by  sending 
him  on  an  expedition  to  collect  such  treasures  as 
could  be  gathered   from   the   Christian    churches 
in  the  Alpujarras.     He  appointed  officers  to  take 
charge   of   the  different   tahas,   or   districts,   into 
which   the   country   was    divided.     Having   com- 
pleted these  arrangements,  the  new  monarch  —  the 
reyezuelo,  or  "little  king,"  of  the   Alpujarras,  as 
he  was  contemptuously  styled  by  the  Spaniards  — 
transferred  his  residence  to  the  central  part  of  his 
dominions,  where  he  repeated  the  ceremony  of  his 
coronation.     He  made  a  rapid  visit   to  the  most 
important  places  in  the  sierra,  everywhere  calling 
on  the  inhabitants  to  return  to  their  ancient  faith, 
and  to  throw  off  the  hated  yoke  of  the  Spaniards. 
He  then  established  himself  in  the  wildest  parts 
of  the  Alpujarras,  where  he  endeavored  to  draw 
his  forces  to  a  head,  and  formed  the  plan  of  his 
campaign.     It  was  such  as  was  naturally  suggest- 
ed by  the  character  of  the  country,  which,  broken 
and  precipitous,  intersected  by  many  a  deep  ravine 
and   dangerous    pass,  afforded   excellent    opportu- 

13  "  Tal  era  la  antigua  ceremo-     Granada."    Mendoza,  Gucrra  de 
nia  con  que  eligian  los  Reyes  de     Granada,  p.  40. 
la  Andalucia,    i    despucs    los   de 


CH.  II.]  MASSACRE  OF  THE   CHRISTIANS.  49 

nities  for  harassing  an  invading  foe,  and  for  en- 
tangling him  in  those  inextricable  defiles,  where 
a  few  mountaineers  acquainted  with  the  ground 
would  be  more  than  a  match  for  an  enemy  far 
superior  in  discipline  and  numbers. 

While  Aben-Humeya  was  thus  occupied  in 
preparing  for  the  struggle,  the  work  of  death  had 
already  begun  among  the  Spanish  population  of 
the  Alpujarras ;  and  Spaniards  were  to  be  found, 
in  greater  or  less  numbers,  in  all  the  Moorish 
towns  and  hamlets  that  dotted  the  dark  sides  of 
the  sierras,  or  nestled  in  the  green  valleys  at  their 
base.  Here  they  dwelt  side  by  side  with  the  Mo- 
riscoes,  employed,  probably,  less  in  the  labors  of  the 
loom,  for  which  the  natives  of  this  region  had  long 
been  famous,  than  in  that  careful  husbandry  which 
they  might  readily  have  learned  from  their  Moor- 
ish neighbors,  and  which,  under  their  hands,  had 
clothed  every  spot  with  verdure,  making  the  wil- 
derness to  blossom  like  the  rose.14  Thus  living  in 
the  midst  of  those  Avho  professed  the  same  religion 
with  themselves,  and  in  the  occasional  interchange, 
at  least,  of  the  kind  offices  of  social  intercourse, 
which  sometimes  led  to  nearer  domestic  ties,  the 
Christians  of  the  Alpujarras  dwelt  in  blind  security, 
little  dreaming  of  the  mine  beneath  their  feet. 

But  no  sooner  was  the  first  note  of  insurrection 
sounded,  than  the  scene  changed  as  if  by  magic. 


14  ••  fine  en  la  agriculture  tienen  Quo  &  preiieces  do  su  hazada 

Tal  estudio,  tal  dcstreza,  Hacen  focundas  las  piedraa." 

Calderon,  Amar  despues  de  la  Mueric,  Jornada  II. 
VOL.  III.  7 


50  REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES.          [BOOK  V. 

Every  Morisco  threw  away  his  mask,  and,  turning 
on  the  Christians,  showed  himself  in  his  true 
aspect,  as  their  avowed  and  mortal  enemy. 

A  simultaneous  movement  of  this  kind,'  through 
so  wide  an  extent  of  country,  intimates  a  well- 
concerted  plan  of  operations ;  and  we  may  share 
in  the  astonishment  of  the  Castilian  writers,  that 
a  secret  of  Such  a  nature  and  known  to  so  many 
individuals  should  have  been  so  long  and  faithfully 
kept,  —  in  the  midst,  too,  of  those  who  had  the 
greatest  interest  in  detecting  it,15  —  some  of  them,  it 
may  be  added,  spies  of  the  Inquisition,  endowed,  as 
they  seem  to  have  been,  with  almost  supernatural 
powers  for  scenting  out  the  taint  of  heresy.16  It 
argues  an  intense  feeling  of  hatred  in  the  Morisco, 
that  he  could  have  been  so  long  proof  against  the 
garrulity  that  loosens  the  tongue,  and  against  the 
sympathy  that  so  often,  in  similar  situations,  un- 
locks the  heart  to  save  some  friend  from  the  doom 
of  his  companions.  But  no  such  instance  either 
of  levity  or  lenity  occurred  among  this  extraor- 
dinary people.  And  when  the  hour  arrived,  and 
the  Christians  discerned  their  danger  in  the  men- 
acing looks  and  gestures  of  their  Moslem  neigh- 
bors, they  were  as  much  astounded  by  it  as  the 

15   «  Tres  anos  tuvo  en  silencio  mostracla  &  guardar  pooo  sccrcto  i 

tsta  traicion  encubierta  ,    ,  , 

Tanto  numero  do  gentes,  hablar  juntos,  callascn  tanto  tiem- 

Cosa,  que  admira  y  cleva."  po,    i   tantos    hombres,  en    tierra 

Ibid.,  ubi  supra.  donde  hai  Alcaldes  de  corte  i  In- 

"  Una  cosa  mui  de  notar  call-  quisidores,  cuya  profesion  es  descu- 

fica  los  principles  desta  rebelion,  brir  dclitos."  "Mendoza,  Guerra  de 

que   gente  de  mediana  condicion  Granada,  p.  3G. 


CH.  II.]  MASSACRE  OF  THE   CHRISTIANS.  51 

unsuspecting  traveller  on  whom,  as  he  heedlessly 
journeys  through  some  pleasant  country,  the  high- 
wayman has  darted  from  his  covert  by  the  roadside. 

The  first  impulse  of  the  Christians  seems  to  have 
been  very  generally  to  take  refuge  in  the  churches ; 
and  every  village,  however  small,  had  at  least  one 
church,  where  the  two  races  met  together  to  join 
in  the  forms  of  Christian  worship.  The  fugitives 
thought  to  find  protection  in  their  holy  places  and 
in  the  presence  of  their  venerated  pastors,  whose 
spiritual  authority  had  extended  over  all  the  in- 
habitants. But  the  wild  animal  of  the  forest,  now 
that  he  had  regained  his  freedom,  gave  little  heed 
to  the  call  of  his  former  keeper,  —  unless  it  were 
to  turn  and  rend  him. 

Here  crowded  together,  like  a  herd  of  panic- 
stricken  deer  with  the  hounds  upon  their  track, 
the  terrified  people  soon  found  the  church  was 
no  place  of  security,  and  they  took  refuge  in  the 
adjoining  tower,  as  a  place  of  greater  strength, 
and  affording  a  better  means  of  defence  against 
an  enemy.  The  mob  of  their  pursuers  then  broke 
into  the  church,  which  they  speedily  despoiled  of 
its  ornaments,  trampling  the  crucifixes  and  other 
religious  symbols  under  their  feet,  rolling  the 
sacred  images  in  the  dust,  and  desecrating  the 
altars  by  the  sacrifice  of  swine,  or  by  some  other 
act  denoting  their  scorn  and  hatred  of  the  Chris- 
tian worship.17 

17  Bleda,  Cronica  de  Espaiia,  p.     ron  pedazos  log  retablosy  imagines, 
680.  —  "  Robaron  la  iglesia,  hide-    destruyeron  todas  las  cosas  sagra- 


52  REBELLION  OF  THE   MORISCOES.         [BOOK  V. 

They  next  assailed  the  towers,  the  entrances  to 
which  the  Spaniards  had  barricaded  as  strongly 
as  they  could;  though,  unprovided  as  they  were 
with  means  of  defence,  except  such  arms  as  they 
had  snatched  in  the  hurry  of  their  flight,  they 
could  have  little  hope  of  standing  a  siege.  Unfor- 
tunately these  towers  were  built  more  or  less  of 
wood,  which  the  assailants  readily  set  on  fire,  and 
thus  compelled  the  miserable  inmates  either  to 
surrender  or  to  perish  in  the  flames.  In  some 
instances  they  chose  the  latter ;  and  the  little  garri- 
son —  men,  women,  and  children  —  were  consumed 
together  on  one  common  funeral  pile.  More  fre- 
quently they  shrank  from  this  fearful  death,  and 
surrendered  at  the  mercy  of  their  conquerors,  — 
such  mercy  as  made  them  soon  regret  that  they 
had  not  stayed  by  the  blazing  rafters. 

The  men  were  speedily  separated  from  the  wo- 
men, and  driven,  with  blows  and  imprecations, 
like  so  many  cattle,  to  a  place  of  confinement. 
From  this  loathsome  prison  they  were  dragged  out, 
three  or  four  at  a  time,  day  after  day,  the  longer 
to  protract  their  sufferings ;  then,  with  their  arms 
pinioned  behind  them,  and  stripped  of  their  cloth- 
ing, they  were  thrown  into  the  midst  of  an  infu- 
riated mob,  consisting  of  both  sexes,  who,  armed 
with  swords,  hatchets,  and  bludgeons,  soon  felled 
their  victims  to  the  ground,  and  completed  the 
bloody  work. 

das,  y  no  dexaron  maldad  ni  sacri-    mol,  Rebelion  de  Granada,  torn.  I. 
legio  que  no  cometieron."    Mar-    p.  275. 


CH.  II.]  MASSACRE  OF  THE   CHRISTIANS.  53 

The  mode  of  death  was  often  varied  to  suit  the 
capricious  cruelty  of  the  executioners.  At  Guecija, 
where  the  olive  grew  abundant,  there  was  a  con- 
vent of  Augustine  monks,  who  were  all  murdered 
by  being  thrown  into  caldrons  of  boiling  oil.18 
Sometimes  the  death  of  the  victim  was  attended 
with  circumstances  of  diabolical  cruelty  not  sur- 
passed by  anything  recorded  of  our  North-Ameri- 
can savages.  At  a  place  called  Pitres  de  Ferreyra, 
the  priest  of  the  village  was  raised  by  means  of  a 
pulley  to  a  beam  that  projected  from  the  tower,  and 
was  then  allowed  to  drop  from  a  great  height  upon 
the  ground.  The  act  was  repeated  more  than  once 
in  the  presence  of  his  aged  mother,  who,  in  an 
agony  of  grief,  embracing  her  dying  son,  besought 
him  "  to  trust  in  God  and  the  Blessed  Virgin,  who 
through  these  torments  would  bring  him  into  eter- 
nal life."  The  mangled  carcass  of  the  poor  victim, 
broken  and  dislocated  in  every  limb,  was  then 
turned  over  to  the  Moorish  women,  who,  with 
their  scissors,  bodkins,  and  other  feminine  imple- 
ments, speedily  despatched  him.19 

The*women,  indeed,  throughout  this  persecution, 
seem  to  have  had  as  rabid  a  thirst  for  vengeance 
as  the  men.  Even  the  children  were  encouraged  to 
play  their  part  hi  the  bloody  drama ;  and  many  a 

18  «  Qucmaron  por  voto  un  Con-  tierra,  para  ahogar  BUS    Frailes," 

vento  de  Frailcs  Augustinos,  que  Mendoza,  Guerra  de  Granada,  p. 

se  recogieron  a  la  Torre  echando-  60. 

les  por  un  horado  de  lo  alto  azeite        W  Mannol,  Rebelion  de  Grana- 

hirviendo:  sirviendose  de  la  abun-  da,   torn.   I.    p.    271.  —  Ferreras, 

dancia  que  Dios  les  did  en  aquella  Hist.  d'Espagne,  torn.  IX.  p.  582. 


54  EEBELLION   OF  THE  MORISCOES.         [BOOK  V. 

miserable  captive  was  set  up  as  a  target  to  be  shot 
at  with  the  arrows  of  the  Moorish  boys. 

The  rage  of  the  barbarians  was  especially  direct- 
ed against  the  priests,  who  had  so  often  poured 
forth  anathemas  against  the  religion  which  the 
Moslems  loved,  and  who,  as  their  spiritual  direc- 
tors, had  so  often  called  them  to  account  for  of- 
fences against  the  religion  which  they  abhorred. 
At  Coadba  the  priest  was  stretched  out  before  a 
brazier  of  live  coals  until  his  feet,  which  had  been 
smeared  with  pitch  and  oil,  were  burned  to  a  cin- 
der. His  two  sisters  were  compelled  to  witness 
the  agonies  of  their  brother,  which  were  still  fur- 
ther heightened  by  the  brutal  treatment  which  he 
saw  them  endure  from  their  tormentors.20 

Fire  was  employed  as  a  common  mode  of  torture, 
by  way  of  retaliation,  it  may  be,  for  similar  suffer- 
ings inflicted  on  the  infidel  by  the  Inquisition. 
Sometimes  the  punishments  seemed  to  be  contrived 
so  as  to  form  a  fiendish  parody  on  the  exercises  of 
the  Roman  Catholic  religion.  In  the  town  of  Filix 
the  pastor  was  made  to  take  his  seat  before  the 
altar,  with  his  two  sacristans,  one  on  either  %ide  of 
him.  The  bell  was  rung,  as  if  to  call  the  people 
together  to  worship.  The  sacristans  were  each  pro- 
vided with  a  roll  containing  the  names  of  the  con- 
gregation, which  they  were  required  to  call  over,  as 
usual,  before  the  services,  in  order  to  see  that  no 

"  Y  para  darle  mayor  tormen-  morir,  y  en  su  presencia  las  vitu- 
to  traxeron  alii  dos  hermanas  don-  peraron  y  maltrataron."  Marmol, 
cellas  que  tenia,  para  que  le  viesen  Rebclion'dc  Granada,  torn.  I.  p.  31 6. 


CH.  II.]  MASSACRE  OF  THE  CHRISTIANS.  55 

one  was  absent.  As  each  Morisco  answered  to  his 
name,  he  passed  before  the  priest,  and  dealt  him  a 
blow  with  his  fist,  or  the  women  plucked  his  beard 
and  hair,  accompanying  the  act  with  some  bitter 
taunt,  expressive  of  their  mortal  hate.  When  every 
one  had  thus  had  the  opportunity  of  gratifying  his 
personal  grudge  against  his  ancient  pastor,  the 
executioner  stepped  forward,  armed  with  a  razor, 
with  which  he  scored  the  face  of  the  ecclesiastic  in 
the  detested  form  of  the  cross,  and  then,  beginning 
with  the  fingers,  deliberately  proceeded  to  sever 
each  of  the  joints  of  his  wretched  victim ! S1 

But  it  is  unnecessary  to  shock  the  reader  with 
more  of  these  loathsome  details,  enough  of  which 
have  already  been  given,  not  merely  to  prove  the 
vindictive  temper  of  the  Morisco,  but  to  suggest 
the  inference  that  it  could  only  have  been  a  long 
course  of  cruelty  and  oppression  that  stimulated 
him  to  such  an  awful  exhibition  of  it.22  The  whole 

Sl  "  Llegd  un  herege  &  el  con  quarto  pages  to  an  account  of  the 

una  navaja,  y  le  persind  con  ella,  diabolical  cruelties  practised  by  the 

hendiendole  el  rostro  de  alto  abaxo,  Moriscoes  in  this  persecution, — 

yportraves;  y  luego  le  despedazd  making  altogether  a  momentous 

coyuntura  por  coyuntura,  y  miem-  contribution  to  the  annals  of  Chris- 

bro  d  miembro."  Ibid.,  p.  348.  tian  martyrology.  One  may  doubt, 

Among  other  kinds  of  torture  however,  whether  the  Spaniards 

which  they  invented,  says  Mendo-  are  entirely  justified  in  claiming 

za,  they  filled  the  curate  of  Manena  the  crown  of  martyrdom  for  all 

with  gunpowder,  and  then  blew  who  perished  in  this  persecution, 

him  up.  Guerra  de  Granada,  p.  Those,  undoubtedly,  have  a  right 

60.  to  it  who  might  have  saved  their 

29  Of  all  the  Spanish  historians  lives  by  renouncing  their  faith ; 

no  one  discovers  so  insatiable  an  but  there  is  no  evidence  that  this 

appetite  for  these  horrors  as  Ferre-  grace  was  extended  to  all ;  and  we 

ras,  who  has  devoted  nearly  fifty  may  well  believe  that  the  Moris- 


56  REBELLION  OF  THE   MORISCOES.         [BOOK  V. 

number  of  Christians  who,  in  the  course  of  a  week, 
thus  perished  in  these  massacres,  —  if  we  are  to 
receive  the  accounts  of  Castilian  writers,  —  was 
not  less  than  three  thousand !  *  Considering  the 
social  relations  which  must  to  some  extent  have 
been  established  between  those  who  had  lived  so 
long  in  the  neighborhood  of  one  another,  it  might 
be  thought  that,  on  some  occasions,  sympathy 
would  have  been  shown  for  the  sufferers,  or  that 
some  protecting  arm  would  have  been  stretched 
out  to  save  a  friend  or  a  companion  from  the 
general  doom.  But  the  nearest  approach  to  such 
an  act  of  humanity  was  given  by  a  Morisco  who 
plunged  his  sword  in  the  body  of  a  Spaniard,  in 
order  to  save  him  from  the  lingering  death  that 
otherwise  would  await  him.24 

Of  the  whole  Christian  population  very  few  of 
the  men  who  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Moslems 
escaped  with  life.  The  women  were  not  always 
spared.  The  Morisco  women,  especially,  who  had 
married  Christian  husbands  and  embraced  Chris- 
tianity, which  they  refused  to  abjure,  became  the 


cocs  were  stimulated  by  other  mo-  tres  mil  martires."     Vanderham- 

tives  besides  those  of  a  religious  men,  Don  Juan  de  Austria,  fol.  70. 
nature,  —  such  motives  as  would        24  "  Se  adclamd  un  Moro,  quo 

naturally  operate  on  a  conquered  solia  ser  grande  amigo  suyo,  y  ha- 

race,  burning  with  hatred  of  their  ciendose  encontradizo  con  dl  en  el 

conquerors  and  with  the  thirst  of  umbral  de  la  puerta,  le  atravesd 

vengeance  for  the  manifold  wrongs  una  espada  por  el  cuerpo,  dicien- 

which  they  had  endured.  dole :  Toma,  amigo,  que  mas  vale 

23  "  Murieron  en  pocos  mas  de  que  te  mate  yo  que  otro."     Mar- 

quatro  dias,  con  muertes  exquesitas  mol,  Rebelion  de  Granada,  torn.  I 

y  no  imaginados  tormentos,  mas  de  p.  277. 


CH.  H.]  MASSACRE  OF  THE  CHRISTIANS.  57 

objects  of  vengeance  to  their  own  sex.  Sad  to 
say,  even  the  innocence  and  helplessness  of  child- 
hood proved  no  protection  against  the  fury  of 
persecution.  The  historians  record  the  names  of 
several  boys,  from  ten  to  twelve  or  thirteen  years 
of  age,  who  were  barbarously  murdered  because 
they  would  not  renounce  the  religion  in  which 
they  had  been  nurtured  for  that  of  Mahomet.  If 
they  were  too  young  to  give  a  reason  for  their 
faith,  they  had  at  least  learned  the  lesson  that  to 
renounce  it  was  a  great  sin ;  and,  when  led  out 
like  lambs  to  the  slaughter,  their  mothers,  we  are 
told,  stifling  the  suggestions  of  natural  affection 
in  obedience  to  a  higher  law,  urged  their  children 
not  to  shrink  from  the  trial,  nor  to  purchase  a  few 
years  of  life  at  the  price  of  their  own  souls.25  It 
is  a  matter  of  no  little  gratulation  to  a  Catholic 
historian,  that,  amongst  all  those  who  perished  in 
these  frightful  massacres,  there  was  not  one  of  any 
age  or  either  sex  who  could  be  tempted  to  secure 
personal  safety  by  the  sacrifice  of  religious  con- 
victions.26 On  the  contrary,  they  employed  the 
brief  respite  that  was  left  them  in  fortifying  one 
another's  courage,  and  in  bearing  testimony  to  the 
truth  in  so  earnest  a  manner  that  they  might  al- 
most seem  to  have  courted  the  crown  of  martyr- 
dom. Yet  among  these  martyrs  there  were  more 

25  FerreraSjHist.  d'Espagne,tom.  tanto  nuinero  de  gente  como  murid 
IX.  p.  617.  a  111:11  H  >s  dt  •   in  tides  ninguno  huvo 

26  "  Fue  gran  testimonio  de  nu-  que  quisiese  renegar."     Mendoza, 
estra  fe  i  dc  compararse  con  la  del  Guerra  de  Granada,  p.  61. 
tiempo  de  los  Apostoles;  que  en 

VOL.  in.  8 


58  KEBELLION  OF   THE   MORISCOES.         [BOOK  V. 

than  one,  it  is  admitted,  whose  previous  way  of  life 
showed  but  a  dim  perception  of  the  value  of  that 
religion  for  which  they  were  thus  prepared  to  lay 
down  their  lives.27 

The  chief  blame  of  these  indiscriminate  proscrip- 
tions has  been  laid  on  Aben-Farax,  the  famous  dyer 
of  Granada,  whose  appetite  for  blood  seems  to  have 
been  as  insatiable  as  that  of  any  wild  beast  in  the 
Alpujarras.  In  executing  the  commission  assigned 
to  him  by  Aben-Humeya,  he  was  obliged  to  visit 
all  parts  of  the  country.  Wherever  he  came,  im- 
patient of  the  slower  movements  of  his  country- 
men in  the  work  of  destruction,  he  caused  the 
prisons  to  be  emptied,  and  the  wretched  inmates 
to  be  butchered  before  his  eyes.  At  Ugijar  he 
thus  directed  the  execution  of  no  less  than  two 
hundred  and  forty  Christians,  laymen  and  eccle- 
siastics.28 His  progress  through  the  land  was  lit- 
erally over  the  dead  bodies  of  his  victims. 

Fierce  as  he  was,  Aben-Humeya  had  some 
touches  of  humanity  in  his  nature,  which  made  him 
revolt  at  the  wholesale  murders  perpetrated  by  his 
lieutenant.  He  was  the  more  indignant,  when,  on 
hastening  to  Ugijar  to  save  the  lives  of  some  of 
the  captives,  his  friends,  he  found  that  he  had 

27  "  Todos  estuvieron  tan  con-  Salazar  de  Mendoza,  Monarquia 

stantes  en  la  Fe,  que  si  bien  fueron  de  Espana,  torn.  II.  p.  139. 

combidados  con  grandes  riquezas  28  «  Murieron  este  dia  en  Uxixar 

y  bienes  &  que  la  dejasen,  con  nin-  docientos  y  quarenta   Christianos 

guno  se  pudo  acabar ;  aunque  en-  clerigos  y  legos,  y  entre  ellos  seis 

tre  los  martyrizados  huvo  muchas  canonigos  de  aquella  jglesia,  que  es 

mugeres,  ninos  y  hombres  que  ha-  colegial."     Marrnol,    Rebelion   de 

vian  vivido  descompuestamente."  Granada,  torn.  I.  p.  297. 


CH.  II.]  MASSACRE  OF  THE  CHRISTIANS.  59 

come  too  late,  for  the  man  of  blood  had  been  there 
before  him.  He  soon  after  summoned  his  officer 
into  his  presence,  not  with  the  impolitic  design  of 
taxing  him  with  his  cruelties,  but  to  call  him  to  a 
reckoning  for  the  treasure  he  had  pillaged  from  the 
churches ;  and  dissatisfied,  or  affecting  to  be  so, 
with  his  report,  he  at  once  deposed  Aben-Farax 
from  his  command.  The  ferocious  chief  submitted 
without  a  murmur.  He  descended  into  the  com- 
mon file,  and  no  more  appears  on  the  scene.  He 
was  one  of  those  miscreants  who  are  thrown  on  the 
surface  by  the  turmoil  of  a  revolution,  and,  after 
floating  there  for  a  while,  disappear  from  sight, 
and  the  wave  of  history  closes  over  them  for  ever. 


CHAPTER    III. 

REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES. 

Panic  in  Granada.  —  Muster  of  Troops.  —  Mondejar  takes  the  Field.  — 
Bold  Passage  at  Tablate.  —  Retreat  of  the  Morisooes.  —  Combat  at 
Alfajarali.  —  Perilous  March.  —  Massacre  at  Jubiles.  —  The  Liber- 
ated Christians. 

1568,  1569. 

As  day  after  day  brought  tidings  to  the  people 
of  Granada  of  the  barbarities  perpetrated  in  the 
Alpuj arras,  the  whole  city  was  filled  with  grief  and 
consternation.  The  men  might  be  seen  gathered 
together  in  knots  in  the  public  squares ;  the  women 
ran  about  from  house  to  house,  telling  the  tale  of 
horrors,  which  could  hardly  be  exaggerated  in  the 
recital.  They  thronged  to  the  churches,  where  the 
archbishop  and  the  clergy  were  all  day  long  offer- 
ing up  prayers,  to  avert  the  wrath  of  Heaven  from 
Granada.  The  places  of  business  were  abandoned. 
The  shops  and  booths  were  closed.1  As  men  called 
to  mind  the  late  irruption  of  Aben-Farax,  they 


1  "  Estavan  las  casas  yermas  i  como  se  suele  en  tiempo  i  punto  de 

tiendas  cerradas,  suspense  el  trato,  grandes  peligros."  Mendoza,  Guer- 

mudadas  las  horasde  oficios  divinos  ra  de  Granada,  p.  54. 

i  humanos ;  atentos  los  Religiosos  i  Mendoza  paints  the  panic  of  Gra- 

ocupados  en  oraciones  i  plegarias,  nada  with  the  pencil  of  Tacitus. 


CH.  III.]  PANIC  IN  GRANADA.  61 

were  filled  \vith  apprehensions  that  the  same  thing 
would  be  attempted  again  ;  and  rumors  went 
abroad  that  the  mountaineers  were  plotting  another 
descent  on  the  city,  and,  with  the  aid  of  their  coun- 
trymen in  the  Albaicin,  would  soon  deluge  the 
streets  with  the  blood  of  the  Christians.  Under 
the  influence  of  these  fears,  some  took  refuge  in 
the  fortress  of  the  Alhambra ;  others  fled  into  the 
country.  Many  kept  watch  during  the  long  night, 
while  those  who  withdrew  to  rest  started  from  their 
slumbers  at  the  least  noise,  supposing  it  to  be  the 
war-cry  of  the  Moslem,  and  that  the  enemy  was  at 
the  gates. 

Nor  was  the  alarm  less  that  was  felt  by  the 
Moriscoes  in  the  city,  as  it  was  certainly  better 
founded, — for  the  Moriscoes  were  the  weaker  party 
of  the  two.  They  knew  the  apprehensions  enter- 
tained of  them  by  the  Christians,  and  that,  when 
men  have  the  power  to  relieve  themselves  of  their 
fears,  they  are  not  apt  to  be  very  scrupulous  as  to 
the  means  of  doing  so.  They  were  afraid  to  ven- 
ture into  the  streets  by  day,  and  at  night  they 
barricaded  their  houses  as  in  a  time  of  siege.2 
They  well  knew  that  a  single  act  of  imprudence 
on  their  part,  or  even  the  merest  accident,  might 
bring  the  Spaniards  upon  them  and  lead  to  a  gen- 
eral massacre.  They  were  like  the  traveller  who 
sees  the  avalanche  trembling  above  him,  which  the 
least  jar  of  the  elements,  or  his  own  unwary  move- 
ments, may  dislodge  from  its  slippery  basis,  and 

a  Circourt,  Hist  des  Arabes  d'Espagne,  torn  II.  p.  822. 


62  REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES.         [BOOK  V. 

bring  down  in  ruin  on  his  head.  T^hus  the  two 
races,  inhabitants  of  the  same  city,  were  like  two 
hostile  camps,  looking  on  each  other  with  watch- 
ful and  malignant  eyes,  and  ready  at  any  moment 
to  come  into  deadly  conflict. 

In  this  state  of  things,  the  Moriscoes,  anxious 
to  allay  the  apprehensions  of  the  Spaniards,  were 
profuse  in  their  professions  of  loyalty,  and  in  their 
assurances  that  there  was  neither  concert  nor  sym- 
pathy between  them  and  their  countrymen  in  the 
Alpujarras.  The  government,  to  give  still  greater 
confidence  to  the  Christians,  freely  distributed  arms 
among  them,  thus  enabling  them,  as  far  as  possible, 
to  provide  for  their  own  security.  The  inhabitants 
enrolled  themselves  in  companies.  The  citizen 
was  speedily  converted  into  the  soldier ;  and  every 
man,  of  whatever  trade  or  profession,  —  the  me- 
chanic, the  merchant,  the  lawyer,  —  took  his  turn 
of  military  service.  Even  the  advocates,  when  at- 
tending the  courts  of  justice,  appeared  with  their 
weapons  by  their  side.3 

But  what  contributed  above  all  to  revive  the 
public  confidence  was  the  care  of  the  government 
to  strengthen  the  garrison  in  the  Alhambra  by  the 
addition  of  five  hundred  regular  troops.  When, 
by  these  various  means,  the  marquis  of  Mondejar 
saw  that  tranquillity  was  restored  to  the  capital, 

3  "  En  un  punto  se  mudaron  en  los  estrados,  y  no  dexaban  de 

todos  los  oficios  y  tratos  en  solda-  parescer  muy  bien  en  aquella  co- 

desca,  tanto  que  los  relatores,  secre-  yuntura."    Marmol,   Rebelion    de 

tarios,  letrados,  procuradores  de  la  Granada,  torn.  I.  p.  358. 
Audiencia   entraban  con  espadas 


CH.  III.]  MUSTER  OF  TROOPS.  63 

he  bestowed  all  his  thoughts  on  an  expedition  into 
the  Alpuj arras,  desirous  to  crush  the  insurrection 
in  its  bud,  and  to  rescue  the  unfortunate  captives, 
whose  fate  there  excited  the  most  dismal  apprehen- 
sions amongst  their  friends  and  relatives  in  Gra- 
nada. He  sent  forth  his  summons  accordingly  to 
the  great  lords  and  the  cities  of  Andalusia,  to  fur- 
nish him  at  once  with  their  contingents  for  carry- 
ing on  the  war.  The  feudal  principle  still  obtained 
in  this  quarter,  requiring  the  several  towns  to  do 
military  service  for  their  possessions,  by  maintain- 
ing, when  called  upon,  a  certain  number  of  troops 
in  the  field,  at  their  own  expense  for  three  months, 
and  at  the  joint  expense  of  themselves  and  the 
government  for  six  months  longer.4  The  system 
worked  well  enough  in  those  ancient  times  when 
a  season  rarely  passed  without  a  foray  against  the 
Moslems.  But  since  the  fall  of  Granada,  a  long 
period  of  inactivity  had  followed,  and  the  citizen, 
rarely  summoned  to  the  field,  had  lost  all  the  essen- 
tial attributes  of  the  soldier.  The  usual  term  of 
service  was  too  short  to  supply  the  experience  and 
the  discipline  which  he  needed ;  and  far  from  en- 
tering on  a  campaign  with  the  patriotic  or  the 
chivalrous  feeling  that  gives  dignity  to  the  profes- 
sion of  arms,  he  brought  with  him  the  mercenary 
spirit  of  a  trader,  intent  only  on  his  personal  gains, 
and  eager,  as  soon  as  he  had  enriched  himself  by 

4  "  Servian  tres  meses  pagados  la  mitad,  i  otra  mitad  el  Rei." 
por  sus  pueblos  enteramente,  5  seis  Mendoza,  Guerra  de  Granada, 
meses  adelante  pagavan  los  pueblos  p.  53. 


64  REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES.         [BOOK  V. 

a  lucky  foray,  or  the  sack  of  some  ill-fated  city,  to 
return  home,  and  give  place  to  others,  as  inex- 
perienced and  possessed  of  as  little  subordination 

as  himself.5 

But,  however  deficient  this  civic  militia  might 
be  in  tactics,  the  men  were  well  provided  with 
arms  and  military  accoutrements ;  and,  as  the  mot- 
ley array  of  troops  passed  over  the  vega,  they  made 
a  gallant  show,  with  their  gay  uniforms  and  bright 
weapons  glancing  in  the  sun,  while  they  proudly 
displayed  the  ancient  banners  of  their  cities,  which 
had  waved  over  many  a  field  of  battle  against  the 
infidel.6 

But  no  part  of  the  warlike  spectacle  was  so 
brilliant  as  that  afforded  by  the  chivalry  of  the 
country,  —  the  nobles  and  cavaliers,  who,  with 
their  retainers  and  household  troops,  had  taken 
the  field  with  as  much  alacrity  on  the  present  occa- 
sion as  their  fathers  had  ever  shown  when  roused 
by  the  cry  that  the  enemy  was  over  the  borders.7 
They  were  much  inferior  in  numbers  to  the  militia 
of  the  towns.  But  inferiority  of  numbers  was  more 
than  compensated  by  excellence  of  discipline,  by 

5  Mendoza,  with  a  few  vigorous        6  "  Toda  gente  lucida    y  bicn 

touches,  has  sketched,  or  rather  arreada  &  punto  de  guerra,  quo 

sculptured  in  bold  relief,  the  rude  cierto  representaban   la  pompa  y 

and  rapacious    character   of  the  nobleza  de  BUS  ciudades."    Mar- 

Andalusian  soldiery.  —  "  Mai  pa-  mol,  Rebelion  de  Granada,  torn.  I. 

gada  I  por  esto  no  bien  disciplina-  p.  396. 
da ;  mantenida  del  robo,  i  a  trueco         7  "  Muchos  capitano*  fuertes, 
de  alcanzar  o  conservar  este  mucha  muchos  lucidos  soldados, 

i-i       .    i  .  ricas  banderas  tendidu, 

libel-tad,  poca  verguenza,  i  menos  y  gll  ^^  dorado .„ 

honra."      Ibid.,  p.  103.  Hita,  Guerras  de  Granada,  loin.  II.  p.  6L 


CH.  Ill]  MUSTER  OF  TROOPS.  65 

their  perfect  appointments,  and  by  that  chivalrous 
feeling  which  made  them  discard  every  mercenary 
consideration  in  the  pursuit  of  glory.  Such  was 
the  feeling  of  Luis  Paer  de  Castillego,  the  ancient 
regidor  of  Cordova.  When  offered  an  indepen- 
dent command,  with  the  emoluments  annexed  to 
it,  he  proudly  replied :  "  I  want  neither  rank  nor 
pay.  I,  my  sons,  my  kindred,  my  whole  house, 
will  always  be  found  ready  to  serve  our  God  and 
our  king.  It  is  the  title  by  which  we  hold  our 
inheritance  and  our  patent  of  nobility." ' 

With  such  loyal  and  high-mettled  cavaliers  to 
support  him,  Mondejar  could  not  feel  doubtful  of 
the  success  of  his  arms.  They  had,  however,  al- 
ready met  with  one  reverse ;  and  he  received  ti- 
dings that  his  advance-guard,  sent  to  occupy  a 
strong  pass  that  led  into  the  mountains,  had  been 
driven  from  its  position,  and  had  sustained  some- 
thing like  a  defeat.  This  would  have  been  still 
more  decisive,  had  it  not  been  for  the  courage  of 
certain  ecclesiastics,  eight  in  number,  —  four  of 
them  Franciscans  and  four  of  the  Society  of  Jesus, 
—  who,  as  the  troops  gave  way,  threw  themselves 
into  the  thick  of  the  fight,  and  by  their  example 
shamed  the  soldiers  into  making  a  more  determined 
resistance.  The  present  war  took  the  form  of  a 


8  Cireourt,  Ilist  dcs  Arabes  their  head.  They  did  not  arrive, 

d'Espagne,  torn.  II.  p.  326.  however,  till  a  later  period  of  the 

Seville  alone  furnished  two  thou-  war.  See  Zuniga,  Annales  de 

sand  troops,  with  one  of  the  most  Se villa,  (Madrid,  1677,  fol.,)  p. 

illustrious  cavaliers  of  the  city  at  583. 

VOL.    III.  9 


66  REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES.          [Boos  V. 

religious  war;  and  many  a  valiant  churchman, 
armed  with  sword  and  crucifix,  bore  his  part  in  it 
as  in  a  crusade. 

Hastening  his  preparations,  the  captain-general, 
without  waiting  for  further  reinforcements,  marched 
out  of  Granada  on  the  second  of  January,  1569, 
at  the  head  of  a  small  body,  which  did  not  exceed 
in  all  two  thousand  foot  and  four  hundred  horse. 
He  was  speedily  joined  by  levies  from  the  neighbor- 
ing towns,  —  from  Jaen,  Loja,  Alhama,  Antequera, 
and  other  places,  —  which  in  a  few  days  swelled 
his  little  army  to  double  its  original  size.  The 
capital  he  left  in  the  hands  of  his  son,  the  count 
of  Tendilla,  —  a  man  of  less  discretion  than  his 
father,  of  a  sterner  and  more  impatient  temper,  and 
one  who  had  little  sympathy  for  the  Morisco.  By 
his  directions,  the  peasantry  of  the  vega  were  re- 
quired to  supply  the  army  with  twenty  thousand 
pounds  of  bread  daily.9  The  additional  troops 
stationed  in  the  city,  as  well  as  those  who  met 
there,  as  in  a  place  of  rendezvous,  on  their  way  to 
the  sierra,  were  all  quartered  on  the  inhabitants 
of  the  Albaicin,  where  they  freely  indulged  in  the 
usual  habits  of  military  license.  The  Moriscoes 
still  retained  much  of  that  jealous  sensibility,  which 
leads  the  natives  of  the  East  to  seclude  their  wives 
and  daughters  from  the  eye  of  the  stranger.  It 

9  "Repartid  los  lugares  de  la  &  dos  libras  al  campo  el  flia  que  lo 

vcga  en  siete  partidos,  y  manddles,  tocase  de   la    semana."    Marmol, 

que  cada  uno  tuviese  cuidado  de  Rebelion  de  Granada,  torn.  I.  p. 

llevar  diez  mil  panes  amasados  de  404. 


Cii   HI]  MONDEJAR  TAKES  THE  FIELD.  67 

was  in  vain,  however,  that  they  urged  their  com- 
plaints in  the  most  respectful  and  deprecatory 
terms  before  the  governor.  The  haughty  Span- 
iard only  answered  them  with  a  stern  rebuke, 
which  made  the  Moriscoes  too  late  repent  that 
they  had  not  profited  by  the  opportunity  offered 
them  by  Aben-Farax  of  regaining  their  indepen- 
dence.10 

Leaving  Granada,  the  captain-general  took  the 
most  direct  route,  leading  along  the  western  slant 
of  the  Sierra  Nevada,  that  mountain  range  which, 
with  its  frosty  peaks  glistening  in  the  sun  like 
palisades  of  silver,  fences  round  the  city  on  the 
south,  and  screens  it  in  the  summer  from  the 
scorching  winds  of  Africa.  Thence  he  rapidly 
descended  into  the  beautiful  vale  of  Lecrin,  which 
spreads  out,  like  a  gay  carpet  embroidered  with 
many  a  wild-flower,  to  the  verge  of  the  Alpujarras. 
It  was  now,  however,  the  dead  of  winter,  when 
the  bright  coloring  of  the  landscape,  even  in  this 
favored  region,  watered  as  it  was  by  numerous 
fountains  and  running  streams,  had  faded  into  the 
sombre  tints  more  in  harmony  with  the  rude  scenes 
on  which  the  Spaniards  were  about  to  enter. 

Halting  a  night  at  Padul  to  refresh  his  troops, 
Mondejar  pressed  forward  to  Durcal,  which  he 
reached  barely  in  time  to  save  his  advance-guard 
from  a  more  shameful  discomfiture  than  it  had 


1(>  "  Pas<5  este  negocio  tan  ade-  por  no  haber  tornado  las  armas 
lante,  que  muchos  Moriscos  afrcn-  quando  Abcnfarax  los  llamaba." 
tados  y  gastados  se  arrepintieron,  Ibid.,  p.  407. 


68  REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES.         [BOOK  V. 

before  experienced ;  for  the  enemy,  pressing  it  on 
all  sides,  was  in  possession  of  the  principal  avenues 
to  the  town.  On  the  approach  of  the  main  body 
of  the  Spaniards,  however,  he  made  a  hasty  re- 
treat, and  established  himself  in  a  strong  position 
at  the  pass  of  Tablate.  The  place  was  defended  by 
a  barranca,  or  ravine,  not  formidable  from  its  width, 
but  its  rocky  sides  swept  sheer  down  to  a  depth 
that  made  the  brain  of  the  traveller  giddy  as  he 
looked  into  the  frightful  abyss.  The  chasm  ex- 
tended at  least  eight  leagues  in  length,  thus  serv- 
ing, like  a  gigantic  ditch  scooped  out  by  the  hand 
of  Nature,  to  afford  protection  to  the  beautiful 
valley  against  the  inroads  of  the  fierce  tribes  of 
the  mountains. 

Across  this  gulf  a  frail  wooden  bridge  had  been 
constructed,  forming  the  only  means  of  access  from 
this  quarter  to  the  country  of  the  Alpujarras.  But 
this  structure  was  now  nearly  demolished  by  the 
Moriscoes,  who  had  taken  up  the  floor,  and  re- 
moved most  of  the  supports,  till  the  passage  of 
the  tottering  fabric  could  not  safely  be  attempted 
by  a  single  individual,  much  less  by  an  army.11 
That  they  did  not  destroy  the  bridge  altogether, 
probably  arose  from  their  desire  to  re-establish,  as 
soon  as  possible,  their  communications  with  their 
countrymen  in  the  valley. 

Meanwhile  the  Moslems  had  taken  up  a  position 

11  "  Apenas  podia  ir  por  ella  un  do  por  los  cimientos,  de  manera, 
horobre  suelto;  y  aim  este  poco  que  si  cargase  mas  de  una  persona, 
paso,  le  tenian  descavado  y  solapa-  fuese  abaxo."  Ibid.,  p.  409. 


CH.  III.J  BOLD  PASSAGE  AT  TABLATE.  69 

which  commanded  the  farther  end  of  the  bridge, 
where  they  calmly  awaited  the  approach  of  the 
Spaniards.  Their  army,  which  greatly  fluctuated 
in  its  numbers  at  different  periods  of  the  campaign, 
was  a  miscellaneous  body,  ill  disciplined  and  worse 
armed.  Some  of  the  men  carried  fire-arms,  some 
crossbows ;  others  had  only  slings  or  javelins,  or 
even  sharp-pointed  stakes,  —  any  weapon,  in  short, 
however  rude,  which  they  had  contrived  to  secrete 
from  the  Spanish  officials  charged  with  enforcing 
the  laws  for  disarming  the  Moriscoes.  But  they 
were  a  bold  and  independent  race,  inured  to  a  life 
of  peril  and  privation ;  and,  however  inferior  to  the 
Christians  in  other  respects,  they  had  one  obvious 
advantage  in  their  familiarity  with  the  mountain 
wilds  in  which  they  had  been  nurtured  from  in- 
fancy. 

As  the  Spaniards  approached  the  ravine,  they 
were  saluted  by  the  enemy,  from  the  other  side, 
with  a  shower  of  balls,  stones,  and  arrows,  which, 
falling  at  random,  did  little  mischief.  But  as  soon 
as  the  columns  of  the  Christians  reached  the  brow 
of  the  baivanca,  and  formed  into  line,  they  opened  a 
much  more  effective  fire  on  their  adversaries  ;  and 
when  the  heavy  guns  with  which  Mendoza  was 
provided  were  got  into  position,  they  did  such 
execution  on  the  enemy  that  he  thought  it  pru- 
dent to  abandon  the  bridge,  and  take  post  behind 
a  rising  ground,  which  screened  him  from  the  fire. 

All  thoughts  were  now  turned  on  the  mode  of 
crossing  the  ravine  ;  and  many  a  look  of  blank  dis- 


70  REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES.         [Boos  V. 

may  was  turned  on  the  dilapidated  bridge,  which, 
like  a  spider's  web,  trembling  in  every  breeze,  was 
stretched  across  the  formidable  chasm.  No  one 
was  bold  enough  to  venture  on  this  pass  of  peril. 
At  length  a  Franciscan  monk,  named  Christoval 
de  Molina,  offered  himself  for  the  emprise.  It 
was  again  an  ecclesiastic  who  was  to  lead  the 
way  in  the  path  of  danger.  Slinging  his  shield 
across  his  back,  with  his  robe  tucked  closely  around 
him,  grasping  a  crucifix  in  his  left  hand,  and  with 
his  right  brandishing  his  sword,  the  valiant  friar 
set  his  foot  upon  the  bridge.12  All  eyes  were  fas- 
tened upon  him,  as,  invoking  the  name  of  Jesus, 
he  went  courageously  but  cautiously  forward,  pick- 
ing his  way  along  the  skeleton  fabric,  which  trem- 
bled under  his  weight,  as  if  about  to  fall  in  pieces 
and  precipitate  him  into  the  gulf  below.  But  he 
was  not  so  to  perish ;  and  his  safe  arrival  on  the 
farther  side  was  greeted  with  the  shouts  of  the 
soldiery,  who,  ashamed  of  their  hesitation,  now 
pressed  forward  to  follow  in  his  footsteps. 

The  first  who  ventured  had  the  same  good  for- 
tune as  his  predecessor.  The  second,  missing  his 
step  or  becoming  dizzy,  lost  his  foothold,  and,  tum- 
bling, headlong,  was  dashed  to  pieces  on  the  bottom 
of  the  ravine.  One  after  another,  the  soldiers  fol- 

12  "  Mas  un  bendito  frayle  de  la  en  la  cinta,  y  una  rodela  ecliada  d 

orden  del  serafico  padre  San  Fran-  las  espaldas,  invocando  el  poderoso 

cisco,  llamado  fray  Christoval  de  nombre  de  Jesus,  llegd  al  pelirrroso 

Molina,  con  un  crucifixo  en  la  ma-  paso,  y  se  metio  determinadamente 

no  izquierda,  y  la  espada  desnuda  por    dl."     Marmol,    Rebelion    de 

en  la  derecha,  los  Labitos  cogidos  Granada,  torn.  I.  p.  410. 


CH.  III.]  RETREAT  OF  TIIE  MORISCOES.  71 

lowed,  and  with  fewer  casualties  than  might  have 
been  expected  from  the  perilous  nature  of  the 
passage.  During  all  this  time  they  experienced  no 
molestation  from  the  enemy,  intimidated,  perhaps, 
by  the  unexpected  audacity  of  the  Spaniards,  and 
not  caring  to  come  within  the  range  of  the  deadly 
fire  of  their  artillery.  No  sooner  had  the  arque- 
busiers  crossed  in  sufficient  strength,  than  Monde- 
jar,  putting  himself  at  their  head,  led  them  against 
the  Moslems.  He  was  received  with  a  spirited 
volley,  which  had  well-nigh  proved  fatal  to  him ; 
and  had  it  not  been  for  his  good  cuirass,  that 
turned  the  ball  of  an  arquebuse,  his  campaign 
would  have  been  brought  to  a  close  at  its  com- 
mencement. The  skirmish  lasted  but  a  short  time, 
as  the  Moriscoes,  already  disheartened  by  the  suc- 
cess of  the  assailants,  or  in  obedience  to  the  plan 
of  operations  marked  out  by  their  leader,  aban- 
doned their  position,  and  drew  off  rapidly  towards 
the  mountains.  It  was  the  intention  of  Aben- 
Humeya,  as  already  noticed,  to  entangle  his  ene- 
mies in  the  defiles  of  the  sierra,  where,  inde- 
pendently of  the  advantage  he  possessed  from  a 
knowledge  of  the  country,  the  rugged  character 
of  the  ground,  he  conceived,  would  make  it  im- 
practicable for  both  cavalry  and  artillery,  with 
neither  of  which  he  was  provided.13 

13  Ibid.,  p.  410,  etseq. —  Men-  passage  of  the  bridge  at  Tablate 

doza,  Guerra  de  Granada,  pp.  67,  in  one  of  the  romances,  or  ballads, 

68.  —  Herrera,  Historia  General,  with  which  he  has  plentifully  be- 

tom.  I.  p.  736.  sprinkled  the  second  volume  of  his 

Ilita  has  commemorated  the  bold  work,  and  which  present  a  sorry 


72  REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES.         [Boos  V. 

The  Spanish  commander,  resuming  his  former 
station,  employed  the  night  in  restoring  the  bridge, 
on  which  his  men  labored  to  such  purpose,  that  by 
morning  it  was  in  a  condition  for  both  his  horse 
and  his  heavy  guns  to  cross  in  safety.  Mean- 
while he  received  tidings  that  a  body  of  a  hundred 
and  eighty  Spaniards,  in  the  neighboring  town  of 
Orgiba,  who  had  thrown  themselves  into  the  tower 
of  the  church  on  the  breaking  out  of  the  insurrec- 
tion, were  still  holding  their  position,  and  anxiously 
looking  for  succor  from  their  countrymen.  Push- 
ing forward,  therefore,  without  loss  of  time,  he  re- 
sumed his  march  across  the  valley,  which  was  here 
defended  on  either  side  by  rugged  hills,  that,  grow- 
ing bolder  as  he  advanced,  announced  his  entrance 
into  the  gorges  of  the  Alpujarras.  The  weather  was 
tempestuous.  The  roads  were  rendered  worse  than 
usual  by  the  heavy  rains  and  by  the  torrents  that 
descended  from  the  hills.  The  Spaniards,  more- 
over, suffered  much  from  straggling  parties  of  the 
enemy,  who  had  possession  of  the  heights,  whence 
they  rolled  down  huge  rocks,  and  hurled  missiles 
of  every  kind  on  the  heads  of  the  invaders.  To 
rid  himself  of  this  annoyance,  Mondejar  ordered 
detachments  of  horse  —  one  of  them  under  the 
command  of  his  son,  Don  Antonio  de  Mendoza  — 

contrast  to  the  ballads  in  the  pre-  in  the  second  volume  are  probably 

ceding  volume.    These,  which  form  the  work  of  Hita  himself,  —  poor 

part  of  the  popular  minstrelsy  of  imitations  of  the  antique,  and  prov- 

an  earlier  age,  have  all  the  raciness  ing  that,  if  his  rich'  and  redundant 

and  flavor  that  belong  to  the  native  prose  is  akin  to  poetry,  his  poetry 

wild-flower  of  the  soil.    The  ballads  is  still  nearer  allied  to  prose 


CH.  HI-l  RETREAT  OF  THE  MORISCOES.  73 

to  scour  the  crests  of  the  hills  and  dislodge  the 
skirmishers.  Pioneers  were  sent  in  advance,  to 
level  the  ground  and  render  it  practicable  for  the 
cavalry.  The  service  was  admirably  performed ; 
and  the  mountaineers,  little  acquainted  with  the 
horse,  which  they  seem  to  have  held  in  as  much 
terror  as  did  the  ancient  Mexicans,  were  so  as- 
tounded by  seeing  the  light-footed  Andalusian  steed 
scaling  the  rough  sides  of  the  sierra,  along  paths 
where  the  sportsman  would  hardly  venture,  that, 
without  waiting  for  the  charge,  they  speedily  quit- 
ted the  ground,  and  fell  back  on  the  main  body 
of  their  army. 

This  was  posted  at  Lanjaron,  a  place  but  a  few 
miles  oif,  where  the  Moriscoes  had  profited  by  a 
gentle  eminence  that  commanded  a  narrow  defile, 
to  throw  up  a  breastwork  of  stone  and  earth,  be- 
hind which  they  were  intrenched,  prepared,  as  it 
would  seem,  to  give  battle  to  the  Spaniards. 

The  daylight  had  begun  to  fade,  as  the  latter 
drew  near  the  enemy's  encampment;  and,  as  he 
was  unacquainted  with  the  ground,  Mondejar  re- 
solved to  postpone  his  attack  till  the  following 
morning.  The  night  set  in  dark  and  threatening. 
But  a  hundred  watchfires  blazing  on  the  hill-tops 
illumined  the  sky,  and  sent  a  feeble  radiance  into 
the  gloom  of  the  valley.  All  night  long  the  wild 
notes  of  the  musical  instruments  peculiar  to  the 
Moors,  mingling  with  their  shrill  war-cries,  sound- 
ed in  the  ears  of  the  Christians,  keeping  them 
under  arms,  and  apprehensive  every  moment  of  an 


10 


74  REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES.         [BOOK  V. 

attack.14  But  a  night  attack  was  contrary  to  the 
usual  tactics  of  the  Moors.  Nor,  as  it  appeared, 
did  they  intend  to  join  battle  with  the  Spaniards 
at  all  in  this  place.  At  least,  if  such  had  been 
their  design,  they  changed  it.  For  at  break  of 
day,  to  the  surprise  of  the  Spaniards,  no  vestige 
was  to  be  seen  of  to  Moriscoes,  who,  abandoning 
their  position,  had  taken  flight,  like  their  own 
birds  of  prey,  into  the  depths  of  the  mountains. 

Mondejar,  not  sorry  to  be  spared  the  delay  which 
an  encounter  must  have  caused  him  at  a  time  when 
every  moment  was  so  precious,  now  rapidly  pushed 
forward  to  Orgiba,  where  he  happily  arrived  in 
season  to  relieve  the  garrison,  reduced  almost  to 
the  last  extremity,  and  to  put  to  flight  the  rabble 
who  besieged  it. 

In  the  fulness  of  their  hearts,  and  with  the  tears 
streaming  from  their  eyes,  the  poor  prisoners  came 
forth  from  their  fortress  to  embrace  the  deliverers 
who  had  rescued  them  from  the  most  terrible  of 
deaths.  Their  apprehensions  of  such  a  fate  had 
alone  nerved  their  souls  to  so  long  and  heroic  a 
resistance.  Yet  they  must  have  sunk  ere  this  from 
famine,  had  it  not  been  for  their  politic  precaution 
of  taking  with  them  into  the  tower  several  of  the 
Morisco  children,  whose  parents  secretly  supplied 

t    i 

14  "  Estuvo  alii  aquella  noche  ;i  atemorizar    nuestros     Christianos, 

vista  de  los  enemigos,  que  teniendo  que  con   grandisimo  recato   estu- 

ocupado  el  paso  con  grandes  fue-  vieron  todos  con  las  armas  en  las 

gos  por  aquellos  cerros,  no  hacian  manos."      Marmol,     Rebelion    de 

sino  tocar  sus  atabalojos,  dulzaynas  Granada,  torn.  I.  p.  413. 
y  xabecas,  haciendo  algazaras  para 


Cu.  III.]  RETREAT  OF  THE  MORISCOES.  75 

them  with  food,  which  served  as  the  means  of 
subsistence  —  scanty  though  it  was  —  for  the  gar- 
rison. But  as  the  latter  came  forth  into  view, 
their  wasted  forms  and  famine-stricken  visages  told 
a  tale  of  woe  that  would  have  softened  a  heart 
of  flint.15 

The  situation  of  Orgiba  pointed  it  out  as  suit- 
able for  a  fortified  post,  to  cover  the  retreat  of  the 
army,  if  necessary,  and  to  protect  the  convoys  of 
supplies  to  be  regularly  forwarded  from  Granada. 
Leaving  a  small  garrison  there,  the  captain-general, 
without  longer  delay,  resumed  his  pursuit  of  the 
enemy. 

Aben-IIumcya  had  retreated  into  Poqucira,  a 
rugged  district  of  the  Alpuj arras.  Here  he  had 
posted  himself,  with  an  army  amounting  to  more 
than  double  its  former  numbers,  at  the  extremity 
of  a  dangerous  defile,  called  the  Pass  of  Alfaja- 
rali.  Behind  lay  the  town  of  Bubion,  the  capital 
of  the  district,  in  which,  considering  it  as  a  place 
of  safety,  many  of  the  wealthier  Moriscoes  had 
deposited  their  women  and  their  treasures. 

Mondejar's  line  of  march  now  took  him  into 
the  heart  of  the  wildest  regions  of  the  Alpuj  arras, 
where  the  scenery  assumed  a  character  of  sublim- 
ity very  different  from  what  he  had  met  with  in 
the  lower  levels  of  the  country.  Here  mountain 
rose  beyond  mountain,  till  their  hoary  heads,  soar- 

15  Ibid.,  p.  414.  —  Herrera,  His-  — Mendoza,  Guerra  de  Granada, 
toria  General,  torn.  I.  p.  737. —  pp.  69,  70.  —  Ferreras,  Hist. 
Bleda,  Cronica  dc  Espana,  p.  684.  d'Espagne,  torn.  X.  p.  17. 


76  REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES.         [Boos  V. 

ing  above  the  clouds,  entered  far  into  the  region  of 
eternal  snow.  The  scene  was  as  gloomy  as  it  was 
grand.  Instead  of  the  wide-spreading  woods  that 
usually  hang  round  the  skirts  of  lofty  mountains, 
covering  up  their  nakedness  from  the  eye,  nothing 
here  was  to  be  seen  but  masses  of  shattered  rock, 
black  as  if  scathed  by  volcanic  fires,  and  heaped 
one  upon  another  in  a  sort  of  wild  confusion,  as  if 
some  tremendous  convulsion  of  nature  had  torn 
the  hills  from  their  foundations,  and  thrown  them 
into  primitive  chaos.  Yet  the  industry  of  the  Mo- 
riscoes  had  contrived  to  relieve  the  savage  features 
of  the  landscape,  by  scooping  out  terraces  wherever 
the  rocky  soil  allowed  it,  and  raising  there  the  vine 
and  other  plants,  in  bright  patches  of  variegated 
culture,  that  hung  like  a  garland  round  the  gaunt 
and  swarthy  sierra. 

The  temperature  was  now  greatly  changed  from 
what  the  army  had  experienced  in  the  valley.  The 
wind,  sweeping  down  the  icy  sides  of  the  moun- 
tains, found  its  way  through  the  harness  of  the 
cavaliers  and  the  light  covering  of  the  soldiers, 
benumbing  their  limbs,  and  piercing  them  to  the 
very  bone.  Great  difficulty  was  experienced  in 
dragging  the  cannon  up  the  steep  heights,  and 
along  roads  and  passes,  which,  however  easily 
traversed  by  the  light-footed  mountaineer,  were 
but  ill  suited  to  the  movements  of  an  army  clad 
in  the  heavy  panoply  of  war. 

The  march  was  conducted  in  perfect  order,  the 
arquebusiers  occupying  the  van,  and  the  cavalry 


CH.  III.]  COMBAT  AT  ALFAJARALI.  77 

riding  on  either  flank,  while  detachments  of  infan- 
try, the  main  body  of  which  occupied  the  centre, 
were  thrown  out  to  the  right  and  left,  on  the 
higher  grounds  along  the  route  of  the  army,  to 
save  it  from  annoyance  from  the  mountaineers. 

On  the  thirteenth  of  January,  Mondejar  entered 
the  narrow  defile  of  Alfajarali,  at  the  farther  end 
of  which  the  motley  multitude  that  had  gathered 
round  the  standard  of  Aben-Humeya  were  already 
drawn  up  in  battle  array.  His  right  wing  rested 
on  the  bold  side  of  the  sierra.  The  left  was  de- 
fended by  a  deep  ravine,  and  his  position  was 
strengthened  by  more  than  one  ambuscade,  for 
which  the  nature  of  the  ground  was  eminently 
favorable.16  Indeed,  ambushes  and  surprises  formed 
part  of  the  regular  strategy  of  the  Moorish  warrior, 
who  lost  heart  if  he  failed  in  these,  —  like  the  lion, 
who,  if  balked  in  the  first  spring  upon  his  prey,  is 
said  rarely  to  attempt  another. 

Putting  these  wily  tactics  into  practice,  the  Mo- 
risco  chief,  as  soon  as  the  Spaniards  were  fairly 
entangled  in  the  defile,  without  waiting  for  them  to 
come  into  order  of  battle,  gave  the  signal ;  and  his 
men,  starting  up  from  glen,  thicket,  and  ravine,  or 
bursting  down  the  hill-sides  like  their  own  winter- 
torrents,  fell  at  once  on  the  Christians,  —  front, 
flank,  and  rear,  —  assailing  them  on  every  quar- 


18  "  A  la  mano  derecha  cubiertos  lo  hondo  del  barranco  de  mucho 

con  un  sierro,  havia  emboscados  mayor  numero  de  gente."    Men- 

quinientos  arcabuceros  i  valleste-  doza,  Guerra  de  Granada,  torn.  I. 

ros,  demas  desto  otra  emboscada  en  p.  71. 


78  REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES.         [BOOK  V. 

ter.17  Astounded  by  the  fiery  suddenness  of  the 
assault,  the  rear-guard  retreated  on  the  centre, 
while  the  arquebusiers  in  the  van  were  thrown 
into  still  greater  disorder.  For  a  few  moments  it 
seemed  as  if  the  panic  would  become  general. 
But  the  voice  of  the  leader  was  heard  above  the 
tumult,  and  by  his  prompt  and  sagacious  measures 
he  fortunately  succeeded  in  restoring  order,  and 
reviving  the  confidence  of  his  men.  He  detached 
one  body  of  cavalry,  under  his  son-in-law,  to  the 
support  of  the  rear,  and  another  to  the  front  un- 
der the  command  of  his  son,  Antonio  de  Mendoza, 
Both  executed  their  commissions  with  spirit ;  and 
Mendoza,  outstripping  his  companions  in  the  haste 
with  which  he  galloped  to  the  front,  threw  himself 
into  the  thickest  of  the  fight,  where  he  was  struck 
from  his  horse  by  a  heavy  stone,  and  was  speedily 
surrounded  by  the  enemy,  from  whose  grasp  he 
was  with  difficulty,  and  not  till  after  much  hard 
fighting,  rescued  by  his  companions.  His  friend, 
Don  Alonso  Portocarrero,  the  scion  of  a  noble 
house  in  Andalusia,  whose  sons  had  always  claimed 
the  front  of  battle  against  the  infidel,  was  twice 
wounded  by  poisoned  arrows ;  for  the  Moors  of  the 
Alpuj arras  tipped  their  weapons  with  a  deadly 
poison  distilled  from  a  weed  that  grew  wild  among 
the  mountains.18 

"  "  Ellos  quando  pensaron  que  hora  se  peled  con  ellos  a  todas 

nuestra  gente  iva  cansada  acome-  partes  i  a  las  espaldas,  no  sin  igual- 

tieron  por  la  frente,  por  el  costado,  dad  i  peligro."    Ibid.,  ubi  supra, 
i  por  la  retaguardia,  todo  a  un         18  This  poison  was  extracted  from 

tiempo;  de  manera  que  quasi  una  the    aconite,  or  wolfs-bane,    that 


CH.  III.]  COMBAT  AT  ALFAJARALI.  79 

A  fierce  struggle  now  ensued.  For  the  Morisco 
was  spurred  on  by  hate  and  the  recollection  of  a 
thousand  wrongs.  Ill  provided  with  weapons  for 
attack,  and  destitute  of  defensive  armor,  he  exposed 
himself  to  the  hottest  of  his  enemy's  fire,  and  en- 
deavored to  drag  the  horsemen  from  their  saddles, 
while  stones  and  arrows,  with  which  some  musket- 
halls  were  intermingled,  fell  like  rain  on  the  well- 
tempered  harness  of  the  Andalusian  knights.  The 
latter,  now  fully  roused,  plunged  boldly  into  the 
thickest  of  the  Moorish  multitude,  trampling  them 
under  foot,  and  hewing  them  down,  right  and  left, 
with  their  sharp  blades.  The  arquebusiers,  at  the 
same  time,  delivered  a  well-directed  fire  on  the 
flank  of  the  Moriscoes,  who,  after  a  brave  struggle 
of  an  hour's  duration,  in  which  they  were  baffled 
on  every  quarter,  quitted  the  field,  covered  with 
their  slain,  as  precipitately  as  they  had  entered  it, 
and,  vanishing  among  the  mountains,  were  soon 
far  beyond  pursuit.19 

From  the  field  of  battle  Mondejar  marched  at 
once  upon  Bubion,  the  capital  of  the  district,  and 
now  left  wholly  unprotected  by  the  Moslems.  Yet 
many  of  their  wives  and  daughters  remained  in  it ; 
and  what  rejoiced  the  heart  of  Mondejar  more  than 

grew  rife  among  the   Alpujarras.  the  best  antidote.     Ibid.,  pp.  73, 

It  was  of  so  malignant  a  nature  74. 

that  the  historian  assures  us  that,  19  Ibid.,  pp.  71  -  74.  —  Cabrera, 

if  a  drop  mingled  with  the  blood  Filipe  Segundo,  p.  554 . — Marmol, 

flowing  from  a   wound,   the  virus  Rebelion  do  Granada,  torn.  I.  pp. 

would  ascend  the  stream  and  dif-  416-418.  —  Herrera,    Historia 

fuse  itself  over  the  whole  system!  General,  torn.  I.  p.  737.  —  Bleda, 

Quince-juice  was  said   to  furnish  Cronica  de  Espana,  p.  684. 


80  REBELLION  OP  THE  MOKISCOES.         [BOOK  V. 

all  was  the  liberation  of  a  hundred  and  eighty 
Christian  women,  who  came  forth,  frantic  with 
joy  and  gratitude,  to  embrace  the  knees  of  their 
deliverers.  They  had  many  a  tale  of  horror  to 
tell  their  countrymen,  who  had  now  rescued  them 
from  a  fate  worse  than  that  of  death  itself;  for 
arrangements  had  been  made,  it  was  said,  to  send 
away  those  whose  persons  offered  the  greatest  at- 
tractions, to  swell  the  harems  of  the  fierce  Barbary 
princes  in  alliance  with  the  Moriscoes.  The  town 
afforded  a  rich  booty  to  the  victorious  troops,  in 
gold,  silver,  and  jewels,  together  with  the  finest 
stuffs,  especially  of  silk,  for  the  manufacture  of 
which  the  people  of  the  country  were  celebrated. 
As  the  Spanish  commander,  unwilling  to  be  en- 
cumbered with  unnecessary  baggage,  had  made  no 
provision  for  transporting  the  more  bulky  articles, 
the  greater  part  of  them,  in  the  usual  exterminat- 
ing spirit  of  war,  was  consigned  to  the  flames.20 
The  soldiers  would  willingly  have  appropriated  to 
themselves  the  Moorish  women  whom  they  found 
in  the  place,  regarding  them  as  the  spoils  of  vic- 
tory; but  the  marquis,  greatly  to  the  disgust  of 
his  followers,  humanely  interfered  for  their  pro- 
tection. 

Mondejar  now  learned  that  Aben-Humeya,  gath- 
ering the  wreck  of  his  forces  about  him,  had  taken 
the  route  to  Jubiles,  —  a  place  situated  in  the 

20  "  Mas  la  priesa  de  caminar  en  de  quemar  la  mayor  parte,  porquc 

siguimiento  de  los  enemigos,  i  la  ellos  no  se  aprovechasen ."     Men- 

falta  de  bagages  en  que  la  cargar  i  doza,  Guerra  de  Granada,  p.  75. 
gente  con  que  aseguralla,  fue  causa 


CH.  Ill]  PERILOUS  MARCH.  81 

wildest  part  of  the  country,  where  there  was  a 
fortress  of  much  strength,  in  which  he  proposed  to 
make  a  final  stand  against  his  enemies.  Desirous 
to  follow  up  the  blow  before  the  enemy  had  tune 
to  recover  from  its  effects,  Mondejar  resumed  his 
march.  He  had  not  advanced  many  leagues  before 
he  reached  Pitres,  the  principal  town  in  the  district 
of  Ferreiras.  It  was  a  place  of  some  importance, 
and  was  rich  in  the  commodities  usually  found  in 
the  great  Moorish  towns,  where  the  more  wealthy 
of  the  inhabitants  rivalled  their  brethren  of  Gra- 
nada in  their  taste  for  sumptuous  dress  and  in  the 
costly  decorations  of  their  houses. 

The  conquerors  had  here  the  satisfaction  of  re- 
leasing a  hundred  and  fifty  of  their  poor  country- 
women from  the  captivity  in  which  they  had  been 
held,  after  witnessing  the  massacre  of  their  friends 
and  relatives.  The  place  was  given  up  to  pillage ; 
but  the  marquis,  true  to  his  principles,  notwith- 
standing the  murmurs,  and  even  menaces,  of  his  sol- 
diers, would  allow  no  injury  to  be  done  to  the  Moor- 
ish women  who  remained  in  it.  In  this  he  acted 
in  obedience  to  the  dictates  of  sound  policy,  no  less 
than  of  humanity,  which  indeed,  happily  for  man- 
kind, can  never  be  dissevered  from  each  other.  He 
had  no  desire  to  push  the  war  to  extremities,  or  to 
exterminate  a  race  whose  ingenuity  and  industry 
were  a  fruitful  source  of  revenue  to  the  country. 
He  wished,  therefore,  to  leave  the  door  of  recon- 
ciliation still  open ;  and  while  he  carried  fire  and 
sword  into  the  enemy's  territory,  he  held  out  the 

VOL.   III.  11 


82  REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES.         [Boon  V. 

prospect  of  grace  to   those  who  were   willing   to 
submit  and  return  to  their  allegiance. 

The  route  of  the  army  lay  through  a  wild  and 
desolate    region,  which,  from    its  great  elevation, 
was  cool  even  in  midsummer,  and  which  now,  in 
the  month  of  January,  wore  the  dreary  aspect  of 
a   polar   winter.     The   snow,  which  never  melted 
on  the  highest  peaks  of  the  mountains,  lay  heavily 
on  their  broad  shoulders,  and,  sweeping  far  down 
their  sides,  covered  up  the  path  of  the  Spaniards. 
It  was  with  no  little  difficulty  that  they  could  find 
a  practicable  passage,   especially  for  the  train  of 
heavy  guns,  which  were  dragged  along  with  in- 
credible toil  by  the  united  efforts  of  men  and  horses. 
The   soldiers,  bora  and  bred  in  the  sunny  plains 
of  Andalusia,  were  but  ill  provided  against  an  in- 
tensity of  cold  of  which  they  had  never  formed 
a  conception.     The  hands  and  feet  of  many  were 
frozen.     Others,  benumbed,  and  exhausted  by  ex- 
cessive toil,  straggled  in  the  rear,  and  sunk  down 
in  the  snow-drifts,  or  disappeared  in  the  treacher- 
ous ravines  and  crevices,  which,  under  their  glitter- 
ing mantle,  lay  concealed  from  the  eye.     It  fared 
still  worse  with  the  Moriscoes,  especially  with  the 
women   and  children,  who,  after  hanging   on  the 
skirts  of  the  retreating  army,  had,  the   better  to 
elude  pursuit,  scaled  the  more  inaccessible  parts 
of  the   mountains,   where,   taking  refuge   in  cav- 
erns, they  perished,  in  great  numbers,  of  cold  and 
hunger.21 

21  "  Los  Moros  tomaron  lo   alto  de  la  sierra,  y  no  pararon  hasta 


Cii.  III.]  MASSACRE  AT  JUBILES.  83 

Meanwhile  Aben-Humeya,  disheartened  by  his 
late  reverses,  felt  too  little  confidence  in  the  strength 
of  his  present  position  to  abide  there  the  assault 
of  the  Spaniards.  Quitting  the  place,  therefore, 
and  taking  with  him  his  women  and  effects,  he 
directed  his  course  by  rapid  marches  towards  Pa- 
terna,  his  principal  residence,  which  had  the  ad- 
vantage, by  its  neighborhood  to  the  Sierra  Nevada, 
of  affording  him,  if  necessary,  the  means  of  escap- 
ing into  its  wild  and  mysterious  recesses,  where 
none  but  a  native  would  care  to  follow  him.  He 
left  in  the  castle  of  Jubiles  a  great  number  of 
Morisco  women,  who  had  accompanied  the  army  in 
its  retreat,  and  three  hundred  men,  who,  from  age 
or  infirmity  would  be  likely  to  embarrass  his  move- 
ments. 

On  reaching  Jubiles,  therefore,  the  Spanish  gen- 
eral met  with  no  resistance  from  the  helpless  gar- 
rison who  occupied  the  fortress,  which,  moreover, 
contained  a  rich  booty  in  gold,  pearls,  and  precious 
stones,*  to  gratify  the  cupidity  of  the  soldiers.22 
Yet  their  discontent  was  expressed  in  more  auda- 
cious terms  than  usual  at  the  protection  afforded 
by  their  commander  to  the  Morisco  women,  of 
whom  there  were  more  than  two  thousand  in  the 
place.  Among  the  women  found  there  was  also  a 
good  number  of  Christian  captives,  who  roused  the 

ineterse  en  la  nicve,  dondc  pere-  todo  el  mueble,  en  que  habia  ricas 

cieron  cantidad  de  mugeres  y  de  cosas  de  seda,  oro,  plata  y  aljofar, 

criatura  de  frio."    Marmol,  Rebe-  de   que  cupo  la  mejor  y  mayor 

lion  de  Granada,  torn  I.  p.  437.  parte  &  los  quehabian  ido  delante." 

22  "  El  Marques  les  did  d  saco  Ibid.,  p.  444. 


84  REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES.          [BOOK  V. 

fierce  passions  of  their  countrymen  by  their  piteous 
recital  of  the  horrors  they  had  witnessed,  of  the 
butchery  of  fathers,  husbands,  and  brothers,  and 
of  the  persecutions  to  which  they  had  themselves 
been  subjected  in  order  to  convert  them  to  Islam- 
ism.  They  besought  the  captain-general  to  take 
pity  on  their  sufferings,  and  to  avenge  their  wrongs 
by  putting  every  man  and  woman  found  in  the 
place  to  the  sword.23  It  is  evident  that,  however 
prepared  they  may  have  been  to  accept  the  crown 
of  martyrdom  rather  than  abjure  their  faith,  they 
gave  little  heed  to  the  noblest  of  its  precepts, 
which  enjoined  the  forgiveness  of  their  enemies. 
In  this  respect  Mondejar  proved  himself  decidedly 
the  better  Christian;  for  while  he  listened  with 
commiseration  to  their  tale  of  woe,  and  did  all  he 
could  to  comfort  them  in  their  affliction,24  he  would 
not  abandon  the  protection  of  his  captives,  male 
or  female,  nor  resign  them  to  the  brutality  of  his 
soldiers. 

He  provided  for  their  safety  during  the  night  by 
allowing  them  to  occupy  the  church.  But  as  this 
would  not  accommodate  more  than  a  thousand 
persons,  the  remainder,  including  all  the  men,  were 
quartered  in  an  open  square  in  the  neighborhood 
of  the  building.  The  Spanish  troops  encamped 
at  no  great  distance  from  the  spot. 

23  "  No  tomen,  senores,  d  vida  24  « £1  Marques  se  enternecid 

hombre  ni  muger  de  aquestos  here-  de  ver  aquellas   pobres   mugeres 

ges,  que  tan  malos  ban  sido,  y  tan-  tan  lastimadas,  y  consolandolas  lo 

to  mal  nos  ban  hecho."    Ibid.,  p.  mejor  que  pudo,"  &c.    Ibid.,  ubi 

440  •  supra. 


CH.  in.]  MASSACRE  AT  JUBILES.  85 

In  the  course  of  the  night  one  of  the  soldiers 
found  his  way  into  the  quarters  of  the  captives, 
and  attempted  to  take  some  freedoms  with  a  Mo- 
risco  maiden.  It  so  happened  that  her  lover,  dis- 
guised in  woman's  attire,  was  at  her  side,  having 
remained  with  her  for  her  protection.  His  Moorish 
blood  fired  at  the  insult,  and  he  resented  it  by 
striking  his  poniard  into  the  body  of  the  Spaniard. 
The  cry  of  the  latter  soon  roused  his  comrades. 
Rushing  to  the  place,  they  fell  on  the  young  Mo- 
risco,  who,  now  brandishing  a  sword  which  he  had 
snatched  from  the  disabled  man,  laid  about  him  so 
valiantly  that  several  others  were  wounded.  The 
cry  rose  that  there  were  armed  men,  disguised  as 
women,  among  the  prisoners.  More  soldiers  poured 
in  to  the  support  of  their  comrades,  and  fell  with 
fury  on  their  helpless  victims.  The  uproar  was 
universal.  On  the  one  side  might  be  heard  moans 
and  petitions  for  mercy ;  on  the  other,  brutal  im- 
precations, followed  by  deadly  blows,  that  showed 
how  little  the  prayers  for  mercy  had  availed.  The 
hearts  of  the  soldiers  were  harder  than  the  steel 
with  which  they  struck ;  for  they  called  to  mind 
the  cruelties  inflicted  on  their  own  countrymen  by 
the  Moriscoes.  Striking  to  the  right  and  left,  they 
hewed  dowrn  men  and  women  indiscriminately,  — 
both  equally  defenceless.  In  their  blind  fury  they 
even  wounded  one  another;  for  it  was  not  easy 
to  discern  friend  from  foe  in  the  obscurity,  in 
which  little  light  was  to  be  had,  says  the  chroni- 
cler, except  such  as  came  from  the  sparks  of  clash- 


86  KEBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES.          [Boon  V. 

ing  steel  or  the  flash  of  fire-arms.25  It  was  in 
vain  that  the  officers  endeavored  to  call  off  the  men 
from  their  work  of  butchery.  The  hot  temper  of 
the  Andalusian  was  fully  roused ;  and  it  would 
have  been  as  easy  to  stop  the  explosion  of  the 
mine  when  the  train  has  been  fired,  as  to  stay  his 
fury.  It  was  not  till  the  morning  light  showed 
the  pavement  swimming  in  gore,  and  the  corpses 
of  the  helpless  victims  lying  in  heaps  on  one  an- 
other, that  his  appetite  for  blood  was  satisfied. 
Great  numbers  of  the  women,  and  nearly  all  the 
men,  perished  in  this  massacre.26  Those  in  the 
church  succeeded  in  making  fast  the  doors,  and 
thus  excluding  their  enemies,  who  made  repeated 
efforts  to  enter  the  building.  —  The  marquis  of 
Mondejar,  indignant  at  this  inhuman  outrage  per- 
petrated by  his  followers,  and  at  their  flagrant  dis- 
obedience of  orders,  caused  an  inquiry  into  the 
affair  to  be  instantly  made ;  and  the  execution  of 
three  of  the  most  guilty  proved  a  salutary  warning 
to  the  Andalusian  soldier  that  there  were  limits 
beyond  which  it  was  not  safe  to  try  the  patience 
of  his  commander.27 

85  "  Hubo  muchos  soldados  hen-  26  «  De  los  Moriscos  quasi  nin- 

dos,  los  mas  que  se  herian  unos  a  guno  quedd  vivo,  de  las  Moriscas 

otros,  entendiendo  los  que  venian  huvo  muehas  muertas,  de  los  nues- 

de  fuera,  que  los  que  martillaban  tros  algunos  heridos,  que  con   la 

con  las  espadas  eran  Moros,  porque  escuridad  de   la  noche  se  hacian 

solamente  les  alumbraba  el  centel-  dano  unos    a    otros."     Mendoza, 

lear  del  acero,  y  el  relampaguear  Guerra  de  Granada,  p.  77. 

de  la  polvora  de  los  arcabuces  en  27  ibid.f  ub;    gupra    _  Ble(]^ 

la  tcnebrosa  escuridad  de  la  noche."  Cronica  de  Espafia,  p.  685.  —  Her- 

11)1(1 'P'445-  rera,   Historia   General,    torn.    I. 


CH.  III.]  THE  LIBERATED  CHRISTIANS.  87 

Before  leaving  Jubiles,  Mondejar  sent  off  to  Gra- 
nada, under  a  strong  escort,  the  Christian  captives 
who,  since  their  liberation,  had  remained  with  the 
army.  There  were  eight  hundred  of  them,  women 
and  children,  —  a  helpless  multitude,  whose  wants 
were  to  be  provided  for,  and  whose  presence  could 
not  fail  greatly  to  embarrass  his  movements.  They 
were  obliged  to  perform  that  long  and  wearisome 
journey  across  the  mountains  on  foot,  as  there 
were  no  means  of  transportation.  And  piteous 
was  the  spectacle  which  they  presented  when 
they  reached  the  capital.  As  the  way-worn  wan- 
derers entered  by  the  gate  of  Bib-arranbla,  the 
citizens  came  forth  in  crowds  to  welcome  them. 
A  body  of  cavalry  was  in  the  van,  —  each  of  the 
troopers  holding  one  or  two  children  on  the  saddle 
before  him,  with  sometimes  a  third  on  the  crupper 
clinging  to  his  back.  The  infantry  brought  up 
the  rear ;  while  the  centre  of  the  procession  was 
occupied  by  the  women,  —  a  forlorn  and  melan- 
choly band,  with  their  heads  undefended  by  any 
covering  from  the  weather;  their  hair,  bleached 
by  the  winter's  tempests,  streaming  wildly  over 
their  shoulders ;  their  clothes  scanty,  tattered,  and 
soiled  with  travel  ;  without  stockings,  without 
shoes,  to  protect  their  feet  against  the  cold  and 
flinty  roads ;  while  in  the  lines  traced  upon  their 
countenances  the  dullest  eye  might  read  the  story 
of  their  unparalleled  sufferings.  Many  of  the  com- 

p.  737.  —  Marmol,  Rebelion  de    —  Cabrera,  Filipe    Segundo,    p. 
Granada,  torn.   I.   p.   441  et  seq.     558. 


88  KEBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES.  [BOOK  V. 

pany  were  persons  who,  unaccustomed  to  toil,  and 
delicately  nurtured,  were  but  poorly  prepared  for 
the  trials  and  privations  of  every  kind  to  which 
they  had  been  subjected.28 

As  their  friends  and  countrymen  gathered  round 
them,  to  testify  their  sympathy  and  listen  to  the 
story  of  their  misfortunes,  the  voices  of  the  poor 
wanderers  were  choked  with  sobs  and  lamentations. 
The  grief  was  contagious ;  and  the  sorrowing  and 
sympathetic  multitude  accompanied  the  procession 
like  a  train  of  mourners  to  the  monastery  of  Our 
Lady  of  Victory,  in  the  opposite  quarter  of  the 
city,  where  services  were  performed  with  much 
solemnity,  and  thanks  were  offered  up  for  their 
deliverance  from  captivity.  From  the  church  they 
proceeded  to  the  Alhambra,  where  they  were  gra- 
ciously received  by  the  marchioness  of  Mondejar, 
the  wife  of  the  captain-general,  who  did  what  she 
could  to  alleviate  the  miseries  of  their  condition. 
Those  who  had  friends  and  relations  in  the  city 
found  shelter  in  their  houses ;  while  the  rest  were 
kindly  welcomed  by  the  archbishop  of  Granada, 
and  by  the  charitable  people  of  the  town,  who 
provided  them  with  raiment  and  whatever  was 
necessary  for  their  comfort.29  The  stories  which 

s»  "  Habia  entre  ellas  muchas  que  1^  conocian,  mas  aun  &  quien 

duenas  nobles,  apuestas  y  hermosas  no  las  habia  visto."    Marmol,  Re- 

doncellas,  criadas  con  mucho  rega-  belion  de   Granada,    torn.    I.    p. 

lo,  que  iban  desnudas  y  descalzas,  443. 

y  tan  maltratadas  del  trabajo  del        »  «  Y  volviendo  &  las  cazas  del 

captiverio  y  del  camino,  que  no  Arzobispo,  las  que  tenian  parientes 

solo  quebraban  los  corazones  a  los  las  llevaron  d  sus  posadas,   y  las 


CH.  III.]  THE  LIBERATED   CHRISTIANS.  89 

the  fugitives  had  to  tell  of  the  horrid  scenes 
they  had  witnessed  in  the  Alpuj  arras,  roused  a 
deeper  feeling  of  hatred  in  the  Spaniards  towards 
the  Moriscoes,  that  boded  ill  for  the  security  of 
the  inhabitants  of  the  Albaicin. 

otras  fueron  hospedadas  con  can-  limosna  se  les  compro"  de  vestir  y 
dad  entro  la  buena  gente,  y  de  de  calzar."  Ibid.,  ubi  supra. 


VOL.  III.  11 


CHAPTER    IV. 

REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES. 

Situation  of  Aben-Humeya.  —  Fate  of  the  Moorish  Prisoners.  — 
Storming  of  Guajaras.  —  Escape  of  Aben-Humeya.  —  Operations 
of  Los  Velez.  —  Cabal  against  Mondejar.  —  License  of  the  Sol- 
diers. —  Massacre  in  Granada.  —  The  Insurrection  rekindled. 

1569. 

BEFORE  the  marquis  of  Mondejar  quitted  Jubiles, 
he  received  a  visit  from  seventeen  of  the  principal 
Moriscoes  in  that  part  of  the  country,  who  came 
to  tender  their  submission,  exculpating  themselves, 
at  the  same  time,  from  any  share  in  the  insurrec- 
tion, and  humbly  suing  for  the  captain-general's  pro- 
tection. This,  agreeably  to  his  policy,  he  promptly 
accorded,  granting  them  a  safe-conduct,  with  in- 
structions to  tell  their  countrymen  what  he  had 
done,  and  persuade  them,  if  possible,  to  return  to 
their  allegiance,  as  the  only  way  of  averting  the 
ruin  that  else  would  speedily  overtake  them.  This 
act  of  clemency,  so  repugnant  to  the  feelings  of 
the  Spaniards,  was  a  new  cause  of  disgust  to  his 
soldiers,  who  felt  that  the  fair  terms  thus  secured 
by  the  rebels  were  little  better  than  a  victory  over 


Cu.  IV.]  SITUATION  OF  ABEN-HUMEYA.  91 

themselves.1  Yet  the  good  effects  of  this  policy 
were  soon  made  visible,  when  the  marquis  resumed 
his  march.  For,  as  his  favorable  dispositions  be- 
came more  generally  known,  numbers  of  the  Mo- 
riscoes,  and  several  places  on  the  route,  eagerly 
tendered  their  submission,  imploring  his  mercy, 
and  protection  against  his  followers. 

Aben-Humeya,  meanwhile,  who  lay  at  Paterna, 
with  his  wives  and  his  warriors  gathered  around, 
saw  with  dismay  that  his  mountain  throne  was  fast 
sliding  away  from  beneath  him.  The  spirit  of  dis- 
trust and  disaffection  had  crept  into  his  camp.  It 
was  divided  into  two  parties.  One  of  these,  de- 
spairing of  further  resistance,  would  have  come 
instantly  to  terms  with  the  enemy.  The  other  still 
adhered  to  a  bolder  policy ;  but  its  leaders,  if  we 
may  trust  the  Castilian  writers,  were  less  influenced 
by  patriotic  than  by  personal  motives,  being  for 
the  most  part  men  who  had  borne  so  conspicuous 
a  part  in  the  insurrection  that  they  could  scarcely 
hope  to  be  included  in  any  amnesty  granted  by 
the  Spaniards.  Such,  in  particular,  were  the  Afri- 
can adventurers,  who  had  distinguished  themselves 
above  all  others  by  their  ferocious  persecution  of 
the  Christians.  They  directed,  at  this  time,  the 
counsels  of  the  Moorish  prince,  filling  his  mind 
with  suspicions  of  the  loyalty  of  some  of  his  fol- 


1  "  Los  soldados  no  podian  llevar  fue  tan  grande  la  tristeza  en  el 

&  paciencia  ver  que  se  tratase  de  campo,  coino  si  hubieran  perdido 

medios  con  los  rebeldes  ;  y  quando  la  Jornada."    Marmol,  Rebelion  de 

otro  dia  se  supo  que  los  admit  in,  Granada,  torn.  I.  p.  443. 


92  EEBELLION  OF  THE  MOKISCOES.         [Boo*  V. 

lowers,  especially  of  the  father  of  one  of  his  wives, 
a  person  of  much  authority  among  the  Moriscoes. 
To  suspect  and  to  slay  were  words  of  much  the 
same  import  with  Aben-Humeya.  He  sent  for 
his  relative,  and,  on  his  entering  the  apartment, 
caused  him  to  be  despatched  before  his  eyes.2  He 
would  have  followed  this  up  by  the  murder  of 
some  others  of  the  family,  if  they  had  not  eluded 
his  grasp ;  thus  establishing  his  title  to  a  descent 
from  those  despots  of  the  East  with  whom  the  lives 
of  their  kindred  were  of  as  little  account  as  the 
vermin  in  their  path.3 

He  was  still  at  the  head  of  a  numerous  army. 
Its  number,  indeed,  amounting  to  six  thousand 
men,  constituted  its  greatest  strength  ;  for,  without 
discipline,  almost  without  arms,  it  was  made  up 
of  such  rude,  incongruous  materials,  that,  as  he 
already  had  experience,  it  could  never  abide  the 
shock  of  battle  from  the  militia  of  Castile.  The 
Moorish  prince  had  other  causes  for  discourage- 
ment, in  the  tidings  he  was  hourly  receiving  of 
the  defection  of  his  subjects.  The  clemency  shown 
by  the  conqueror  was  doing  more  for  him  than  his 
arms,  —  as  the  snow  which  the  blasts  of  winter 
have  only  bound  more  closely  to  the  hill-side 
loosens  its  hold  and  falls  away  under  the  soft  touch 
of  spring.  Notwithstanding  his  late  display  of 

2  Ibid.,  p.  455.  claimed  his  descent,  took  refiige  in 

3  Abderrahman  —  or,  as  spelt  Spain  from  a  bloody  persecution,  in 
by   Gayangos,    Abdu-r-rhaman  —  which  every  member  of  his  numer- 
the  First,  the  founder  of  the  dy-  ous  family  is  said  to  have  perished 
nasty  from  -which   Aben-Humeya  by  the  scymitar  or  the  bow-string. 


Cu.  IV.]  SITUATION  OF  ABEN-HUMEYA,  93 

audacity,  the  unhappy  young  man  now  lost  all 
confidence  in  his  own  fortunes  and  in  his  follow- 
ers. Sorely  perplexed,  he  knew  not  where  to 
turn.  He  had  little  of  the  constancy  or  courage 
of  the  patriot  who  has  perilled  his  life  in  a  great 
cause ;  and  he  now  had  recourse  to  the  same  ex- 
pedient which  he  had  so  lately  punished  with 
death  in  his  father-in-law. 

He  sent  a  message  to  the  marquis  of  Mondejar, 
offering  to  surrender,  and,  if  time  were  given,  to 
persuade  his  people  to  follow  his  example.  Mean- 
while he  requested  the  Spanish  commander  to  stay 
his  march,  and  thus  prevent  a  collision  with  his 
troops.  Mondejar,  though  he  would  not  consent 
to  this,  advanced  more  leisurely,  while  he  opened 
a  negotiation  with  his  enemy.  He  had  already 
come  in  sight  of  the  rebel  forces,  when  he  con- 
sented, at  the  request  of  Aben-Humeya,  to  halt 
for  a  night  in  the  neighboring  village  of  Iniza,  in 
order  to  give  time  for  a  personal  interview.  This 
required  the  troops,  some  of  whom  had  now  ad- 
vanced within  musket-range  of  the  enemy,  to  fall 
back,  and  take  up  ground  in  the  rear  of  their 
present  position.  In  executing  this  manoeuvre  they 
came  almost  in  contact  with  a  detachment  of  the 
Moorish  army,  who,  in  their  ignorance  of  its  real 
object,  regarding  the  movement  as  a  hostile  demon- 
stration, sent  a  shower  of  arrows  and  other  missiles 
among  the  Spaniards,  which  they  returned  with 
hearty  good-will  by  a  volley  of  musketry.  The 
engagement  soon  became  general.  Aben-Humeya 


94  REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES.          [Boon  V. 

at  the  time  was  reading  a  letter,  which  he  had  just 
received  from  one  of  Mondejar's  staff,  arranging 
the  place  for  the  interview,  when  he  was  startled 
by  the  firing,  and  saw  with  consternation  his  own 
men  warmly  engaged  with  the  enemy.  Supposing 
he  had  been  deceived  by  the  Spaniards,  he  flung 
the  letter  on  the  ground,  and  throwing  himself  into 
the  saddle,  without  so  much  as  attempting  to  rally 
his  forces,  which  were  now  flying  over  the  field  in 
all  directions,  he  took  the  road  to  the  Sierra  Ne- 
vada, followed  by  only  five  or  six  of  his  attend- 
ants.4 His  horse  was  fleet,  and  he  soon  gained  the 
defiles  of  the  mountains.  But  he  was  hotly  pur- 
sued ;  and,  thinking  it  safer  to  trust  to  himself 
than  to  his  horse,  he  dismounted,  cut  the  ham- 
strings of  the  animal,  to  prevent  his  being  of  ser- 
vice to  his  pursuers,  and  disappeared  in  the  obscure 
depths  of  the  sierra,  where  it  would  have  been 
fruitless  to  follow  him. 

The  rout  of  his  army  was  complete ;  and  the 
victors  might  have  inflicted  an  incalculable  loss  on 
the  fugitives,  had  not  the  marquis  of  Mondejar 
called  off  his  troops,  and  put  a  stop  to  the  work 
of  death.  He  wished  to  keep  open  as  widely  as 
possible  the  door  of  reconciliation.  His  conduct, 
which  was  not  understood,  and  could  not  have 

4  "  Y  como  vid  que  los  Christia-  subiendo  &  gran  priesa  en  un  ca- 

nos  iban  la  sierra  arriba,  y  que  los  ballo,  dexd  su  familia  atras,  y  huyo 

suyos  huian  desvergonzadamente,  tambien  la  vuelta  de  la  sierra." 

entendiendo  que  todo  lo  que  Don  Marmol,    Rebelion    de    Granada, 

Alonso  Venegaa  trataba  era  en-  torn.  I.  p.  4CO. 
gafio,  echo  las  cartas  en  el  suelo,  y 


CH.  IV.]       FATE  OF  THE  MOORISH  PRISONERS.  95 

been  appreciated  by  his  men,  was  stigmatized  by 
them  as  treachery.  They  found  some  amends  for 
their  disappointment  in  the  pillage  of  Paterna,  the 
residence  of  Aben-Humeya,  which,  well  provided 
with  the  costly  finery  so  much  loved  by  the  Mo- 
riscoes,  furnished  a  welcome  booty  to  the  con- 
querors.5 

Among  the  Moorish  captives  were  Aben-Hu- 
meya's  mother,  two  of  his  sisters,  and  one  of  his 
wives,  to  whom,  as  usual,  Mondejar  extended  his 
protection. 

Yet  the  disposal  of  his  prisoners  was  a  subject 
of  perplexity  to  the  Spanish  commander.  His 
soldiers,  as  we  have  seen,  would  have  settled  it  at 
once,  had  their  captain  consented,  by  appropriating 
them  all  as  the  spoils  of  victory.  There  were  many 
persons,  higher  in  authority  than  these  soldiers, 
who  were  of  the  same  way  of  thinking  on  the  sub- 
ject with  them.  The  question  was  one  of  sufficient 
importance  to  come  before  the  government.  Philip 
referred  it  to  the  council  of  state ;  and,  regarding  it 
as  a  case  of  conscience,  in  which  the  interests  of  re- 
ligion were  concerned,  he  asked  the  opinion  of  the 
Royal  Audience  of  Granada,  over  which  Deza  pre- 
sided. The  final  decision  was  what  might  have 
been  expected  from  tribunals  with  inquisitors  at 
their  head.  The  Moriscoes,  men  and  women,  were 


5  Ibid.,  p.  458  ct  seq.  —  Ferre-  Filipe  Segundo,  pp.  560,561. — 

ras,  Hist.  d'Espagne,  torn.  X.  pp.  Herrera,  Ilistoria  General,  torn.  I. 

29-31.  —  Mendoza,    Guerra  de  p.  737. 
Granada,  pp.  80,  81. — Cabrera, 


96  KEBELLION  OF  THE  MOKISCOES.          [Boos  V. 

declared  to  have  incurred  by  their  rebellion  the 
doom  of  slavery.  What  is  more  remarkable  is 
the  precedent  cited  for  this  judgment,  it  being  no 
other  than  a  decision  of  the  Council  of  Toledo,  as 
far  back  as  the  time  of  the  Visigoths,  when  certain 
rebellious  Jews  were  held  to  have  forfeited  their 
liberty  by  an  act  of  rebellion.6  The  Morisco,  it 
was  said,  should  fare  no  better  than  the  Jew,  since 
he  was  not  only,  like  him,  a  rebel  and  an  infidel, 
but  an  apostate  to  boot.  The  decision,  it  was  un- 
derstood, was  very  satisfactory  to  Philip,  who, 
however,  "  with  the  pious  moderation  that  distin- 
guished so  just  and  considerate  a  prince,"7  so  far 
mitigated  the  severity  of  the  sentence,  in  the  prag- 
matic which  he  published,  as  to  exempt  from  its 
operation  boys  under  ten  years  of  age  and  girls 
under  eleven.  These  were  to  be  placed  in  the 
care  of  responsible  persons,  who  would  give  them 
the  benefits  of  a  Christian  education.  Unhappily, 
there  is  reason  to  think  that  the  good  intentions 
of  the  government  were  not  very  conscientiously 
carried  out  in  respect  to  this  provision  by  those 
intrusted  with  the  execution  of  it8 

While  the  question  was  pending,  Jubiles  fell 
into  the  hands  of  the  victors ;  and  Mondejar,  not 
feeling  himself  at  liberty  to  release  his  female  cap- 
tives, of  whom  more  than  a  thousand,  bv  this  event, 

*       * 

6  The  decision  referred  to  was  "  Con  una  moderacion  piadosa,  de 
probably  one  in  the  last  Council  of  que  quiso  usar  como  prineipe  con- 
Toledo,  A.  D.  690.     See  Mariana,  siderado  y  justo."     Rebelion  de 
Hist,  de  Espana,  torn.  I.  p.  452.  Granada,  torn.  I.  p.  495. 

7  I  quote  the  words  of  Marmol :  8  Ibid.,  ubi  supra. 


CH.  IV.]  STORMING  OF  GUAJARAS.  97 

had  come  into  his  -possession,  delivered  them  in 
charge  to  three  of  the  principal  Moriscoes,  to 
whom,  it  may  be  remembered,  he  had  given  letters 
of  safe-conduct.  They  were  allowed  to  restore  the 
women  to  their  families,  on  condition  that  they 
should  all  be  surrendered  on  the  demand  of  the 
government.  Such  an  act,  it  must  be  admitted, 
implies  great  confidence  in  the  good  faith  of  the 
Moslems,  —  a  confidence  fully  justified  by  the  re- 
sult. AVhen,  in  obedience  to  the  pragmatic,  they 
were  claimed  by  the  government,  they  were  deliv- 
ered up  by  their  families,  —  with  the  exception  of 
some  who  had  died  in  the  mean  time,  —  and  the 
greater  part  of  them  were  sold  by  public  auction 
in  Granada.9 

The  only  place  of  any  importance  which  now 
held  out  against  Mondejar  was  Las  Guajaras,  situ- 
ated in  the  plains  of  Salobrefia,  in  the  direction 
of  Velez  Malaga.  This  was  a  rocky,  precipitous 
hill,  on  the  summit  of  which  nature,  with  little 
assistance  from  art,  had  constructed  a  sort  of  rude 
fortress.  It  was  held  by  a  fierce  band  of  Moris- 
coes, who,  descending  from  the  heights,  swept  over 
the  plains,  carrying  on  devastating  forays,  that 
made  them  the  terror  of  the  surrounding  country. 
Mondejar,  moved  by  the  complaints  of  the  inhab- 
itants, left  Ugijar  on  the  fifth  of  February,  at  the 

9  Ibid.,  pp.  465,  498.  an  abundance  of  women  that  they 

Mendoza  says  they  were  all  re-  -were  regarded  as  little  better  than 

turned  ;  —  "a  thing  never  before  household  furniture."     Guerra  de 

seen,  whether  it  arose  from  fear  or  Granada,  p.  96. 

obedience,  or  that  there  was  such 

VOL.    III.  13 


98  EEBELLION  OF   THE   MORISCOES.          [BOOK  V. 

head  of  his  whole  array,  now  much  augmented  by 
the  arrival  of  recent  levies,  and  marched  rapidly  on 
Guajaras.  He  met  with  a  more  formidable  resist- 
ance than  he  had  expected.  His  first  attempt  to  car- 
ry the  place  was  repulsed  with  a  heavy  loss  on  the 
part  of  the  assailants.  The  Moorish  garrison,  from 
its  elevated  position,  poured  a  storm  of  missiles  on 
their  heads,  and,  what  was  worse,  rolled  down  huge 
masses  of  rock,  which,  ploughing  through  the  Cas- 
tilian  ranks,  overthrew  men  and  horses,  and  did  as 
great  execution  as  would  have  been  done  by  ar- 
tillery. Eight  hundred  Spaniards  were  left  dead 
on  the  field ;  and  many  a  noble  house  in  Andalusia 
had  to  go  into  mourning  for  that  day's  disaster. 

Mondejar,  stung  by  this  repulse,  —  the  first  re- 
verse his  arms  had  experienced,  —  determined  to 
lead  the  attack  in  person  on  the  following  day. 
His  approaches  were  made  with  greater  caution 
than  before ;  and,  without  much  injury,  he  suc- 
ceeded in  bringing  his  arquebusiers  on  a  high- 
er level,  where  their  fire  swrept  the  enemy's  in- 
trenchments,  and  inflicted  on  him  a  terrible  loss. 
Still  the  sun  went  down,  and  the  place  had  not 
surrendered.  But  El  Zamar,  its  brave  defender, 
without  ammunition,  almost  without  arms,  felt 
that  there  was  no  longer  hope  for  his  little  garri- 
son. Silently  evacuating  the  place,  therefore,  at 
dead  of  night,  the  Moriscoes,  among  whom  were 
both  women  and  children,  scrambled  down  the 
precipice  with  the  fearlessness  of  the  mountain 
goat,  and  made  their  escape  without  attracting  the 


CH.  IV.]  STORMING  OF  GUAJARAS.  99 

notice  of  the  Spaniards.  They  left  behind  only 
such  as,  from  age  or  infirmity,  were  unable  to 
follow  them  in  their  perilous  descent. 

On  the  next  day,  when  the  Spanish  general  pre- 
pared to  renew  the  assault,  great  was  his  aston- 
ishment to  find  that  the  enemy  had  vanished, 
except  only  a  few  wretched  beings,  incapable  of 
making  any  resistance.  All  the  evil  passions  of 
Mondejar's  nature  had  been  roused  by  the  obsti- 
nate defence  of  the  place,  and  the  lives  it  had  cost 
him.  In  the  heat  of  his  wrath,  he  ordered  the 
helpless  garrison  to  be  put  to  the  sword.  No 
prayer  for  mercy  was  heeded.  No  regard  was  had 
to  age  or  to  sex.  All  were  cut  down  in  the  pres- 
ence of  the  general,  who  is  even  said  to  have 
stimulated  the  faltering  soldiers  to  go  through  with 
their  bloody  work.10  An  act  tso  hard  to  be  recon- 
ciled with  his  previous  conduct  has  been  referred 
by  some  to  the  annoyance  which  he  felt  at  being  so 
frequently  taxed  with  excessive  lenity  to  the  Moris- 
coes,  an  accusation  which  was  carried,  indeed,  before 
the  crown,  and  which  the  present  occasion  afforded 
him  the  means  of  effectually  disproving.  However 
this  may  be,  the  historian  must  lament  the  tar- 
nished honor  of  a  brave  and  generous  chief,  whose 
character  up  to  this  time  had  been  sullied  by  none 

10  » Fue  tanta    la    imlignacion  los  alabarderos  de  su  gnardia,  que 

del  Marques  de  Mondejar,  que,  sin  no  bastaban  los  ruegos  de  los  ca- 

pcrdonar  d  ninguna  odad  ni  sexo,  balleros  y  capitanes,  ni  las  piadosas 

mando"  pasar  d  cuchillo  hombres  y  lagrimas  de  las  que  pedian  la  mise- 

mugercs,  quantoshabiaenelfuerte;  rable  vida."    Marmol,  Rcbelion  do 

y  en  su  presencia  los  hacia  matar  d  Granada,  torn.  I.  p.  493. 


100  REBELLION   OF  THE   MORISCOES.          [Booic  V. 

of  those  acts  of  cruelty  which  distinguished  this 
sanguinary  war.11 

But  even  this  cruelty  was  surpassed  by  that  of 
his  son,  the  count  of  Tendilla.  El  Zamar,  the 
gallant  defender  of  the  fortress,  wandered  about 
among  the  crags  with  his  little  daughter,  whom  he 
carried  in  his  arms.  Famished  and  fainting  from 
fatigue,  he  was  at  length  overtaken  by  his  enemies, 
and  sent  off  as  a  prisoner  to  Granada,  where  the 
fierce  Tendilla  caused  the  flesh  to  be  torn  from  his 
bones  with  red-hot  pincers,  and  his  mangled  car- 
cass, yet  palpitating  with  life,  to  be  afterwards 
quartered.  The  crime  of  El  Zamar  was  that  he 
had  fought  too  bravely  for  the  independence  of  his 
nation. 

Having  razed  the  walls  of  Guajaras  to  the 
ground,  Mondejar  returned  with  his  blood-stained 
laurels  to  his  head-quarters  at  Orgiba.  Tower  and 
town  had  gone  down  before  him.  On  every  side 
his  arms  had  proved  victorious.  But  one  thing 
was  wanting,  —  the  capture  of  Aben-Humeya,  the 
"  little  king "  of  the  Alpujarras.  So  long  as  he 
lived,  the  insurrection,  now  smothered,  might  be 


11  Ibid.,  p.  482  et  seq.  —  Men-  clers  and  bards.    Among  the  latter 

doza,    Guerra    de    Granada,    pp.  Hita  has  not  failed  to  hang  his  gar- 

85  —  95.  —  Ferreras,  Hist.  d'Es-  land  of  verse  on  the  tombs  of  more 

pagne,  torn.    X.   pp.    32  -  36.  —  than  one  illustrious  cavalier  who 

Bleda,  Cronica  de  Espana,  p.  688  perished  in  that  bloody  strife,  and 

et  seq.  —  Herrera,  Historia  Gene-  for  whose  loss  "  all  the  noble  dames 

ral,  torn.   I.  p.    738.  —  Cabrera,  of  Seville,  as  he  tells  us,  went  into 

Filipe  Segundo,  p.  569.  mourning."     Guerras  de  Granada, 

The  storming  of  Guajarras  is  a  torn.  II.  pp.  112-118. 
favorite  theme  with  both  chroni- 


CH.  IV.]  ESCAPE  OF  ABEN-HUMEYA.  101 

rekindled  at  any  time.  He  had  taken  refuge,  it 
was  known,  in  the  wilds  of  the  Sierra  Nevada, 
where,  as  the  captain-general  wrote,  he  was  wan- 
dering from  rock  to  rock  with  only  a  handful  of 
followers.12  Mondejar  sent  two  detachments  of 
soldiers  into  the  sierra,  to  discover  his  haunts,  if 
possible,  and  seize  upon  his  person. 

The  commander  of  one  of  these  parties,  named 
Maldonado,  ascertained  that  Aben-Humeya,  secret- 
ing himself  among  the  fastnesses  of  the  moun- 
tains by  day,  would  steal  forth  at  night,  and  repair, 
with  a  few  of  his  followers,  to  a  place  called  Me- 
cina,  on  the  skirts  of  the  sierra.  Here  he  found 
shelter  in  the  house  of  his  kinsman,  Aben-Aboo, 
one  of  those  Moriscoes  who,  after  the  affair  of  Ju- 
biles,  had  obtained  a  safe-conduct  from  Mondejar. 
Having  gained  this  intelligence  and  learned  the 
situation  of  the  house,  the  Spanish  captain  marched, 
with  his  little  band  of  two  hundred  soldiers,  in 
that  direction.  He  made  his  approach  with  the 
greatest  secrecy.  Travelling  by  night,  he  reached 
undiscovered  the  neighborhood  of  Aben-Aboo's 
residence.  Advancing  under  cover  of  the  darkness, 
he  had  arrived  within  gunshot  of  the  dwelling, 
when,  at  this  critical  moment,  all  his  precautions 
were  defeated  by  the  carelessness  of  one  of  his 
company,  whose  arquebuse  was  accidentally  dis- 
charged. The  report,  reverberating  from  the  hills 

12  "  Que  no  habia  osado  parar  seguian,  andaba  huyendo  de  pena 
en  la  Alpuxarra,  y  con  solos  cin-  en  pena."  Marmol,  Rebelion  de 
cuenta  d  seseata  hombres,  que  le  Granada,  torn.  I.  p.  464. 


102  REBELLION  OF   THE   MORISCOES.         [BOOK  V. 

in  the  silence  of  night,  roused  the  inmates  of  the 
house,  who  slept  as  the  wearied  mariner  sleeps 
when  his  ship  is  in  danger  of  foundering.  One 
of  them,  El  Zaguer,  the  uncle  of  Aben-Humeya, 
and  the  person  who  had  been  mainly  instrumental 
in  securing  him  his  crown,  —  a  crown  of  thorns,  — 
was  the  first  roused,  and,  springing  to  the  window, 
he  threw  himself  down,  though  the  height  was 
considerable,  and  made  his  way  to  the  mountains. 

His  nephew,  who  lay  in  another  part  of  the  build- 
ing, was  not  so  fortunate.  When  he  reached  the 
window,  he  saw  with  dismay  the  ground  in  front 
occupied  by  a  body  of  Castilian  troops.  Hastening 
to  another  window,  he  found  it  still  the  same  ;  his 
enemies  were  everywhere  around  the  house.  Bewil- 
dered and  sorely  distressed,  he  knew  not  where  to 
turn.  Thus  entrapped,  and  without  the  means  of 
making  any  terms  with  his  enemies,  he  knew  he 
had  as  little  to  hope  from  their  mercy  as  the  wolf 
has  from  the  hunters  who  have  caught  him  in  his 
lair.  The  Spaniards,  meanwhile,  were  thundering 
at  the  door  of  the  building  for  admittance.  For- 
tunately it  was  well  secured.  A  sudden  thought 
occurred  to  Aben-Humeya,  which  he  instantly  put 
in  execution.  Hastening  down  stairs,  he  took 
his  station  behind  the  door,  and  gently  drew  the 
bolts.  The  noise  was  not  heard  amidst  the  din 
made  by  the  assailants,  who,  finding  the  door  give 
way,  supposed  they  had  forced  the  fastenings,  and, 
pouring  in,  soon  spread  themselves  in  every  direc- 
tion over  the  house  in  search  of  the  fugitive. 


CH.  IV.]  ESCAPE  OF  ABEN-HUMEYA.  103 

Aben-Humeya,  ensconced  behind  the  door,  escaped 
observation ;  and,  when  his  enemies  had  disap- 
peared, stole  out  into  the  darkness,  and,  under,  its 
friendly  mantle,  succeeded  in  finding  his  way  to 
the  mountains. 

It  was  in  vain  that  the  Spaniards,  enraged  at 
the  loss  of  the  quarry,  questioned  Aben-Aboo  as 
to  the  haunts  of  his  kinsman,  and  of  El  Zaguer, 
his  uncle,  in  the  sierra.  Nor  could  the  most  ex- 
cruciating tortures  shake  his  constancy.  "  I  may 
die,"  said  the  brave  Morisco,  "  but  my  friends  will 
live."  Leaving  him  for  dead,  the  soldiers  returned 
to  the  camp,  taking  with  them  a  number  of  prison- 
ers, his  companions.  There  was  no  one  of  them, 
however,  that  was  not  provided  with  a  safe-conduct 
from  the  marquis,  who  accordingly  set  them  at 
liberty,  showing  a  respect  for  his  engagements,  in 
which,  unhappily,  as  we  shall  see  hereafter,  he  was 
not  too  well  imitated  by  his  soldiers.  The  heroic 
Aben-Aboo,  thougli  left  for  dead,  did  not  die,  but 
lived  to  head  another  insurrection,  and  to  take 
ample  vengeance  on  his  enemies.13 

While  the  arms  of  the  marquis  of  Mondejar 
were  thus  crowned  with  success,  the  wrar  raged  yet 
more  fiercely  on  the  eastern  slopes  of  the  Alpu- 


13  The  Castilian  chronicler  can-  Rebelion  de  Granada,  torn.  I.  p. 

not  refuse  his  admiration  —  some-  503.)     The    story  of  the    escape 

•what  roughly  expressed  —  to  this  of  Aben-Humeya  is  also  told,  and 

brave  Morisco,  —  "  este  barbaro,"  with  little  discrepancy,  by  Cabrera 

as  he  calls  him,  "  hijo  de  aspereza  (Filipe  Segundo,  p.  5 73),  and  Fer- 

y  frialdad  indomable,  y  menospre-  reras  (Hist.    d'Espagne,   torn.  X. 

ciador  de  la  inuerte."     (Marmol,  pp.  39,  40). 


104  REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES.          [BOOK  V. 

jarras,  where  a  martial  race  of  mountaineers  threat- 
ened a  descent  on  Almeria  and  the  neighboring 
places,  keeping  the  inhabitants  in  perpetual  alarm. 
They  accordingly  implored  the  government  at  Gra- 
nada to  take  some  effectual  measures  for  their  re- 
lief. The  president,  Deza,  in  consequence,  desired 
the  marquis  of  Los  Velez,  who  held  the  office  of 
adelantado  of  the  adjoining  province  of  Murcia,  to 
muster  a  force  and  provide  for  the  defence  of  the 
frontier.  This  proceeding  was  regarded  by  Mon- 
dejar's  friends  as  an  insult  to  that  nobleman,  whose 
military  authority  extended  over  the  country  men- 
aced by  the  Moriscoes.  The  act  was  the  more 
annoying,  that  the  person  invited  to  assume  the 
command  was  a  rival,  between  whose  house  and 
that  of  the  Mendozas  there  existed  an  ancient 
feud.  Yet  the  king  sanctioned  the  proceeding, 
thinking  perhaps  that  Mondejar  was  not  in  suf- 
ficient force  to  protect  the  whole  region  of  the 
Alpuj arras.  However  this  may  be,  Philip,  by  this 
act,  brought  two  commanders  of  equal  authority 
on  the  theatre  of  action,  men  who,  in  their  charac- 
ters and  habitual  policy,  were  so  opposed  to  each 
other,  that  little  concert  could  be  expected  between 
them. 

Don  Luis  Fajardo,  marquis  of  Los  Velez,  was  a 
nobleman  somewhat  advanced  in  years,  most  of 
which  had  been  passed  in  the  active  duties  of  mili- 
tary life.  He  had  studied  the  art  of  war  under  the 
great  emperor,  and  had  acquired  the  reputation 
of  a  prompt  and  resolute  soldier,  bold  in  action, 


Cu.  IV.]      OPERATIONS  OF  LOS  VELEZ.        105 

haughty,  indeed  overbearing,  in  his  deportment, 
and  with  an  inflexible  will,  not  to  be  shaken  by 
friend  or  foe.  The  severity  of  his  nature  had  not 
been  softened  under  the  stern  training  of  the 
camp ;  and,  as  his  conduct  in  the  present  expe- 
dition showed,  he  was  troubled  with  none  of  those 
scruples  on  the  score  of  humanity  which  so  often 
turned  the  edge  of  Mondejar's  sword  from  the  de- 
fenceless and  the  weak.  The  Moriscoes,  who  un- 
derstood his  character  well,  held  him  in  terror,  as 
they  proved  by  the  familiar  sobriquet  which  they 
gave  him  of  the  "  iron-headed  devil." 14 

The  marquis,  on  receiving  the  invitation  of  Deza, 
lost  no  time  in  gathering  his  kindred  and  numer- 
ous vassals  around  him ;  and  they  came  with  an 
alacrity  which  showed  how  willingly  they  obeyed 
the  summons  to  a  foray  over  the  border.  His  own 
family  was  a  warlike  race,  reared  from  the  cradle 
amidst  the  din  of  arms.  In  the  present  expedition 
he  was  attended  by  three  of  his  sons,  the  youngest 
of  whom,  a  boy  of  thirteen,  had  the  proud  distinc- 
tion of  carrying  his  father's  banner.15  With  the 
levies  promptly  furnished  from  the  neighboring 

14  "  Quando  entendieron  que  war,  gives  an  elaborate  portrait  of 

peleaban  contra  el  campo  del  Mar-  this  powerful  chief,  whom  he  ex- 

ques  de  los  Velez,  ii  quien  los  Mo-  tols  as  one  of  the  most  valiant  cap- 

ros  de  aquella  tierra  solian  llamar  tains  in  the  world,  rivalling  in  his 

I  bill  z  Arraez  el  Hadid,  que  quiere  achievements  the  Cid,  Bernardo 

decir,  diabolo  cabeza  de  hierro,  per-  del  Carpio,  or  any  other  hero  of 

dieron  esperanza  de  vitoria."  Mar-  greatest  renown  in  Spain.  Guer- 

mol,  Rebelion  de  Granada,  torn.  I.  ras  de  Granada,  torn.  II.  p.  68  et 

p.  451.  seq. 

Hita,  who  was  a  native  of  Mur-  15  Circourt,  Hist  des  Arabes 

cia,  and  followed  Los  Velez  to  the  d'Espagne,  torn.  II.  p.  346. 

VOL.   III.  14 


106  REBELLION  OF  THE   MORISCOES.         [BOOK  V. 

places,  Los  Velez  soon  found  himself  supported 
by  a  force  of  greater  strength  than  that  which 
followed  the  standard  of  Mondejar.  At  the  head 
of  this  valiant  but  ill-disciplined  array,  he  struck 
into  the  gloomy  gorges  of  the  mountains,  resolved 
on  bringing  the  enemy  at  once  to  battle. 

Our  limits  will  not  allow  room  for  the  details 
of  a  campaign,  which  in  its  general  features  bears 
so  close  a  resemblance  to  that  already  described. 
Indeed,  the  contest  was  too  unequal  to  afford  a 
subject  of  much  interest  to  the  general  reader, 
while  the  details  are  of  still  less  importance  in  a 
military  view,  from  the  total  ignorance  shown  by 
the  Moriscoes  of  the  art  of  war. 

The  fate  of  the  campaign  was  decided  by  three 
battles,  fought  successively  at  Huecija,  Filix,  and 
Ohanez,  —  places  all  lying  in  the  eastern  ranges 
of  the  Alpuj arras.  That  of  Filix  was  the  most 
sanguinary.  A  great  number  of  stragglers  hung 
on  the  skirts  of  the  Morisco  army ;  and  besides  six 
thousand  —  many  of  them  women  16  —  left  dead 
upon  the  field,  there  were  two  thousand  children, 
we  are  told,  butchered  by  the  Spaniards.17  Some 
fled  for  refuge  to  the  caves  and  thickets ;  but  they 
were  speedily  dragged  from  their  hiding-places,  and 

16  "  Mas  mugeres  que  hombres,"    dos."    Hita,  Guerras  de  Granada, 
says  Mendoza,  Guerrade  Granada,    torn.  II.  p.  126. 

P-  83.  We  may  hope  this  is  an  exagger- 

17  "  En  menos  de  dos  horas  fue-  ation  of  the  romancer.     Mendoza 
ron  muertas  mas  de  seis  mil  per-  says  nothing  of  the  children,  and 
sonas  entre  hombres  y  mugeres ;  y  reduces  the  slain  to  seven  hundred, 
de  ninos,    desde  uno  hasta    diez  But  Hita  was  in  the  action. 

arios,  habia  inas  de  dos  mil  degolla- 


CH.  IV.]      OPERATIONS  OF  LOS  VELEZ.         107 

massacred  by  the  soldiers,  in  cold  blood.  Others, 
to  escape  death  from  the  hands  of  their  enemies, 
threw  themselves  headlong  down  the  precipices,  — 
some  of  them  with  their  infants  in  their  arms,  — 
and  thus  miserably  perished.  "  The  cruelties  com- 
mitted by  the  troops,"  says  one  of  the  army,  who 
chronicles  its  achievements,  "  were  such  as  the  pen 
refuses  to  record.18  I  myself,"  he  adds,  "  saw  the 
corpse  of  a  Morisco  woman,  covered  with  wounds, 
stretched  upon  the  ground,  with  six  of  her  children 
lying  dead  around  her.  She  had  succeeded  in  pro- 
tecting a  seventh,  still  an  infant,  with  her  body; 
and  though  the  lances  which  pierced  her  had 
passed  through  its  clothes,  it  had  marvellously 
escaped  any  injury.  It  was  clinging,"  he  continues, 
"  to  its  dead  mother's  bosom,  from  which  it  drew 
milk  that  was  mingled  with  blood.  I  carried  it 
away  and  saved  it."  For  the  credit  of  human 
nature  he  records  some  other  instances  of  the  like 
kind,  showing  that  a  spark  of  humanity  might 
occasionally  be  struck  out  from  the  flinty  breasts 
of  these  marauders. 

The  field  of  battle  afforded  a  rich  harvest  for  the 
victors,  who  stripped  the  dead,  and  rifled  the  bod- 
ies of  the  women,  of  collars,  bracelets,  ornaments 
of  gold  and  silver,  and  costly  jewels,  with  which 
the  Moorish  female  loved  to  decorate  her  person. 

18  "  La  soldadesca  quo  audaba  pudd  se  llegd  a  ella,  y  movido  del 

suelta  por  el  lugar  comctid  cruel-  deseo  do  mamar,  se  asid  de  los 

dades  inauditas,  y  que  la  pluma  se  pechos  de  la  madre,  sacando  leche 

resiste  a  transcribir."  Ibid.,  p.  1 25.  mezclada  con  la  sangre  de  las  heri- 

W  "El   niiio   arrastrando  coino  das."    Ibid.,  p.  12G. 


108  REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES.         [BOOK  V. 

Sated  with  plunder,  the  soldiers  took  the  first  oc- 
casion to  leave  their  colors  and  return  to  their 
homes.  Their  places  were  soon  supplied,  as  the 
display  of  their  riches  sharpened  the  appetites  of 
their  countrymen,  who  eagerly  flocked  to  the  ban- 
ner of  a  chief  that  was  sure  to  lead  them  on  to 
victory  and  plunder.  But  that  chief,  with  all  his 
stern  authority,  was  no  match  for  the  spirit  of  in- 
subordination that  reigned  among  his  troops  ;  and, 
when  he  attempted  to  punish  one  of  their  number 
for  a  gross  act  of  disobedience,  he  was  made  to 
understand  that  there  were  three  thousand  in  the 
camp,  ready  to  stand  by  their  comrade  and  protect 
him  from  injury.20 

The  wild  excesses  of  the  soldiery  were  strangely 
mingled  with  a  respect  for  the  forms  of  religion, 
that  intimated  the  nature  of  the  war  in  which  they 
were  engaged.  Before  entering  into  action  the 
whole  army  knelt  down  in  prayer,  solemnly  in- 
voking the  protection  of  Heaven  on  its  champions. 
After  the  battle  of  Ohanez,  where  the  mountain 
streams  were  so  polluted  with  gore  that  the  Span- 
iards found  it  difficult  to  slake  their  thirst,  they 
proceeded  to  celebrate  the  fete  of  the  Purification 
of  the  Virgin.21  A  procession  was  formed  to  the 

20  "  Advirtiendo  al  mismo  tiem-  rout  of    Ohanez.      The    opening 

po  que  hay  tres  mil  hombres  paisa-  stanza  may  show  the  tone  of  it 
nos  suyos  puestos  sobre  las  annas,  y          «  IM  tremolantes  banderas 
decididos  d  perder  la  vida  por  sal-  del  grande  Fajardo  parten 

varle."     Ibid.,  p.  132.  para  las  Nevadas  Sierras, 

QI    u-4.     v.       j        L.    i  e  xi.  y van  camino  de  Ohanez. 

Hita  has  devoted  one  of  the  'Ay  de  Ohanez  ,  „ 

most  spirited  of  his  romances  to  the 


Cu.  IV.J      OPERATIONS  OF  LOS  VELEZ.         1Q9 

church,  which  was  headed  by  the  marquis  of  Los 
Velez  and  his  chivalry,  clad  in  complete  mail,  and 
bearing  white  tapers  in  their  hands.  Then  came 
the  Christian  women,  who  had  been  rescued  from 
captivity,  dressed,  by  the  general's  command,  in 
robes  of  blue  and  white,  as  the  appropriate  colors 
of  the  Virgin.22  The  rear  was  brought  up  by  a 
body  of  friars  and  other  ecclesiastics,  who  had 
taken  part  in  the  crusade.  The  procession  passed 
slowly  between  the  files  of  the  soldiery,  who  sa- 
luted it  with  volleys  of  musketry  as  it  entered  the* 
church,  where  Te  Deum  was  chanted,  and  the 
whole  company  prostrated  themselves  in  adoration 
of  the  Lord  of  Hosts,  who  had  given  his  enemies 
into  their  hands. 

From  this  solemn  act  of  devotion,  the  troops 
proceeded  to  the  work  of  pillage,  in  which  the 
commander,  unlike  his  rival,  the  marquis  of  Mon- 
dejar,  joined  as  heartily  as  the  meanest  of  his  fol- 
lowers. The  Moorish  captives,  to  the  number  of 
sixteen  hundred,  among  whom,  we  are  told,  were 
many  young  and  beautiful  maidens,  instead  of  meet- 
ing with  the  protection  they  had  received  from 
the  more  generous  Mondejar,  were  delivered  up  to 
the  licentious  soldiery ;  and  for  a  fortnight  there 

513  "  Todos  loa  caballeros  y  capi-  bianco,  que  por   ser  colores  apli- 

tancs  en  la  procesion  armados  de  cados    d    nuestra  Senora,  niando 

todas  sus  armas,  con  velas  de  cera  cl  Marques  que  las  vistiesen   de 

blanca  en  las  manos,  que  Be  las  aquclla  manera  &  su  costa."    Mar- 

habian   enviado    para    aqnel    dia  mol,  Rebelion  de   Granada,    torn, 

desde  su  casa,  y  todas  las  Christia-  I.  p.  469. 
nas  en  incdio  vestidas  de  azul  y 


HO  REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES.         [BOOK  V. 

reigned  throughout  the  camp  a  carnival  of  the 
wildest  riot  and  debauchery.23  In  this  strange  con- 
fusion of  the  religious  sentiment  and  of  crimes 
most  revolting  to  humanity,  we  see  the  character- 
istic features  of  the  crusade.  Nowhere  do  we  find 
such  a  free  range  given  to  the  worst  passions  of 
our  nature,  as  in  the  wars  of  religion,  —  where 
each  party  considers  itself  as  arrayed  against  the 
enemies  of  God,  and  where  the  sanctity  of  the 
cause  throws  a  veil  over  the  foulest  transgressions, 
that  hides  their  enormity  from  the  eye  of  the  trans- 
gressor. 

While  the  Moriscoes  were  stunned  by  the  fierce 
blows  thus  dealt  in  rapid  succession  by  the  iron- 
hearted  marquis,  the  mild  and  liberal  policy  of  his 
rival  was  still  more  effectually  reducing  his  enemies 
to  obedience.  Disheartened  by  their  reverses,  ex- 
hausted by  fatigue  and  hunger,  as  they  roved  among 
the  mountains,  without  raiment  to  clothe  or  a  home 
to  shelter  them,  the  wretched  wanderers  came  in 
one  after  another  to  sue  for  pardon.  Nearly  all 
the  towns  and  villages  in  the  district  assigned  to 
Mondejar,  oppressed  with  like  feelings  of  despon- 
dency, sent  deputations  to  the  Spanish  quarters, 
to  tender  their  submission  and  to  sue  for  his  pro- 
tection. While  these  were  graciously  received,  the 
general  provided  for  the  future  security  of  his  con- 


23  "  Trayendose  muchas  moras  voluntad  mas  de  quince   dias,   al 

hermosa«,  pues  pasaron  de  trescien-  cabo  de  ellos  mandd   el  marque's 

tas  las  que  se  tomaron  allf;  y  ha-  que  las  llevasen  d  la  iglcsia."  Ilita, 

biendolas  tenido  los  soldados  &  su  Guerras  de  Granada,tom.  II.  p.  155. 


CH.  IV.]  CABAL  AGAINST  MONDEJAR.  HI 

quests,  by  establishing  garrisons  in  the  principal 
places,  and  by  sending  small  detachments  to  dif- 
ferent parts,  to  act  as  a  sort  of  armed  police  for 
the  maintenance  of  order.  In  this  way,  says  a 
contemporary,  the  tranquillity  of  the  country  was 
so  well  established,  that  small  parties,  of  ten  or  a 
dozen  sojdiers,  wandered  unmolested  from  one  end 
of  it  to  the  other.24 

Mondejar,  at  the  same  time,  wrote  to  the  king, 
to  acquaint  him  with  the  actual  state  of  things. 
lie  besought  his  master  to  deal  mercifully  with  the 
conquered  people,  and  thus  afford  him  the  means 
of  redeeming  the  pledges  he  had  given  for  the 
favorable  dispositions  of  the  government.25  He 
made  another  communication  to  the  marquis  of 
Los  Velez,  urging  that  nobleman  to  co-operate 
with  him  in  the  same  humane  policy,  as  the  one 
best  suited  to  the  interests  of  the  country.  But  his 
rival  took  a  very  different  view  of  the  matter ;  and 
he  plainly  told  the  marquis  of  Mondejar,  that  it 
would  require  more  than  one  pitched  battle  yet  to 
break  the  spirit  of  the  Moriscoes  ;  and  that,  since 
they  thought  so  differently  on  the  subject,  the  only 

24  "  For  manera  quo  ya  cstaba  ^  "  Lc  supliease  dc  su  parte  los 

la  Alpuxarra  tan  liana,  quo  diez  y  admitiese,  habicndose  misericordio- 

doce  soldados  iban  de  unos  lugares  samente  con  los  que  no  fuesen  muy 

en  otros,  sin  hallar  quien  los  <ino-  culpados,  para  quc  el  pudiese  cum- 

jase."  Marmol,  Rebelion  de  Gra-  plir  la  palabra  que  tenia  ya  dada  & 

nada,  torn.  I.  p.  498.  los reducidos,  entendiendo  ser  aquel 

Mendoza  fully  confirms  Marmol's  camino  el  mas  breve  para  acabar 

account  of  the  quiet  state  of  the  con  ellos  por  la  via  de  equidad." 

country-.  Guerra  de  Granada,  pp.  Marmol,  Rebelion  de  Granada, 

96,  97.  torn.  I.  p.  483. 


112  REBELLION  OF  THE  AIORISCOES.         [BOOK  V. 

way  left  was  for  each  commander  to  take  the 
course  he  judged  best.26 

Unfortunately,  there  were  others  —  men,  too,  of 
influence  at  the  court  —  who  were  of  the  same 
stern  way  of  thinking  as  the  marquis  of  Los 
Velez ;  men  acting  under  the  impulse  of  religious 
bigotry,  of  implacable  hatred  of  the  Moslems,  and 
of  a  keen  remembrance  of  the  outrages  they  had 
committed.  There  were  others  who,  more  basely, 
thought  only  of  themselves  and  of  the  profit  they 
should  derive  from  the  continuance  of  the  war. 

Among  those  of  the  former  class  was  the  presi- 
dent, Deza,  with  the  members  of  the  Audience  and 
the  civil  authorities  in  Granada.  Always  viewing 
the  proceedings  of  the  captain-general  with  an  un- 
friendly eye,  they  loudly  denounced  his  policy  to 
the  king,  condemning  his  ill-timed  lenity  to  a  crafty 
race,  who  would  profit  by  it  to  rally  from  their  late 
disasters  and  to  form  new  plans  of  rebellion.  It 
was  not  right,  they  said,  that  outrages  like  those 
perpetrated  against  both  divine  and  human  majesty 
should  go  unpunished.27  Mondejar's  enemies  did 
not  stop  here,  but  accused  him  of  defrauding  the 
exchequer  of  its  dues,  —  the  fifth  of  the  spoils  of 
war  gained  in  battle  from  the  infidel.  Finally, 
they  charged  him  with  having  shown  want  of 
respect  for  the  civil  authorities  of  Granada,  in 


96  "  Que  hiciese  por  su  parte  lo  :i  quien  tantos  crimenes  habian  co- 

que  pudiese,  porque  ansi  haria  el  metido  contra  la  Magestad  dimna 

de  la  suya."  Ibid.,  p.  470.  y  humana."  Ibid.,  p.  499. 

27  "  Dexar  sin  castigo  exemplar 


Cu.  IV.]  CABAL  AGAINST  MONDEJAR.  113 

omitting  to  communicate  to  them  his  plan  of  op- 
erations. 

The  marquis,  advised  by  his  friends  at  court  of 
these  malicious  attempts  to  ruin  his  credit  with  the 
government,  despatched  a  confidential  envoy  to 
Madrid,  to  present  his  case  before  his  sovereign 
and  to  refute  the  accusations  of  his  enemies.  The 
charge  of  peculation  seems  to  have  made  no  im- 
pression on  the  mind  of  a  prince  who  would  not 
have  been  slow  to  suspect  had  there  been  any 
ground  for  suspicion.  There  may  have  been  strong- 
er grounds  for  the  complaint  of  want  of  deference 
to  the  civil  authorities  of  Granada.  The  best 
vindication  of  his  conduct  in  this  particular  must 
be  found  in  the  character  and  conduct  of  his 
adversaries.  From  the  first,  Deza  and  the  munici- 
pality had  regarded  him  with  jealousy,  and  done 
all  in  their  power  to  thwart  his  plans  and  cir- 
cumscribe his  authority.  It  is  only  confidence 
that  begets  confidence.  Mondejar,  early  accus- 
tomed to  command,  was  probably  too  impatient  of 
opposition.28  He  chafed  under  the  obstacles  and  an- 
noyances thrown  in  his  way  by  his  narrow-minded 
rivals.  We  have  not  the  means  before  us  of  coming 
to  a  conclusive  judgment  on  the  merits  of  the  con- 
troversy ;  but  from  what  we  know  of  the  marquis's 
accusers,  with  the  wily  inquisitor  at  their  head,  we 


28  "  El  Marques,"  says  Mendoza,  igual  ni  contradictor,  impacientc 

"  hombre   de   estrecha    i  rigurosa  de  tomar  compania,    comunicava 

disciplina,  criado  al  favor  de  su  BUS  consejos  consigo  mismo."  Guer- 

abuelo  i  padre  en  gran  oficio,  sin  ra  de  Granada,  p.  103. 

VOL.   III.  15 


114  REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES.         [Boos  V. 

shall  hardly  err  by  casting  our  sympathies  into  the 
scale  of  the  frank  and  generous-hearted  soldier, 
who,  while  those  that  thus  censured  him  were 
living  at  ease  in  the  capital,  had  been  fighting  and 
following  up  the  enemy,  amidst  the  winter's  tem- 
pests and  across  mountains  covered  with  snow ;  and 
who,  in  little  more  than  a  month,  without  other 
aid  than  the  disorderly  levies  of  the  cities,  had 
quelled  a  dangerous  revolt,  and  restored  tranquillity 
to  the  land. 

Philip  was  greatly  perplexed  by  the  different  ac- 
counts sent  to  him  of  the  posture  of  affairs  in  Gra- 
nada. Mondejar's  agent  suggested  to  the  council 
of  state  that  it  would  be  well  if  his  majesty  would 
do  as  his  father,  Charles  the  Fifth,  would  have 
done  in  the  like  case,  —  repair  himself  to  the  scene 
of  action,  and  observe  the  actual  state  of  things 
with  his  own  eyes.  But  the  suggestion  found  no 
favor  with  the  minister,  Espinosa,  who  affected 
to  hold  the  Moriscoes  in  such  contempt,  that  a 
measure  of  this  kind,  he  declared,  would  be  de- 
rogatory to  the  royal  dignity.  A  better  course 
would  be  for  his  majesty  to  send  some  one  as  his 
representative,  clothed  with  full  powers  to  take 
charge  of  the  war,  and  of  a  rank  so  manifestly 
pre-eminent,  that  neither  of  the  two  commanders 
now  in  the  field  could  take  umbrage  at  his  ap- 
pointment over  their  heads. 

This  suggestion,  as  the  politic  minister  doubtless 
had  foreseen,  was  much  more  to  Philip's  taste  than 
that  of  his  going  in  person  to  the  scene  of  strife ; 


CH.  IV.]  LICENSE  OF  THE  SOLDIERS.  115 

for,  however  little  he  might  shrink  from  any 
amount  of  labor  in  the  closet,  he  had,  as  we  have 
seen,  a  sluggish  temperament,  that  indisposed  him 
to  much  bodily  exertion.  The  plan  of  sending 
some  one  to  represent  the  monarch  at  the  seat  of 
war  was  accordingly  approved;  and  the  person 
selected  for  this  responsible  office  was  Philip's 
bastard  brother,  Don  John  of  Austria.29 

Rumors  of  what  was  going  on  in  the  cabinet  at 
Madrid,  reaching  Granada  from  time  to  time,  were 
followed  by  the  most  mischievous  consequences. 
The  troops,  in  particular,  had  no  sooner  learned 
that  the  marquis  of  Mondejar  was  about  to  be 
superseded  in  the  command,  than  they  threw  off 
the  little  restraint  he  had  been  hitherto  able  to 
impose  on  them,  and  abandoned  themselves  to  the 
violence  and  rapine  to  which  they  were  so  well  dis- 
posed, and  which  seemed  now  to  be  countenanced 
by  the  president  and  the  authorities  in  Granada. 
The  very  patrols  whom  Mondejar  had  commis- 
sioned to  keep  the  peace  were  the  first  to  set  the 
example  of  violating  it.  They  invaded  the  hamlets 
and  houses  they  were  sent  to  protect,  plundered 
them  of  their  contents,  and  committed  the  foulest 
outrages  on  their  inmates.  The  garrisons  in  the 
principal  towns  imitated  their  example,  carrying  on 
their  depredations,  indeed,  on  a  still  larger  scale. 
Even  the  capital,  under  the  very  eyes  of  the  count 

29  Mendoza,  Guerra  de  Grana-  511-513.  —  Miniana,  Historia  de 
da,  p.  115  et  seq.  —  Marmol,  Espana,  p.  376.  —  Cabrera,  Fi- 
Rebelion  de  Granada,  torn.  I.  pp.  Hpe  Segundo,  pp.  573,  574. 


116  REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES.          [Boon  V. 

of  Tendilla,  sent  out  detachments  of  soldiers,  who 
with  ruthless  violence  trampled  down  the  green 
plantations  in  the  valleys,  sacked  the  villages,  and 
dragged  away  the  inhabitants  from  the  midst  of 
their  blazing  dwellings  into  captivity.30 

It  was  with  the  deepest  indignation  that  the 
marquis  of  Mondejar  saw  the  fine  web  of  policy 
he  had  been  so  busily  contriving  thus  wantonly 
rent  asunder  by  the  very  hands  that  should  have 
protected  it.  He  now  longed  as  ardently  as  any  in 
the  province  for  the  coming  of  some  one  intrusted 
with  authority  to  enforce  obedience  from  the  tur- 
bulent soldiery,  —  a  task  of  still  greater  difficulty 
than  the  conquest  of  the  enemy.  While  such  was 
the  state  of  things,  an  event  occurred  in  Granada, 
which,  in  its  general  character,  may  remind  one  of 
some  of  the  most  atrocious  scenes  of  the  French 
Revolution. 

In  the  beginning  of  the  troubles,  the  president 
had  caused  a  number  of  Moriscoes,  amounting  to 
not  less  than  a  hundred  and  fifty,  it  is  said,  to  be 
arrested  and  thrown  into  the  prison  of  the  Chan- 
cery. Certain  treasonable  designs,  of  which  they 
had  been  suspected  for  a  long  time,  furnished  the 
feeble  pretext  for  this  violent  proceeding.  Some 
few,  indeed,  were  imprisoned  for  debt.  But  the 
greater  number  were  wealthy  men,  who  enjoyed 
the  highest  consideration  among  their  countrymen. 

30  Marmol,  Rebelion  de  Grana-  — Miniana,  Ilistoria  de  Espana,  p. 
da,  torn.  IT.  p.  8  et  seq.  —  Mendo  376.  —  Cabrera,  Filipe  Segundo, 
za.Guerra  de  Granada,  pp.  97, 128.  pp.  575,  576. 


CH.  IV.]  MASSACRE  IN  GRANADA. 

They  had  been  suffered  to  remain  in  confinement 
during  the  whole  of  the  campaign,  thus  serving,  in 
some  sort,  as  hostages  for  the  good  behavior  of  the 
people  of  the  Albaicin. 

Early  in  March,  a  rumor  was  circulated  that  the 
mountaineers,  headed  by  Aben-IIumeya,  whose  fa- 
ther and  brother  were  among  the  prisoners,  were 
prepared  to  make  a  descent  on  the  city  by  night, 
and,  with  the  assistance  of  the  inhabitants  of  the 
Albaicin,  to  begin  the  work  of  destruction  by  as- 
saulting the  prison  of  the  Chancery  and  liberating 
their  countrymen.  This  report,  readily  believed, 
caused  the  greatest  alarm  among  the  citizens,  bod- 
ing no  good  to  the  unhappy  prisoners.  On  the 
evening  of  the  seventeenth,  Deza  received  intelli- 
gence that  lights  had  been  seen  on  some  of  the 
neighboring  mountains,  which  seemed  to  be  of  the 
nature  of  signals,  as  they  were  answered  by  cor- 
responding lights  in  some  of  the  houses  in  the  Al- 
baicin. The  assault,  it  was  said,  would  doubtless 
be  made  that  very  night.  The  president  appears 
to  have  taken  no  measures  for  the  protection  of  the 
city.  But,  on  receiving  the  information,  he  at  once 
communicated  it  to  the  alcayde  of  the  prison,  and 
directed  him  to  provide  for  the  security  of  his 
prisoners.  The  alcayde  lost  no  time  in  gathering 
his  friends  about  him,  and  caused  arms  to  be  dis- 
tributed among  a  body  of  Spaniards,  of  whom  there 
appears  to  have  been  a  considerable  number  con- 
fined in  the  place  at  this  time.  Thus  prepared, 
they  all  remained,  as  in  silent  expectation  of  some 
great  event. 


118  REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES.         [BOOK  V. 

At  length,  some  time  before  midnight,  the  guard 
posted  in  the  Campana,  one  of  the  towers  of  the 
Alhambra,  struck  the  bell  with  a  succession  of 
rapid  strokes,  such  as  were  used  to  give  an  alarm. 
In  a  moment  every  Spaniard  in  the  prison  was  on 
his  feet ;  and,  the  alcayde  throwing  open  the  doors 
and  leading  the  way,  they  fell  at  once  on  their 
defenceless  victims,  confined  in  another  quarter  of 
the  building.  As  many  of  these  were  old  and 
infirm,  and  most  of  them  inoffensive  citizens,  whose 
quiet  way  of  life  had  little  fitted  them  for  brawl  or 
battle,  and  who  were  now  destitute  of  arms  of  any 
kind,  they  seemed  to  be  as  easy  victims  as  the 
sheep  into  whose  fold  the  famishing  wolves  have 
broken  in  the  absence  of  the  shepherd.  Yet  they 
did  not  give  up  their  lives  without  an  effort  to  save 
them.  Despair  lent  them  strength,  and  snatching 
up  chairs,  benches,  or  any  other  article  of  furniture 
in  their  cells,  they  endeavored  to  make  good  their 
defence  against  the  assailants.  Some,  exerting  a 
vigor  which  despair  only  could  have  given,  suc- 
ceeded in  wrenching  stones  from  the  walls  or 
iron  bars  from  the  windows,  and  thus  supplied 
themselves  with  the  means,  not  merely  of  defence, 
but  of  doing  some  mischief  to  the  assailants,  in 
their  turn.  They  fought,  in  short,  like  men  who 
are  fighting  for  their  lives.  Some,  however,  losing 
all  hope  of  escape,  piled  together  a  heap  of  mats, 
bedding,  and  other  combustibles,  and,  kindling 
them  with  their  torches,  threw  themselves  into  the 
flames,  intending  in  this  way  to  set  fire  to  the 


Cn.  IV.]  MASSACRE  IN  GRANADA  119 

building,  and  to  perish  in  one  general  conflagration 
with  their  murderers.31  But  the  flames  they  had 
kindled  were  soon  extinguished  in  their  own  blood, 
and  their  mangled  remains  were  left  to  blacken 
among  the  cinders  of  their  funeral  pile. 

For  two  hours  the  deadly  conflict  between  par- 
ties so  unequally  matched  had  continued  ;  the  one 
shouting  its  old  war-cry  of  "  Saint  lago,"  as  if  fight- 
ing on  an  open  field ;  the  other,  if  we  may  take  the 
Castilian  account,  calling  on  their  prophet  to  come 
to  their  assistance.  But  no  power,  divine  or 
human,  interposed  in  their  behalf;  and,  notwith- 
standing the  wild  uproar  caused  by  men  engaged 
in  a  mortal  struggle,  by  the  sound  of  heavy  blows 
and  falling  missiles,  by  the  yells  of  the  victors  and 
the  dying  moans  and  agonies  of  the  vanquished, 
no  noise  to  give  token  of  what  was  going  on  —  if 
we  are  to  credit  the  chroniclers  —  found  its  way 
beyond  the  walls  of  the  prison.  Even  the  guard 
stationed  in  the  court-yard,  we  are  assured,  were 
not  roused  from  their  slumbers.32 

At  length  some  rumor  of  what  was  passing 
reached  the  city,  where  the  story  ran  that  the  Mo- 
riscoes  were  in  arms  against  their  keepers,  and 
would  soon  probably  get  possession  of  the  gaol. 
This  report  was  enough  for  the  people,  who,  roused 
by  the  alarm-bell,  were  now  in  a  state  of  excite- 

31  "  Otros,    como  desesperados,  carcel  y  la  Audiencia,  pereciesen 

juntando  esteras,  tascos    y    otras  todos  los  que  estaban  dentro."  Mar- 

cosas  secas,  que  pudiesen  arder,  se  mol,  Rebelion  de  Granada,  toin.  I. 

mctian  entre  sus  mesmas  llamas,  y  p.  517. 

las  avivaban,  para  que  ardiendo  la  &  Ibid.,  ubi  supra. 


120  REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES.         [BOOK  V. 

ment  that  disposed  them  to  any  deed  of  violence. 
Snatching  up  their  weapons,  they  rushed,  or  rather 
flew,  like  vultures  snuffing  the  carrion  from  afar, 
to  the  scene  of  slaughter.  Strengthened  by  this 
reinforcement,  the  assailants  in  the  prison  soon 
completed  the  work  of  death  ;  and,  when  the 
morning  light  broke  through  the  grated  windows, 
it  disclosed  the  full  extent  of  the  tragedy.  Of  all 
the  Moriscoes  only  two  had  escaped,  —  the  father 
and  brother  of  Aben-Humeya,  over  whom  a  guard 
had  been  especially  set.  Five  Spaniards  were  slain, 
and  seventeen  wounded,  showing  the  fierce  resist- 
ance made  by  the  Moslems,  though  destitute  of 
arms.33 

Such  was  the  massacre  in  the  prison  of  the 
Chancery  of  Granada,  which,  as  already  intimated, 
nowhere  finds  a  more  fitting  parallel  than  in  the 
murders  perpetrated  on  a  still  larger  scale,  during 
the  French  Kevolution,  in  the  famous  massacres 
of  September.  But  the  miscreants  who  perpe- 
trated these  enormities  were  the  tools  of  a  sangui- 
nary faction,  that  was  regarded  with  horror  by 
every  friend  of  humanity  in  the  country.  In  Gra- 
nada, on  the  other  hand,  it  was  the  government 
itself,  or  at  least  those  of  highest  authority  in  it, 
who  were  responsible  for  the  deed.  For  who  can 
doubt  that  a  proceeding,  the  success  of  which 
depended  on  the  concurrence  of  so  many  circum- 

33  "  Los  mataron    a  todos,   sin  also  Mehdoza,  Guerra  de  Granada, 

dexar  hombre  &  vida,  sino  fueron  p.  122;  Herrera,  Historia  General, 

los  dos  que  defendio  la  guardia  que  tom.  I.  p.  744. 
tenian."     Ibid.,  ubi  supra.  —  See 


Cii.  IV.]        MASSACRE  IN  GRANADA.          121 

stances  as  to  preclude  the  idea  of  accident,  must 
have  been  countenanced,  if  not  contrived,  by  those 
who  had  the  direction  of  affairs  1 

Another  feature,  not  the  least  striking  in  the 
case,  is  the  apathy  shown  by  contemporary  writ- 
ers,—  men  who  on  more  than  one  occasion  have 
been  willing  to  testify  their  sympathy  for  the  suffer- 
ings of  the  Moriscoes.  One  of  these  chroniclers, 
after  telling  the  piteous  tale,  coolly  remarks  that 
it  was  a  good  thing  for  the  alcayde  of  the  prison, 
who  pocketed  a  large  sum  of  money  which  had 
been  found  on  the  persons  of  the  wealthy  Moors. 
Another,  after  noticing  the  imputation  of  an  in- 
tended rising  on  the  part  of  the  prisoners  as  in 
the  highest  degree  absurd,  dismisses  the  subject  by 
telling  us,  that  "  the  Moriscoes  were  a  weak,  scat- 
ter-brained race,  with  just  wit  enough  to  bring  on 
themselves  such  a  mishap"  —  as  he  pleasantly 
terms  the  massacre.34  The  government  of  Madrid 
received  the  largest  share  of  the  price  of  blood. 
For  when  the  wives  and  families  of  the  deceased 
claimed  the  inheritance  of  their  estates,  in  some 
cases  very  large,  their  claims  were  rejected  —  on 
what  grounds  we  are  not  told  —  by  the  alcaldes  of 
the  Court  of  Audience  in  Granada,  and  the  estates 
were  confiscated  to  the  use  of  the  crown.  Such  a 
decision,  remarks  a  chronicler,  may  lead  one  to 
infer  that  the  prisoners  had  been  guilty  of  even 

34  "  Havia  en  ellos  culpados  en  bil  para  todo,  sino  para  dar  oca- 

platicas  i  demonstraciones,  i  todos  sion  a  su  desventura."  Mendoza, 

en  deseo;  gente  flaca,  liviana,  inha-  Guerra  de  Granada,  p.  122. 

VOL.  in.  16 


122  REBELLION  OF  THE  MOKISCOES.         [BOOK  V. 

more  heinous  offences  than  those  commonly  im- 
puted to  them.35  The  impartial  reader  will  prob- 
ably come  to  a  very  different  conclusion  ;  and  since 
it  was  the  opulent  burghers  who  were  thus  marked 
out  for  destruction,  he  may  naturally  infer  that  the 
baser  passion  of  avarice  mingled  with  the  feelings 
of  fear  and  hatred  in  bringing  about  the  massacre. 

However  this  may  be,  so  foul  a  deed  placed  an 
impassable  gulf  between  the  Spaniards  and  the 
Moriscoes.  It  taught  the  latter  that  they  could  no 
longer  rely  on  their  perfidious  enemy,  who,  while 
he  was  holding  out  to  them  one  hand  in  token  of 
reconciliation,  was  raising  the  other  to  smite  them 
to  the  ground.  A  cry  of  vengeance  ran  through 
all  the  borders  of  the  Alpujarras.  Again  the 
mountaineers  rose  in  arms.  They  cut  off  strag- 
glers, waylaid  the  patrols  whom  Mondejar  had 
distributed  throughout  the  country,  and  even  men- 
aced the  military  posts  of  the  Spaniards.  On  some 
occasions,  they  encountered  the  latter  with  success 
in  the  open  field,  and  in  one  instance  defeated  and 
slew  a  large  body  of  Christians,  as  they  were  re- 
turning from  a  foray  laden  with  plunder.  Finally, 
they  invited  Aben-Humeya  to  return  and  resume 
the  command,  promising  to  stand  by  him  to  the 
last.  The  chief  obeyed  the  call,  and,  leaving  his  re- 

35  "  Las  culpas  de  los  quales  de-  diencia,  y  saliendo  el   fiscal  &  la 

bieron  ser  mayores  de  lo  que  aqui  causa,  se  formd  proceso  en  forma  ; 

se  escribe,  porque  despues  pidiendo  y  por  sentencias  y  revista  fueron 

las  mugeres  y  hijos  de  los  muertos  condenados,  y  aplicados  todos  sug 

BUS  dotes  y  haciendas  ante  los  al-  bienes  al  Real  fisco."  Marmol,  Re- 

caldes  del  crimen  de  aquella  Au-  belion  de  Granada,  torn.  I.  p.  517. 


CH.  IV.J    THE  INSURRECTION  REKINDLED.       123 

treat  in  the  Sierra  Nevada,  again  took  possession 
of  his  domains,  and,  planting  his  blood-red  flag  on 
his  native  hills,36  soon  gathered  around  him  a  more 
formidable  host  than  before.  He  even  affected  a 
greater  pomp  than  he  had  before  displayed.  He 
surrounded  himself  with  a  body-guard  of  four  hun- 
dred arquebusiers.37  He  divided  his  army  into  bat- 
talions and  companies,  and  endeavored  to  introduce 
into  it  something  of  the  organization  and  tactics  of 
the  Spaniards.38  He  sent  his  brother  Abdallah  to 
Constantinople,  to  represent  his  condition  to  the 
sultan,  and  to  implore  him  to  make  common  cause 
with  his  Moslem  brethren  in  the  Peninsula.  In 
short,  rebellion  assumed  a  more  audacious  front 
than  at  any  time  during  the  previous  campaign ;  and 
the  Christians  of  Andalusia  and  Granada  looked 
with  the  greatest  anxiety  for  the  coming  of  a  com- 
mander possessed  of  sufficient  authority  to  infuse 
harmony  into  the  counsels  of  the  rival  chiefs,  to 
enforce  obedience  from  the  turbulent  soldiery,  and 
to  bring  the  war  to  a  speedy  conclusion. 

36  "  Levantd  un  Estandarte  ber-  que  fue   creciendo  hasta  quatro- 
mejo,  que  mostrava  el  lugar  do  la  cientos  hombres."  Ibid.,  ubi  supra, 
persona  del  Rei  a  manera  de  Gui-  3s  "  Siguid    nuestra    orden    de 
on."     Mendoza,  Guerra  de  Grana-  Guerra,  repartid  la  gente  por  es- 
da,  p.  118.  quadras,  juntdla    en     companias, 

37  "  Para  seguridad  de  su  per-  nombrd     Capitanes."      Ibid.,    ubi 
sona  pagd  arcabuceria  de  guardia,  supra. 


CHAPTER    V. 

REBELLION  OF  THE  MOEISCOES. 

Early  Life  of  Don  John  of  Austria.  —  Acknowledged  by  Philip.  —  His 
Thirst  for  Distinction.  —  His  Cruise  in  the  Mediterranean.  —  Made 
Commander-in-Chief.  —  The  War  renewed.  —  Removal  of  the  Mo- 


1569. 

As  Don  John  of  Austria  is  to  occupy  an  impor- 
tant place,  not  only  in  the  war  with  the  Moriscoes, 
but  in  some  of  the  most  memorable  scenes  in  the 
remainder  of  this  history,  it  will  be  proper  to  ac- 
quaint the  reader  with  what  is  known  of  the  earlier 
part  of  his  career.  Yet  it  is  precisely  over  this 
part  of  it  that  a  veil  of  mystery  hangs,  which  no 
industry  of  the  historian  has  been  able  wholly  to 
remove. 

It  seems  probable  that  he  was  born  in  the  year 
1547.1  The  twenty-fourth  of  February  is  assigned 

1  This,  which  is  two  years  later  duced  by  the  historian  is  that  of  a 

than  the  date  commonly  assigned  medal    struck    in    honor  of  Don 

by  historians,  seems  to  be  settled  John's  victory  at  Lepanto,  in  the 

by    the    researches   of   Lafuente.  year  1571,  the  inscription  on  which 

(See  Historia  General  de  Espana,  expressly  states  that  he  was  twenty- 

(Madrid,  1854,)  torn.  XIII.  p.  437,  four  years  of  age. 
note.)     Among  other  evidence  ad- 


Cu.  V-l  DON  JOHN  OF  AUSTRIA.  125 

by  common  consent  —  I  hardly  know  on  what 
ground  —  as  the  day  of  his  birth.  It  was  also,  it 
may  be  remembered,  the  birthday  of  his  father, 
Charles  the  Fifth.  His  mother,  Barbara  Blomberg, 
was  an  inhabitant  of  Ratisbon,  hi  Germany.  She 
is  described  as  a  beautiful  young  girl,  who  at- 
tracted the  emperor's  notice  several  years  after  the 
death  of  the  Empress  Isabella.2  The  Spanish 
chroniclers  claim  a  noble  descent  for  Barbara.3  In- 
deed, it  would  go  hard  but  a  Spaniard  could  make 
out  a  pedigree  for  his  hero.  Yet  there  are  several 
circumstances  which  suggest  the  idea  that  the 
mother  of  Don  John  must  have  occupied  a  very 
humble  position. 

Subsequently  to  her  connection  with  Charles  she 
married  a  German  named  Kegell,  on  whom  the 
emperor  bestowed  the  office  of  commissary.4  The 
only  other  notice,  so  far  as  I  am  aware,  which 
Charles  took  of  his  former  mistress,  was  the  settle- 
ment on  her  of  a  yearly  pension  of  two  hundred 
florins,  which  he  made  the  day  before  his  death.5 


2  Vamlerhammen,  Don  Juan  de  his  hero's  mother,  consoles  himself 
Austria,  fol.  3.  —  Villafane,  Vida  with   the  reflection  that,  if  there 
y  Virtudes  de  Dona  Magdalena  de  was  any  deficiency  in  this  particu- 
Ulloa,  (Salamanca,  1722,)  p.  36. —  lar,  no  one  can  deny  that  it  was 
See  also    Lafuente,    Histbria    de  more  than   compensated    by    the 
Espafia,  torn.  XIII.  p.  432.  proud  origin  of  her  imperial  lover. 

This  last  historian  has  made  the  Don  Juan  de  Austria,  fol.  3. 

parentage  of  John  of  Austria  the  4  Lafuente,    Hist    de   Espafia, 

subject  of  a  particular  discussion  torn.  XIII.  p.  432,  note, 

in  the  Revista  de  Ambos  Mundos,  5  Gachard,  Retraite  et  Mort  de 

No.  3.  Charles-Quint,  torn.  II.  p.  506. 

3  Vanderhammen,   alluding    to  In  a  private  interview  with  Luis 
the  doubts  thrown  on  the  rank  of  Quixada,  the  evening  before  his 


1 26  REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOE3.         [Boo*  V. 

It  was  certainly  not  a  princely  legacy,  and  infers 
that  the  object  of  it  must  have  been  in  a  humble 
condition  in  life  to  have  rendered  it  important  to 
her  comfort.  We  are  led  to  the  same  conclusion 
by  the  mystery  thrown  around  the  birth  of  the 
child,  forming  so  strong  a  contrast  to  the  publicity 
given  to  the  birth  of  the  emperor's  natural  daugh- 
ter, Margaret  of  Parma,  whose  mother  could  boast 
that  in  her  veins  flowed  some  of  the  best  blood  of 
the  Netherlands. 

For  three  years  the  boy,  who  received  the  name 
of  Geronimo,  remained  under  his  mother's  roof, 
when,  by  Charles's  order,  he  was  placed  in  the 
hands  of  a  Fleming  named  Maffi,  a  musician  in 
the  imperial  band.  This  man  transferred  his  resi- 
dence to  Leganes,  a  village  in  Castile,  not  far  from 
Madrid.  The  instrument  still  exists  that  contains 
the  agreement  by  which  Maffi,  after  acknowledging 
the  receipt  of  a  hundred  florins,  engages  for  fifty 
florins  annually  to  bring  up  the  child  with  as  much 
care  as  if  he  were  his  own.6  It  was  a  moderate 
allowance,  certainly,  for  the  nurture  of  one  who 
Avas  some  day  to  come  before  the  world  as  the  son 
of  an  emperor.  It  showed  that  Charles  was  fond 
of  a  bargain,  —  though  at  the  expense  of  his  own 
offspring. 

No  instruction  was  provided  for  the  child  except 

death,  the  emperor  gave  him  six  pers  of  Charles  the  Fifth.    A  copy 

hundred  gold  crowns  to  purchase  of  it  has  been  preserved  among 

the  above-mentioned  pension.  the  manuscripts  of  Cardinal  Gran- 

6  This  interesting  document  was  velle.     Papiers    d'Etat,  torn.   IV. 

found  among  the  testamentary  pa-  pp.  499,  500. 


CH.  V.]  DON  JOHN  OF  AUSTRIA.  127 

such  as  he  could  pick  up  from  the  parish  priest, 
who,  as  he  knew  as  little  as  Maffi  did  of  the 
secret  of  Geronimo's  birth,  probably  bestowed  no 
more  attention  on  him  than  on  the  other  lads  of 
the  village.  And  we  cannot  doubt  that  a  boy  of 
his  lively  temper  must  have  preferred  passing  his 
days  in  the  open  fields,  to  confinement  in  the  house 
and  listening  to  the  homilies  of  his  teacher.  As 
he  grew  in  years,  he  distinguished  himself  above 
his  young  companions  by  his  courage.  He  took 
the  lead  in  all  their  rustic  sports,  and  gave  token 
of  his  belligerent  propensities  by  making  war  on 
the  birds  in  the  orchards,  on  whom  he  did  great 
execution  with  his  little  crossbow.7 

Four  years  were  passed  in  this  hardy  way  of 
life,  which,  if  it  did  nothing  else  for  the  boy,  had 
the  advantage  of  strengthening  his  constitution  for 
the  serious  trials  of  manhood,  when  the  emperor 
thought  it  was  time  to  place  him  in  a  situation 
where  he  would  receive  a  better  training  than  could 
be  found  in  the  cottage  of  a  peasant.  He  was 
accordingly  transferred  to  the  protection  of  Luis 
Quixada,  Charles's  trusty  major-domo,  who  received 
the  child  into  his  family  at  Villagarcia,  in  the  neigh- 
borhood of  Valladolid.  The  emperor  showed  his 
usual  discernment  in  the  selection  of  a  guardian  for 
his  son.  Quixada,  with  his  zeal  for  the  faith,  his 
loyalty,  his  nice  sentiment  of  honor,  was  the  very 
type  of  the  Castilian  hidalgo  in  his  best  form; 

7  "  Gastava  buena  parte  del  dia    paxaros."     Vanderhaminen,    Don 
en  tirar  con  una  ballestilla  a  los    Juan  de  Austria,  fol.  10. 


128  EEBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES.         [BOOK  V. 

while  he  possessed  all  those  knightly  qualities  which 
made  him  the  perfect  mirror  of  the  antique  chiv- 
alry. His  wife,  Dona  Magdalena  de  Ulloa,  sister 
of  the  marquis  of  Mota,  was  a  lady  yet  more  illus- 
trious for  her  virtues  than  for  her  rank.  She  had 
naturally  the  most  to  do  with  the  training  of  the 
boy's  earlier  years ;  and  under  her  discipline  it  was 
scarcely  possible  that  one  of  so  generous  a  nature 
should  fail  to  acquire  the  courtly  breeding  and 
refinement  of  taste  which  shed  a  lustre  over  the 
stern  character  of  the  soldier. 

However  much  Quixada  may  have  reposed  on 
his  wife's  discretion,  he  did  not  think  proper  to 
try  it,  in  the  present  instance,  by  communicating 
to  her  the  secret  of  Geronimo's  birth.  He  spoke 
of  him  as  the  son  of  a  great  man,  his  dear  friend, 
expressing  his  desire  that  his  wife  would  receive 
him  as  her  own  child.  This  was  the  less  diffi- 
cult, as  Magdalena  had  no  children  of  her  own. 
The  solicitude  shown  by  her  lord  may  possibly 
have  suggested  to  her  the  idea  that  the  boy  was 
more  nearly  related  to  him  than  he  chose  to  ac- 
knowledge, —  in  short,  that  he  was  the  offspring  of 
some  intrigue  of  Quixada  previous  to  his  marriage.8 
But  an  event  which  took  place  not  long  after  the 
child's  introduction  into  the  family  is  said  to  have 
awakened  in  her  suspicions  of  an  origin  more  in 
accordance  with  the  truth.  The  house  at  Villa- 
garcia  took  fire ;  and,  as  it  was  in  the  night,  the 

8  «.  Y  puede  ser  llegase  i.  sospe-    su  Esposo."    Villafane,  Vida  do 
char,  si  acaso  tendria  por  Padre  a    Magdalena  dc  Ulloa,  p.  38. 


CH.  V.J  DON  JOHN  OF  AUSTRIA.  129 

flames  gained  such  head  that  they  were  not  dis- 
covered till  they  burst  through  the  windows.  The 
noise  in  the  street  roused  the  sleeping  inmates; 
and  Quixada,  thinking  first  of  his  charge,  sprang 
from  his  bed,  and,  rushing  into  Geronimo's  apart- 
ment, snatched  up  the  affrighted  child,  and  bore 
him  in  his  arms  to  a  place  of  safety.  He  then  re- 
entered  the  house,  and,  forcing  his  way  through 
the  smoke  and  flames,  succeeded  in  extricating  his 
wife  from  her  perilous  situation.  This  sacrifice  of 
love  to  loyalty  is  panegyrized  by  a  Castilian  chron- 
icler as  "  a  rare  achievement,  far  transcending  any 
act  of  heroism  of  which  antiquity  could  boast."9 
Whether  Magdalena  looked  with  the  same  com- 
placency on  the  proceeding  we  are  not  informed. 
Certain  it  is,  however,  that  the  interest  shown  by 
her  husband  in  the  child  had  no  power  to  excite 
any  feeling  of  jealousy  in  her  bosom.  On  the  con- 
trary, it  seemed  rather  to  strengthen  her  own  in- 
terest in  the  boy,  whose  uncommon  beauty  and 
affectionate  disposition  soon  called  forth  all  the 
tenderness  of  her  nature.  She  took  him  to  her 


9  "  Accion  singular  y  rara,  y  que  good  knight  in  his  arms.     (Villa- 

dexa  atras  quantas  la  Antiguedad  fane,  Vida  de  Magdalena  de  Ulloa, 

celebra  por  peregrinas."     Vander-  pp.  44,  53.)    The  coincidences  are 

hammen,  Don  Juan   de    Austria,  too  much  opposed  to  the  doctrine 

fol.  31.  of  chances  to  commend  themselves 

According  to  another  biographer,  readily  to  our  faith.     Vanderham- 

two  fires  occurred  to  Quixada,  one  men's  reflection  was  drawn  forth 

in  Villagarcia  and  one  in  Vallado-  by  the  second  fire,  the  only  one 

lid.     On  each  of  these  occasions  he  notices.     It  applies,  however, 

the  house  was  destroyed,  but  his  equally  well  to  both, 
ward  was  saved,  borne  off  by  the 

VOL.    III.  17 


130  REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES.          [BOOK  V. 

heart,  and  treated  him  with  all  the  fondness  of  a 
mother,  —  a  feeling  warmly  reciprocated  by  the 
object  of  it,  who,  to  the  day  of  his  death,  regarded 
her  with  the  truest  feelings  of  filial  love  and  rev- 
erence. 

In  1558,  the  year  after  his  retirement  to  Yuste, 
Charles  the  Fifth,  whether  from  a  wish  to  see  his 
son,  or,  as  is  quite  as  probable,  in  the  hope  of 
making  Quixada  more  contented  with  his  situa- 
tion, desired  his  major-domo  to  bring  his  family 
to  the  adjoining  village  of  Cuacos.  While  there, 
the  young  Geronimo  must  doubtless  sometimes 
have  accompanied  his  mother,  as  he  called  Dona 
Magdalena,  in  her  visits  to  the  monastery.  Indeed, 
his  biographer  assures  us  that  the  sight  of  him 
operated  like  a  panacea  on  the  emperor's  health.10 
We  find  no  allusion  to  him,  however,  in  any  of  the 
letters  from  Yuste;  and,  if  he  did  go  there,  we 
may  be  sure  that  Charles  had  sufficient  control 
over  himself  not  to  betray,  by  any  indiscreet  show 
of  fondness,  his  relationship  to  the  child.11  One 
tradition  respecting  him  lingered  to  a  late  period 
among  the  people  of  Cuacos,  where  the  peasants, 
it  is  said,  pelted  him  with  stones  as  he  was  rob- 


10  Vanderhammen,   Don   Juan  meaner,  so  that  no  one  could  sus- 
de  Austria,  fol.  16.  pect  his  secret     Once  or  twice," 

11  Indeed,  Siguenza,  who  may  adds  the  Jeronymite  father,  "the 
have  had  it  from  the  monks  of  lad  entered  the  apartment  of  his 
Yuste,  tells  us  that  the  "  boy  some-  father,  who  doubtless  spoke  to  him 
times  was  casually  seen  by  the  em-  as  he  would  have  spoken  to  any 
peror,  who  was  careful  to  maintain  other  boy."    Historia  de  la  Orden 
his  usual  reserve  and  dignified  de-  de  San  Geronimo,  torn.  III.  p.  205. 


CH.  V.]  DON  JOHN  OF  AUSTRIA.  131 

bing  their  orchards.  It  was  the  first  lesson  in  war 
of  the  future  hero  of  Lepanto. 

There  is  no  reason  to  doubt  that  the  boy  wit- 
nessed the  obsequies  of  the  emperor.  One  who 
was  present  tells  us  that  he  saw  him  there,  dressed 
in  full  mourning,  and  standing  by  the  side  of  Qui- 
xada,  for  whose  page  he  passed  among  the  brethren 
of  the  convent.12  We  may  well  believe  that  a  spec- 
tacle so  solemn  and  affecting  as  these  funeral  cere- 
monies must  have  sunk  deep  into  his  young  mind, 
and  heightened  the  feelings  of  veneration  with 
which  he  always  regarded  the  memory  of  his  fa- 
ther. It  was  perhaps  the  appearance  of  Geronimo 
as  one  of  the  mourners  that  first  suggested  the 
idea  of  his  relationship  to  the  emperor.  We  find 
a  letter  from  Quixada  to  Philip,  dated  soon  after, 
in  which  he  speaks  of  rumors  on  the  subject  as 
current  in  the  neighborhood.13 

Among  the  testamentary  papers  of  Charles  was 
found  one  in  an  envelope  sealed  with  his  private 
seal,  and  addressed  to  his  son,  Philip,  or,  in  case  of 
his  death,  to  his  grandson,  Carlos,  or  whoever  might 
be  in  possession  of  the  crown.  It  was  dated  in 
1554,  before  his  retirement  to  Yuste.  It  acknowl- 
edged his  connection  with  a  German  maiden,  and 
the  birth  of  a  son  named  Geronimo.  The  mother's 

12  Relation  d'un    Religieux  de  Mtad  sabe  que  estoi  d  mi  cargo  que 
Yuste,  ap.   Gachard,   Retraite  et  me  ha  espantado,    y    espdntame 
Mort  de  Charles-Quint,  torn.  II.  mucho  mas  las  particularidades  quo 
p.  55.  sobrello  oyo."     Ibid.,  torn.   I.  p. 

13  "  Hallo  tan   publico  aquf  lo  449. 
que  toca  aquella  persona  que  V. 


132  REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES.  [BOOK  V. 

name  was  not  given.  He  pointed  out  the  quarter 
where  information  could  be  got  respecting  the 
child,  who  was  then  living  with  the  violin-player 
at  Leganes.  He  expressed  the  wish  that  he  should 
be  trained  up  for  the  ecclesiastical  profession,  and 
that,  when  old  enough,  he  should  enter  a  convent 
of  one  of  the  reformed  orders.  Charles  would  not, 
however,  have  any  constraint  put  on  the  inclina- 
tions of  the  boy,  and  in  case  of  his  preferring  a 
secular  life,  he  would  have  a  suitable  estate  settled 
on  him  in  the  kingdom  of  Naples,  with  an  annual 
income  of  between  thirty  and  forty  thousand  du- 
cats. Whatever  course  Geronimo  might  take,  the 
emperor  requested  that  he  should  receive  all  the 
honor  and  consideration  one  to  him  as  his  son. 
His  letter  concluded  by  saying  that,  although  for 
obvious  reasons  he  had  not  inserted  these  direc- 
tions in  his  will,  he  wished  them  to  be  held  of 
the  same  validity  as  if  he  had.14  Philip  seems 
from  the  first  to  have  so  regarded  them,  though, 
as  he  was  then  in  Flanders,  he  resolved  to  postpone 
the  public  acknowledgment  of  his  brother  till  his 
return  to  Spain. 

Meanwhile  the  rumors  in  regard  to  Geronimo's 
birth  had  reached  the  ears  of  the  regent,  Joanna. 
With  natural  curiosity  she  ordered  her  secretary  to 
write  to  Quixada  and  ascertain  the  truth  of  the  re- 


14  A  copy  of  this    interesting  beautiful   edition  of  the  cardinal's 

document  \vas  found  in  the  collec-  papers.    Papiers  d'Etat,  torn.  IV. 

tion  of  Granvelle  at  Besan9on,  and  p.  495  et  seq. 
has  been  lately  published  in  the 


CH.  V.]  DON  JOHN  OF  AUSTRIA.  133 

port.  The  trusty  hidalgo  endeavored  to  evade  the 
question,  by  saying  that  some  years  since  a  friend 
of  his  had  intrusted  a  boy  to  his  care ;  but  as  no 
allusion  whatever  was  made  to  the  child  in  the  em- 
peror's will,  the  story  of  their  relationship  to  each 
other  should  be  treated  as  idle  gossip.15  The  reply 
did  not  satisfy  Joanna,  who  seems  to  have  settled  it 
in  her  own  mind  that  the  story  was  well  founded. 
She  took  an  occasion  soon  after  to  write  to  Dofta 
Magdalena,  during  her  husband's  absence  from 
home,  expressing  her  wish  that  the  lady  would 
bring  the  boy  where  she  could  see  him.  The  place 
selected  was  at  an  auto  de  fe  about  to  be  celebrated 
in  Valladolid.  DoRa  Magdalena,  reluctant  as  she 
was,  felt  herself  compelled  to  receive  the  request 
from  such  a  source  as  a  command,  which  she  had 
no  right  to  disobey.  One  might  have  thought  that 
a  ceremony  so  heart-rending  and  appalling  in  its 
character  as  an  auto  de  fe  would  be  the  last  to  be 
selected  for  the  indulgence  of  any  feeling  of  a  light 
and  joyous  nature.  But  the  Spaniard  of  that  and 
of  a  much  later  age  regarded  this  as  the  sweetest 
sacrifice  that  could  be  offered  to  the  Almighty ; 
and  he  went  to  it  with  the  same  indifference  to 
the  sufferings  of  the  victim  —  probably  with  the 
same  love  of  excitement  —  which  he  would  have 
felt  in  going  to  a  bull-fight. 

15  "  Que  pues  Su  Mtad,  en  su  responder  otra  cosa,  en  publico  ni 

testamento  ni  codecilo,  no  hazia  en  secreto."     Gachard,  Retraite  et 

memoria  del,  que  era  razon  tenello  Mort  de  Charles-Quint,  torn.  I.  p. 

por  burla,  y  que  no  sabia  que  poder  44  C . 


134  KEBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES.          [BOOK  V. 

On  the  day  which  had  been  named,  Magdalena 
and  her  charge  took  their  seats  on  the  carpeted 
platform  reserved  for  persons  of  rank,  in  full  view 
of  the  scaifold  appropriated  to  the  martyrs  who 
were  to  suffer  for  conscience'  sake.  It  was  in  the 
midst  of  the  august  company  here  assembled,  that 
the  son  of  Charles  the  Fifth  was  to  receive  his  first 
lesson  in  the  school  of  persecution ;  that  he  was  to 
learn  to  steel  his  heart  against  sympathy  with  hu- 
•  man  suffering ;  to  learn,  above  all,  that  compassion 
for  the  heretic  was  a  crime  of  the  deepest  dye.  It 
was  a  terrible  lesson  for  one  so  young,  —  of  an 
age  when  the  mind  is  most  open  to  impressions ; 
and  the  bitter  fruits  of  it  were  to  be  discerned  ere- 
long in  the  war  with  the  Moriscoes. 

As  the  royal  train  approached  the  place  occupied 
by  Dona  Magdalena,  the  regent  paused  and  looked 
around  for  the  boy.  Magdalena  had  thrown  her 
mantle  about  him,  to  conceal  him  as  much  as  pos- 
sible from  the  public  eye.  She  now  drew  it  aside ; 
and  Joanna  looked  so  long  and  earnestly  on  the 
child,  that  he  shrunk  abashed  from  her  gaze.  It 
was  not,  however,  before  she  had  recognized  in 
his  bright  blue  eyes,  his  ample  forehead,  and  the 
rich  yellow  locks  that  clustered  round  his  head, 
some  of  the  peculiarities  of  the  Austrian  line, 
though  happily  without  the  deformity  of  the  pro- 
truding lip,  which  was  no  less  its  characteristic. 
Her  heart  yearned  with  the  tenderness  of  a  sister, 
as  she  felt  convinced  that  the  same  blood  flowed 
in  his  veins  as  in  her  own ;  and,  stooping  down,  she 


CH.  V.]     DON  JOHN  ACKNOWLEDGED  BY  PHILIP.          135 

threw  her  arms  around  his  neck,  and,  kissing  him, 
called  him  by  the  endearing  name  of  brother.16  She 
would  have  persuaded  him  to  go  with  her  and  sit  by 
her  side.  But  the  boy,  clinging  closely  to  his  foster- 
mother,  refused  to  leave  her  for  the  stranger 


This  curious  scene  attracted  the  attention  of  the 
surrounding  spectators,  which  was  hardly  diverted 
from  the  child  by  the  appearance  of  the  prisoners 
on  the  scaffold  to  receive  their  sentences.  When 
these  had  been  pronounced,  and  the  wretched  vic- 
tims led  away  to  execution,  the  multitude  pressed 
so  eagerly  round  Magdalena  and  the  boy,  that  it 
was  with  difficulty  the  guards  could  keep  them 
back,  till  the  regent,  seeing  the  awkwardness  of 
their  situation,  sent  one  of  her  train,  the  count  of 
Osorno,  to  their  relief;  and  that  nobleman,  forcing 
his  way  through  the  crowd,  carried  off  Geronimo 
in  his  arms  to  the  royal  carriage.17 

It  was  not  long  before  all  mystery  was  dispelled 
by  the  public  acknowledgment  of  the  child  as  the 
son  of  the  emperor.  One  of  the  first  acts  of  Philip, 
after  his  return  to  Spain,  in  1559,  was  to  arrange 


16  "  La  Princesa  al  punto  arre-  todos."  Vanderhammen,  Don  Juan 
batada  del  amor,  le  abra9o,  y  beso,  de  Austria,  fol.  25. 

sin  reparar  en  el  lugar  que  estava,         The  story  must  be  admitted  to 

y  el  acto  que  exercia.     Llamole  be  a  strange  one,  considering  the 

hermano,   y  tratole    de    Alteza."  punctilious  character  of  the    Cas- 

Vanderhammen,     Don    Juan    de  tilian  court,  and  the  reserved  and 

Austria,  fol.  23.  decorous  habits  of  Joanna.     But 

17  "  Llego  el  caso  a  estado,  que  the  author,  born  and  bred  in  the 
le   huvo    de   tomar  en  bra9os  el  palace,  had  access,  as  he  tells  us, 
Conde  Osorno  hasta  la  carroca  de  to  the  very  highest  sources  of  in- 
la    Princesa,    porque  le   gozassen  formation,  oral  and  written. 


136  REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES.         [Boon  V. 

an  interview  with  his  brother.  The  place  assigned 
for  the  meeting  was  an  extensive  park,  not  far 
from  Valladolid,  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  con- 
vent of  La  Espina^  a  spot  much  resorted  to  by 
the  Castilian  princes  of  the  older  time  for  the 
pleasures  of  the  chase. 

On  the  appointed  day,  Quixada,  richly  dressed, 
and  mounted  on  the  best  horse  in  his  stables,  rode 
forth,  at  the  head  of  his  vassals,  to  meet  the  king, 
with  the  little  Geronimo,  simply  attired  and  on  a 
common  palfrey,  by  his  side.  They  had  gone  but 
a  few  miles  when  they  heard,  through  the  woods, 
the  sound  of  horses'  hoofs,  announcing  the  approach 
of  the  royal  cavalcade.  Quixada  halted,  and,  alight- 
ing, drew  near  to  Geronimo,  with  much  deference 
in  his  manner,  and,  dropping  on  one  knee,  begged 
permission  to  kiss  his  hand.  At  the  same  time  he 
desired  his  ward  to  dismount,  and  take  the  charger 
which  he  had  himself  been  riding.  Geronimo  was 
sorely  bewildered  by  what  he  would  have  thought 
a  merry  jest  on  the  part  of  his  guardian,  had  not 
his  sedate  and  dignified  character  forbidden  the 
supposition.  Recovering  from  his  astonishment, 
he  complied  with  his  guardian's  directions ;  and 
the  vision  of  future  greatness  must  have  flashed 
on  his  mind,  if,  as  we  are  told,  when  preparing  to 
mount,  he  turned  round  to  Quixada,  and  with  an 
affected  air  of  dignity  told  him  that,  "  since  things 
were  so,  he  might  hold  the  stirrup  for  him." 18 

18  «  Vuelto  ya  en  si  de  la  sus-  montd  en  el  caballo ;  y  aun  se  dice 
pension  primera,  alargd  la  mano,  y  que  con  airosa  Grandeza,  anadid ; 


CH.  V.]     DON  JOHN  ACKNOWLEDGED  BY  PHILIP.          137 

They  had  not  proceeded  far  when  they  came  in 
sight  of  the  royal  party.  Quixada  pointed  out 
the  king  to  his  ward,  adding  that  his  majesty  had 
something  of  importance  to  communicate  to  him. 
They  then  dismounted ;  and  the  boy,  by  his  guar- 
dian's instructions,  drawing  near  to  Philip,  knelt 
down  and  begged  leave  to  kiss  his  majesty's  hand. 
The  king,  graciously  extending  it,  looked  intently 
on  the  youth ;  and  at  length  broke  silence  by  ask- 
ing "  if  he  knew  who  was  his  father."  Geroni- 
mo,  disconcerted  by  the  abruptness  of  the  ques- 
tion, and  indeed,  if  the  reports  of  his  origin  had 
ever  reached  his  ears,  ignorant  of  their  truth,  cast 
his  eyes  on  the  ground  and  made  no  answer. 
Philip,  not  displeased  with  his  embarrassment,  was 
well  satisfied,  doubtless,  to  read  in  his  intelligent 
countenance  and  noble  mien  an  assurance  that  he 
would  do  no  discredit  to  his  birth.  Alighting 
from  his  horse,  he  embraced  Geronimo,  exclaiming, 
"  Take  courage,  my  child ;  you  are  descended  from 
a  great  man.  The  Emperor  Charles  the  Fifth,  now 
in  glory,  is  your  father  as  well  as  mine."  19  Then, 
turning  to  the  lords  who  stood  around,  he  pre- 
sented the  boy  to  them  as  the  son  of  their  late 
sovereign  and  his  own  brother.  The  courtiers, 
with  the  ready  instinct  of  their  tribe,  ever  prompt 
to  worship  the  rising  sun,  pressed  eagerly  forward 

Pues  si  eso  es  asi  tened  el  estribo."  prsenobilis  viri  filius  eg  tu  :  Carolua 

Villafane,  Vida  de  Dona  Magda-  Quintus  Imperator,  qui  coelo  degit, 

lena  de  Ulloa,  p.  51.  utriusque  nostrum  pater  est."  Stra- 

19  "  Macte,  inquit,  animo  puer,  da,  De  Bello  Belgico,  torn.  I  p.  608. 

VOL.    III.  18 


138  REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES.          [BOOK  V. 

to  pay  their  obeisance  to  Geronimo.  The  scene 
was  concluded  by  the  king's  buckling  a  sword  on 
his  brother's  side,  and  throwing  around  his  neck 
the  sparkling  collar  of  the  Golden  Fleece. 

The  tidings  of  this  strange  event  soon  spread 
over  the  neighborhood,  for  there  were  many  more 
witnesses  of  the  ceremony  than  those  who  took 
part  in  it ;  and  the  king  and  his  retinue  found, 
on  their  return,  a  multitude  of  people  gathering 
along  the  route,  eager  to  get  a  glimpse  of  this 
newly  discovered  gem  of  royalty.  The  sight  of 
the  handsome  youth  called  forth  a  burst  of  noisy 
enthusiasm  from  the  populace,  and  the  air  rung 
with  their  tumultuous  vivas  as  the  royal  party 
rode  through  the  streets  of  the  ancient  city  of  Val- 
ladolid.  Philip  expressed  his  satisfaction  at  the 
events  of  the  day,  by  declaring  that  "  he  had  never 
met  better  sport  in  his  life,  or  brought  back  game 
so  much  to  his  mind."1 

Having  thus  publicly  acknowledged  his  brother, 
the  king  determined  to  provide  for  him  an  estab- 
lishment suited  to  his  condition.  He  assigned  him 
for  his  residence  one  of  the  best  mansions  in  Ma- 
drid. He  was  furnished  with  a  numerous  band  of 
retainers,  and  as  great  state  was  maintained  in  his 
household  as  in  that  of  a  prince  of  the  blood.  The 
count  of  Priego  acted  as  his  chief  major-domo ; 

20  "  Jamds  habia  tenido  dia  de        This  curious  account  of  Philip's 

caza  mas  gustoso,  ni  logrado  presa  recognition  of  his  brother  is  told, 

que  le  hubiese  dado  tanto  conten-  -with  less  discrepancy  than  usual, 

to."      Villafane,    Vida    de    Dona  by  various  writers  of  that  day. 
Magdalena  de  Ulloa,  p.  52. 


CH.  V.j      DON  JOHN  ACKNOWLEDGED  BY  PHILIP.          139 

Don  Luis  Carrillo,  the  eldest  son  of  that  noble, 
was  made  captain  of  the  guard;  and  Don  Luis  de 
Cordova  master  of  the  horse.  In  short,  nobles  and 
cavaliers  of  the  best  blood  in  Castile  did  not  dis- 
dain to  hold  offices  in  the  service  of  the  peasant- 
boy.  With  one  or  two  exceptions,  of  little  impor- 
tance, he  enjoyed  all  the  privileges  that  belonged 
to  the  royal  infantes.  He  did  not,  like  them,  have 
apartments  in  the  palace ;  and  he  was  to  be  ad- 
dressed by  the  title  of  "  Excellency,"  instead  of 
"  Highness,"  which  was  their  peculiar  prerogative. 
The  distinction  was  not  always  scrupulously  ob- 
served.21 

A  more  important  change  took  place  in  his 
name,  which  from  Geronimo  was  now  converted 
into  John  of  Austria,  —  a  lofty  name,  which  inti- 
mated his  descent  from  the  imperial  house  of 
Hapsburg,  and  on  which  his  deeds  in  after  life 
shed  a  lustre  greater  than  the  proudest  title  that 
sovereignty  could  confer. 

Luis  Quixada  kept  the  same  place  after  his 
pupil's  elevation  as  before.  He  continued  to  be 
his  ayo,  or  governor,  and  removed  with  Dona  Mag- 
dalena  to  Madrid,  where  he  took  up  his  residence 
in  the  house  of  Don  John.  Thus  living  in  the 
most  intimate  personal  relations  with  him,  Quixa- 
da maintained  his  influence  unimpaired  till  the 
hour  of  his  own  death. 

21  Vanderhammen,  Don  Juan  de  lo  de  Alteza  i  de  senor  entre  los 

Austria,  fol.  27. — "Mandole  lla-  Grandes  i  menores."    Cabrera,  Fi- 

mar   Ecelencia ;   pero  sus  Reales  lipe  Segundo,  lib.  V.  cap.  3. 
costunbres  le  dieron  adelante  titu- 


140  REBELLION   OF  THE  MORISCOES.         [Boo*  V. 

Philip  fully  appreciated  the  worth  of  the  faith- 
ful hidalgo,  who  was  fortunate  in  thus  enjoying 
the  favor  of  the  son  in  as  great  a  degree  as  he  had 
done  that  of  the  father, — and,  as  it  would  seem, 
with  a  larger  recompense  for  his  services.  He  was 
master  of  the  horse  to  Don  Carlos,  the  heir  to  the 
crown ;  he  held  the  important  post  of  president  of 
the  Council  of  the  Indies ;  and  he  possessed  several 
lucrative  benefices  in  the  military  order  of  Cala- 
trava.  In  one  of  his  letters  to  the  king,  we  find 
Quixada  remarking  that  he  had  endeavored  to 
supply  the  deficiencies  of  his  pupil's  early  educa- 
tion by  training  him  in  a  manner  better  suited  to 
his  destinies  in  after  life.22  We  cannot  doubt  that, 
in  the  good  knight's  estimate  of  what  was  essen- 
tial to  such  a  training,  the  exercises  of  chivalry 
must  have  found  more  favor  than  the  monastic 
discipline  recommended  by  the  emperor.  However 
this  may  have  been,  Philip  resolved  to  give  his 
brother  the  best  advantages  for  a  liberal  education 
by  sending  him  to  the  University  of  Alcala,  which, 
founded  by  the  great  Ximenes,  a  little  more  than 
a  century  before,  now  shared  with  the  older  school 
of  Salamanca  the  glory  of  being  the  most  famous 
seat  of  science  in  the  Peninsula.  Don  John  had  for 
his  companions  his  two  nephews,  Don  Carlos,  and 
Alexander  Farnese,  the  son  of  Margaret  of  Parma. 

22  "  Tengo  mucho  cuidado  que  estado  hasta  que  vino  &  mi  poder, 

aprenda  y  se  le  ensenen  las  cosas  es  bien  menester  con  todo  cuidado 

necesarias,  conforme  d  su  edad  y  :i  tener  cuenta  con   el."     Gachard, 

la  calidad  de  su  persona,  que,  segun  Retraite  et  Mort  de  Charles- Quint, 

la  estrecheza  en  que  se  crid  y  ha  torn.  I.  p.  450. 


CH.  V.]  HIS   THIRST  FOR  DISTINCTION. 

They  formed  a  triumvirate,  each  member  of  which 
was  to  fill  a  large  space  in  the  pages  of  history ; 
Don  Carlos  from  his  errors  and  misfortunes,  and 
the  two  others  from  their  military  achievements. 
They  were  all  of  nearly  the  same  age.  Don  John, 
according  to  a  writer  of  the  time,  stood  foremost 
among  the  three  for  the  comeliness,  or  rather 
beauty,  of  his  person,  no  less  than  for  the  charm 
of  his  manners  ;  ^  while  his  soul  was  filled  with 
those  nobler  qualities  which  gave  promise  of  the 
highest  excellence.24 

His  biographers  tell  us  that  Don  John  gave  due 
attention  to  his  studies ;  but  the  studies  which 
found  most  favor  in  his  eyes  were  those  connected 
with  the  art  of  war.  He  was  perfect  in  all  chival- 
rous accomplishments ;  and  he  sighed  for  some 
field  on  which  he  could  display  them.  The  knowl- 
edge of  his  real  parentage  fired  his  soul  with  a 
generous  ambition,  and  he  longed  by  some  heroic 
achievement  to  vindicate  his  claim  to  his  illustrious 
descent. 

At  the  end  of  three  years,  in  1564,  he  left  the 
university.  The  following  year  was  that  of  the 
famous  siege  of  Malta ;  and  all  Christendom  hung 
in.  suspense  on  the  issue  of  the  desperate  conflict, 
which  a  handful  of  warriors,  on  their  lonely  isle, 
were  waging  against  the  whole  strength  of  the 

93  "  Longfe  tamen  anteibat  Aus-        9*  "  Eminebat    in    adolescente 

triacusctcorporishabitudine,etmo-  comitas,  industria,  probitas,  et,  ut 

rum  suavitate.  Facies  ill!  non  modo  in  novae  potentiae  hospite,  verecun- 

pulchra,  sed  etiam  venusta."  Strada,  dia."     Ibid.,  loc.  cit 
De  Bello  Belgico,  torn.  I.  p.  609. 


142  REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES.          [BOOK  V. 

Ottoman  empire.  The  sympathies  of  Don  John 
were  roused  in  behalf  of  the  Christian  knights; 
and  he  resolved  to  cast  his  own  fortunes  into  the 
scale  with  theirs,  and  win  his  maiden  laurels  under 
the  banner  of  the  Cross.  He  did  not  ask  the  per- 
mission of  his  brother.  That  he  knew  would  be 
refused  to  him.  He  withdrew  secretly  from  the 
court,  and  with  only  a  few  attendants  took  his  way 
to  Barcelona,  whence  an  armament  was  speedily  to 
sail,  to  carry  succor  to  the  besieged.  Everywhere 
on  the  route  he  was  received  with  the  respect  due 
to  his  rank.  At  Saragossa  he  was  lodged  with  the 
archbishop,  under  whose  roof  he  was  detained  by 
illness.  While  there  he  received  a  letter  from  the 
king,  who  had  learned  the  cause  of  his  departure, 
commanding  him  to  return,  as  he  was  altogether 
too  young  to  take  part  in  this  desperate  strife. 
Don  John  gave  little  heed  to  the  royal  orders.  He 
pushed  on  to  Barcelona,  where  he  had  the  mor- 
tification to  find  that  the  fleet  had  sailed.  He 
resolved  to  cross  the  mountains  and  take  ship 
at  Marseilles.  The  viceroy  of  Catalonia  could 
not  dissuade  the  hot-headed  youth  from  his  pur- 
pose, when  another  despatch  came  from  court,  in 
which  Philip,  in  a  more  peremptory  tone  than 
before,  repeated  his  orders  for  his  brother  to  re- 
turn, under  pain  of  his  severe  displeasure.  A 
letter  from  Quixada  had  warned  him  of  the  cer- 
tain disgrace  which  awaited  him,  if  he  contin- 
ued to  trifle  with  the  royal  commands.  Nothing 
remained  but  to  obey ;  and  Don  John,  disappoint- 


Cu.  V.]  HIS  THIRST  FOR  DISTINCTION.  143 

ed  in  his  scheme  of  ambition,  returned  to  the 
capital.25 

This  adventure  caused  a  great  sensation  through- 
out the  country.  The  young  nobles  and  cavaliers 
about  the  court,  fired  by  Don  John's  example, 
which  seemed  like  a  rebuke  on  their  own  sluggish- 
ness, had  hastened  to  buckle  on  their  armor,  and 
follow  him  to  the  war.26  The  common  people,  pe- 
culiarly sensible  in  Spain  to  deeds  of  romantic 
daring,  were  delighted  with  the  adventurous  spirit* 
of  the  young  prince,  which  gave  promise  that  he 
was  one  day  to  take  his  place  among  the  heroes 
of  the  nation.  This  was  the  beginning  of  the 
popularity  of  John  of  Austria  with  his  country- 
men, who  in  time  came  to  regard  him  with  feel- 
ings little  short  of  idolatry.  Even  Philip,  however 
necessary  he  may  have  thought  it  to  rebuke  the 
insubordination  of  his  brother,  must  in  his  heart 
have  been  pleased  with  the  generous  spirit  he  had 
exhibited.  At  least,  the  favor  with  which  he  con- 
tinued to  regard  the  offender  showed  that  the  royal 
displeasure  was  of  no  long  continuance. 

The  sudden  change  in  the  condition  of  Don 
John  might  remind  one  of  some  fairy  tale,  where 
the  poor  peasant-boy  finds  himself  all  at  once  con- 
verted by  enchantment  into  a  great  prince.  A 

23  Strada,  DC  Bcllo  Belgico,  Don  Juan  saco  del  ocio  a  muchos 

torn.  II.  pp.  609,  610. — Vander-  cavallcros  de  la  Corte  i  Reynos, 

hammen,  Don  Juan  de  Austria,  que  avergoncados  do  quedarse  en 

fol.  34-36.  —  Cabrera,  Filipe  Se-  el,  le  siguieron."  Cabrera,  Filipe 

gundo,  lib.  VI.  cap.  24.  Segundo,  loc.  cit. 

26  "  La  fama  de  la  partida  de 


144  BEBELLION  OF  THE   MORISCOES.         [BOOK  V. 

wiser  man  than  lie  might  well  have  had  his  head 
turned  by  such  a  rapid  revolution  of  the  wheel 
of  fortune ;  and  Philip  may  naturally  have  feared 
that  the  idle  dalliance  of  a  court,  to  which  his 
brother  was  now  exposed,  might  corrupt  his  simple 
nature  and  seduce  him  from  the  honorable  path  of 
duty.  Great,  therefore,  must  have  been  his  satis- 
faction, when  he  saw  that,  far  from  this,  the  eleva- 
tion of  the  youth  had  only  served  to  give  .a  wider 
expansion  to  his  views,  and  to  fill  his  bosom  with 
still  higher  and  nobler  aspirations. 

The  discreet  conduct  of  Don  John  in  regard  to 
his  nephew,  Don  Carlos,  when  the  latter  would 
have  engaged  him  in  his  wild  and  impracticable 
schemes,  established  him  still  more  firmly  in  the 
royal  favor.27 

In  the  spring  of  the  year  1568,  an  opportunity 
occurred  for  Philip  to  gratify  his  brother's  ambition, 
by  intrusting  him  with  the  command  of  a  fleet  then 
fitting  out,  in  the  port  of  Carthagena,  against  the 
Barbary  corsairs,  who  had  been  making  alarming 
depredations  of  late  on  the  Spanish  commerce. 
But,  while  giving  him  this  appointment,  the  king 
was  careful  to  supply  the  lack  of  experience  in 
his  brother  by  naming  as  second  in  command 
an  officer  in  whose  abilities  he  perfectly  confided. 
This  was  Antonio  de  Zufiiga  y  Requesens,  grand 
commander  of  St.  James,  an  eminent  personage, 
who  will  come  frequently  before  the  reader  in  the 
progress  of  the  narrative.  Requesens,  who  at 

a?  Ante,  vol.  II.  book  IV.  cl\.  6. 


CH.  V.]       HIS  CRUISE  IN  THE  MEDITERRANEAN.  145 

this  time  filled  the  post  of  ambassador  at  Rome, 
was  possessed  of  the  versatility  of  talent  so  im- 
portant in  an  age  when  the  same  individual  was 
often  required  to  exchange  the  duties  of  the  cabinet 
for  those  of  the  camp.  While  Don  John  appeared 
before  the  public  as  the  captain  of  the  fleet,  the 
actual  responsibility  for  the  conduct  of  the  expe- 
dition rested  on  his  lieutenant. 

On  the  third  of  June,  Don  John  sailed  out  of 
port,  at  the  head  of  as  brave  an  armament  as  ever 
floated  on  the  waters  of  the  Mediterranean.  The 
prince's  own  vessel  was  a  stately  galley,  gorgeous- 
ly fitted  up,  and  decorated  with  a  profusion  of 
paintings,  the  subjects  of  which,  drawn  chiefly 
from  ancient  history  and  mythology,  were  of  di- 
dactic import,  intended  to  convey  some  useful  les- 
son to  the  young  commander.  The  moral  of  each 
picture  was  expressed  by  some  pithy  maxim  in- 
scribed beneath  it  in  Latin.  Thus,  to  whatever 
quarter  Don  John  turned  his  eyes,  they  were  sure 
to  fall  on  some  homily  for  his  instruction ;  so  that 
his  galley  might  be  compared  to  a  volume  richly 
filled  with  illustrations,  that  serve  to  impress  the 
contents  on  the  reader's  memory.28 

The  cruise  was  perfectly  successful ;  and  Don 
John,  on  his  return  to  port,  some  eight  months 
later,  might  boast  that,  in  more  than  one  engage- 


28  Vanderhammcn  has  given  a  zoned  below  them,  that  of  M  Dolum 

minute,   description   of   this  royal  reprimere  dolo "  savors  strongly  of 

galley,   with   its   pictorial   illustra-  the  politic  monarch.    Don  Juan  do 

tions.     Among  the  legends  embla-  Austria,  fol.  44  —48. 

VOL.    III.  19 


146  REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES.          [BOOK  V. 

ment,  he  had  humbled  the  pride  of  the  corsairs, 
and  so  far  crippled  them  that  it  would  be  long 
before  they  could  resume  their  depredations  ;  that, 
in  fine,  he  had  vindicated  the  honor  of  his  coun- 
try's flag  throughout  the  Mediterranean. 

His  return  to  Madrid  was  welcomed  with  the 
honors  of  a  triumph.  Courtier  and  commoner, 
men  of  all  classes,  in  short,  vied  with  each  other  in 
offering  up  the  sweet  incense  of  adulation,  filling 
his  young  mind  with  lofty  visions  of  the  future, 
that  beckoned  him  forward  in  the  path  of  glory. 

When  the  insurrection  of  the  Moriscoes  broke 
out,  in  1568,  the  eyes  of  men  naturally  turned  on 
Don  John  of  Austria,  as  the  person  who  would  most 
likely  be  sent  to  suppress  it.  But  Philip  thought  it 
would  be  safer  to  trust  the  command  to  those  who, 
from  their  long  residence  in  the  neighborhood,  were 
better  acquainted  with  the  character  of  the  country 
and  of  its  inhabitants.  When,  however,  the  dis- 
sensions of  the  rival  chiefs  made  it  necessary  to 
send  some  one  invested  with  such  powers  as  might 
enable  him  to  overawe  this  factious  spirit  and  en- 
force greater  concert  of  action,  the  council  of  state 
recommended  Don  John  to  the  command.  Their 
recommendation  was  approved  by  the  king,  if,  in- 
deed, it  was  not  originally  made  at  his  suggestion. 

Still  the  "  prudent "  monarch  was  careful  not  to 
invest  his  brother  with  that  independent  command 
which  the  public  supposed  him  to  possess.  On 
the  contrary,  his  authority  was  restricted  within 
limits  almost  as  narrow  as  those  which  had  curbed 


CH.  V.]  MADE   COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF.  147 

it  in  the  Mediterranean.  A  council  of  war  was 
appointed,  by  whose  opinions  Don  John  was  to 
be  guided  in  every  question  of  moment.  In  case 
of  a  division  of  opinion,  the  question  was  to  be 
referred  to  the  decision  of  Philip.29 

The  chief  members  of  this  body,  in  whom  the 
supreme  power  was  virtually  lodged,  were  the  mar- 
quis of  Mondejar,  who  from  this  time  does  not 
appear  to  have  taken  the  field  in  person ;  the  duke 
of  Sessa,  grandson  of  the  Great  Captain,  Gonsalvo 
de  Cordova,  and  endowed  with  no  small  portion  of 
the  military  talent  of  his  ancestor ;  the  archbishop 
of  Granada,  a  prelate  possessed  of  as  large  a  meas- 
ure of  bigotry  as  ever  fell  to  the  lot  of  a  Spanish 
ecclesiastic  ;  Deza,  president  of  the  Audience,  who 
hated  the  Moriscoes  with  the  fierce  hatred  of  an 
inquisitor;  and,  finally,  Don  John's  faithful  ayo, 
Quixada,  who  had  more  influence  over  him  than 
was  enjoyed  by  any  other,  and  who  had  come  to 
witness  the  first  of  his  pupil's  campaigns,  destined, 
alas  !  to  be  the  closing  one  of  his  own.30 

There  could  hardly  have  been  a  more  unfortu- 
nate device  than  the  contrivance  of  so  cumbrous  a 
machinery  as  this  council,  opposed  as  it  was,  from 
its  very  nature,  to  the  despatch  so  indispensable  to 

29  "  Su  comision  fue  sin  limita-  3°  Ibid.,  p.  130  et  seq.  — Van- 

cion  ninguna ;  mas  su  libertad  tan  derhammen,  Don  Juan  dc  Austria, 

atada,  que  de  cosa  grande  ni  pc-  fol.    81.  — Marmol,  torn.    I.   pp. 

quena  podia  disponer  sin  comuni-  511-513. — Villafaiie,   Yida   de 

cacion  i  parecer  de  los  Consegeros,  Dona  Magdalena  de  Ulloa,  p.  73. 

i    mandado  del   Rei."    Mendoza,  —  Cabrera,    Filipe    Segundo,  lib. 

Guerra  de  Granada,  p.  139,  IX.  cap.  1. 


148  REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES.         [BOOK  V. 

the  success  of  military  operations.  The  mischief 
was  increased  by  the  necessity  of  referring  every 
disputed  point  to  the  decision  of  the  king.  As 
this  was  a  contingency  that  often  occurred,  the 
young  prince  soon  found  almost  as  many  embar- 
rassments thrown  in  his  way  by  his  friends  as  by 
his  foes,  —  embarrassments  which  nothing  but  an 
uncommon  spirit  of  determination  on  his  own  part 
could  have  overcome. 

On  the  sixth  of  April,  1569,  Don  John  took 
leave  of  the  king,  then  at  Aranjuez,  and  hastened 
towards  the  south.  His  coming  was  eagerly  ex- 
pected by  the  inhabitants  of  Granada ;  by  the  Chris- 
tians, from  their  hopes  that  it  would  remedy  the 
disorders  in  the  army  and  bring  the  war  to  a  speedy 
conclusion ;  by  the  Moriscoes,  from  the  protection 
they  anticipated  he  would  afford  them  against  the 
violence  of  the  Spaniards.  Preparations  were  made 
in  the  capital  for  giving  him  a  splendid  reception. 
The  programme  of  the  ceremonies  was  furnished 
by  Philip  himself.31  At  some  miles  from  the  city, 
Don  John  was  met  by  the  count  of  Tendilla,  at 
the  head  of  a  small  detachment  of  infantry,  wear- 
ing uniforms  partly  of  the  Castilian  fashion,  partly 
of  the  Morisco,  —  presenting  altogether  a  strange 
and  picturesque  spectacle,  in  which  silks,  velvets, 
and  rich  embroidery  floated  gayly  amidst  the  iron 
mail  and  burnished  weapons  of  the  warrior.32  As 

31  "Ya  el  Presidente  tenia  or-     de  su  hermano."     Marmol,  Rebe- 
den  de  su  Magestad  de  la  que  se     lion  de  Granada,  torn.  II.  p.  17. 
habia  de  tener  en  el  recibimiento        33  «  j)e  manera  que  entre  gala 


CH.  V.]  MADE   COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF.  149 

the  prince  proceeded  along  his  route,  he  was 
met  by  a  long  train  of  ecclesiastical  and  civic 
functionaries,  followed  by  the  principal  cavaliers 
and  citizens  of  Granada.  At  their  head  were  the 
archbishop  and  the  president,  the  latter  of  whom 
was  careful  to  assert  his  rank  by  walking  on  the 
right  of  the  prelate.  Don  John  showed  them  both 
the  greatest  deference ;  and  as  they  drew  near,  he 
dismounted  from  his  horse,  and,  embracing  the  two 
churchmen,  stood  with  hat  in  hand,  for  some  mo- 
ments, while  conversing  with  them.33  As  their 
train  came  up,  the  president  presented  the  most 
eminent  persons  to  the  prince,  who  received  them 
with  that  frank  and  graceful  courtesy  which  won 
the  hearts  of  all  who  approached  him.  He  then 
resumed  his  route,  escorted  on  either  side  by  the 
president  and  the  archbishop.  The  neighboring 
fields  were  covered  with  spectators,  and  on.  the 
plains  of  Beyro  he  found  a  large  body  of  troops, 
not  less  than  ten  thousand,  drawn  up  to  receive 
him.  As  he  approached,  they  greeted  him  with 
salvoes  of  musketry,  delivered  with  admirable  pre- 
cision. As  Don  John  glanced  over  their  beautiful 
array,  and  beheld  their  perfect  discipline  and  ap- 
pointments, his  eyes  brightened  and  his  cheek 
flushed  with  a  soldier's  pride. 

Hardly   had  he  entered  the  gates  of  Granada, 


y  guerra  hacian  hennosa  y  agrada-  tuvo  un  rate  abrazado.     Y  apar- 

ble  vista."     Ibid.,  ubi  supra.  tandose  a  un  lado,  llego*  el  Arzo- 

33  "  El  qual  lo  recibid  muy  bien,  bispo,   y   hizo  lo  mistno  con  el." 

y  con  el  sombrero  en  elmano,  y  le  Ibid.,  p.  18. 


150  KEBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES.         [BOOK  V. 

when  he  was  surrounded  by  a  throng  of  women, 
who  gathered  about  him  in  an  attitude  of  supplica- 
tion. They  were  the  widows,  the  mothers,  and  the 
daughters  of  those  who  had  so  miserably  perished 
in  the  massacres  of  the  Alpuj  arras.  They  were 
clad  in  mourning,  some  of  them  so  scantily  as  too 
plainly  to  reveal  their  poverty.  Falling  on  their 
knees,  with  tears  streaming  from  their  eyes,  and 
their  words  rendered  almost  inarticulate  by  their 
sobs,  they  demanded  justice, — justice  on  the  mur- 
derers of  their  kindred.  They  had  seen  their  friends 
fall,  they  said,  beneath  the  blows  of  their  execu- 
tioners ;  but  the  pain  with  which  their  hearts  were 
then  rent  was  not  so  great  as  what  they  now  felt 
on  learning  that  the  cruel  acts  of  these  miscreants 
were  to  go  unpunished.34  Don  John  endeavored  to 
calm  their  agitation  by  expressions  of  the  deepest 
sympathy  for  their  misfortunes,  —  expressions  of 
which  none  who  saw  his  countenance  could  doubt 
the  truth ;  and  he  promised  that  he  would  do  all 
in  his  power  to  secure  them  justice. 

A  livelier  scene  awaited  him  as  the  procession 
held  its  way  along  the  streets  of  the  ancient  capital. 
Everywhere  the  houses  were  gayly  decorated  with 
tapestries  of  cloth  of  gold.  The  multitude  who 
thronged  the  avenues  filled  the  air  with  their  loyal 

34  "  Que  no  sintieron  tanto  dolor  Marmol,    Rebelion    de    Granada, 

con  oir  los  crueles  golpes  de  las  torn.  II.  p.  19. 

armas  con  que  los  hereges  los  mata-  From  this,  it  would  seem  that 

ban  d  ellos  y  &  sus  hijos,  hermanos  the  love  of  revenge  was  a  stronger 

y  parientes,  como  el  que  sienten  feeling  with  these  Christian  women 

en  ver  que  han  de  ser  perdonados."  than  the  love  of  friends. 


Cu.  V.I  MADE  COMMANDER-LS-CIIIEF.  151 

acclamations.  Bright  eyes  glanced  from  balconies 
and  windows,  where  the  noblest  matrons  and  maid- 
ens of  Granada,  in  rich  attire,  were  gathered  to 
look  upon  the  splendid  pageant,  and  the  young 
hero  who  was  the  object  of  it.35  In  this  state  he 
moved  along  until  he  reached  the  palace  of  the 
Royal  Audience,  where,  by  the  king's  command, 
apartments  had  been  sumptuously  fitted  up  for  his 
accommodation.3*5 

The  following  day,  a  deputation  waited  on  Don 
John  from  the  principal  Moriscoes  of  the  city, 
claiming  his  protection  against  the  injuries  and 
insults  to  which  they  were  exposed  whenever  they 
went  abroad.  They  complained  especially  of  the 
Spanish  troops  quartered  on  them,  and  of  the  man- 
ner in  which  they  violated  the  sanctity  of  their 
dwellings  by  the  foulest  outrages.  Don  John  re- 
plied in  a  tone  that  expressed  little  of  the  commis- 
eration which  he  had  shown  to  the  female  petition- 
ers on  the  preceding  day.  He  told  the  Moriscoes, 
that  he  had  been  sent  to  restore  order  to  Granada ; 
and  that  those  who  had  proved  loyal  would  find 
themselves  protected  in  all  their  rights.  Those, 
on  the  contrary,  who  had  taken  part  in  the  late 
rebellion,  would  be  chastised  with  unsparing  rigor.37 

35  "Y    mas  galas    y  regocijos,  toda  la  ciudad  por  verle."    Ibid., 

porque  estaban  las  ventanas  de  las  ubi  supra. 

calles,  por  donde  habia  de  pasar,  *  Ibid.,  pp.  17-19.  —  Vander- 

entoldadas  de  panos  de  oro  y  seda,  hammen,   Don   Juan   de   Austria, 

y  mucho  numero  de  daraas  y  don-  fol.   83.  —  Mendoza,    Guerra    de 

cellas  nobles  en   ellas,   rioamente  Granada,  p.  133. 

ataviadas,  que  habian  acudido  de  &  "  Juntamente    con    usar   de 


152  REBELLION  OF   THE   MORISCOES.         [BOOK  V. 

He  directed  them  to  state  their  grievances  in  a  me- 
morial, with  a  caution  to  set  down  nothing  which 
they  could  not  prove,  or  it  would  go  hard  with 
them.  —  The  unfortunate  Moriscoes  found  that 
they  were  to  expect  such  justice  only  as  comes 
from  the  hand  of  an  enemy. 

The  first  session  of  the  council  showed  how  de- 
fective was  the  system  for  conducting  the  war.  In 
the  discussions  that  ensued,  Mondejar  remarked 
that  the  contest,  in  his  opinion,  was  virtually  at  an 
end ;  that  the  Moriscoes,  for  the  most  part,  were  in 
so  favorable  a  mood  that  he  would  undertake,  if  the 
affair  were  placed  in  his  hands,  to  bring  them  all 
to  submission  in  a  very  short  time.  This  proposal 
was  treated  with  contempt  by  the  haughty  presi- 
dent, who  denounced  them  as  a  false-hearted  race, 
on  whose  promises  no  one  could  rely.  The  war, 
he  said,  would  never  be  ended,  so  long  as  the  Mo- 
riscoes of  the  capital  were  allowed  to  communicate 
with  their  countrymen  in  the  mountains,  and  to 
furnish  them  with  secret  intelligence  respecting 
what  was  passing  in  the  Christian  camp.  The  first 
step  was  to  remove  them  all  from  Granada  into  the 
interior ;  the  second,  to  make  such  an  example  of 
the  miscreants  who  had  perpetrated  the  massacres 
in  the  Alpuj  arras  as  should  strike  terror  into  the 
hearts  of  the  infidels,  and  deter  them  from  any  fur- 
ther resistance  to  authority.  —  In  this  division  of 

cquidad  y  clemencia  con  los  que  lo  grandisimo  rifjor."  Marmol,  Re- 
merecieren,  los  que  no  hubieren  belion  de  Granada,  torn.  II.  p. 
sido  tales  seran  castigados  con  21. 


CH.  V.]  MADE   COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF.  153 

opinion  the  members  took  different  sides  according 
to  the  difference  of  their  tempers.  The  commander- 
in-chief  and  Quixada  both  leaned  to  Mondejar's 
opinion.  After  a  protracted  discussion,  it  became 
necessary  to  refer  the  question  to  the  king,  who 
was  by  no  means  distinguished  for  the  promptness 
with  which  he  came  to  his  conclusions.  All  this 
required  much  time,  during  which  active  opera- 
tions could  not  be  resumed.38 

Yet  Don  John  did  not  pass  it  idly.  He  ex- 
amined the  state  of  the  works  in  Granada  and  its 
neighborhood ;  he  endeavored  to  improve  the  con- 
dition of  the  army,  and  to  quell  the  spirit  of  insub- 
ordination which  had  risen  in  some  portions  of  it; 
finally,  he  sent  his  commands  for  enforcing  levies, 
not  merely  in  Andalusia  and  the  adjoining  prov- 
inces, but  in  Castile.  The  appeal  was  successful ; 
and  the  great  lords  in  the  south,  more  particularly, 
gathering  their  retainers,  hastened  to  Granada,  to 
draw  their  swords  under  this  popular  chieftain.39 

Meanwhile  the  delay  was  attended  with  most 
mischievous  consequences,  as  it  gave  the  enemy 
time  to  recover  from  the  disasters  of  the  previous 
campaign.  Aben-Humeya  had  returned,  as  we 
have  seen  in  the  former  chapter,  to  his  mountain 
throne,  where  he  soon  found  himself  in  greater 

38  Ibid.,  pp.  23,24.  —  Vander-  p.    141.  — Vanderhammen,    Don 
hammen,  Don  Juan  de  Austria,  fol.  Juan  de  Austria,fol.  85.  — Marmol, 
85. —  Cabrera,    Filipe    Segundo,  Rebelionde  Granada,tom.  TT.  p.  27. 
lib.  IX.  cap.  1 .  —  Herrera,  Historia  —  Cabrera,    Filipe    Segundo,  lib. 
General,  torn.  I.  pp.  744,  745.  IX.  cap.  1. 

39  Mendoza,  Guerrade  Granada, 
VOL.  in.  20 


154  REBELLION  OF  THE   MORISCOES.         [BOOK  V. 

strength  than  before.  Even  the  "  Moriscoes  of 
the  peace,"  as  they  were  called,  who  had  resumed 
their  allegiance  to  the  crown,  exasperated  by  the 
outrages  of  the  Spanish  soldiery,  and  the  contempt 
which  they  showed  for  the  safe-conduct  of  the 
marquis  of  Mondejar,  now  came  in  great  num- 
bers to  Aben-Humeya's  camp,  offering  their  ser- 
vices, and  promising  to  stand  by  him  to  the  last. 
Other  levies  he  drew  from  Africa.  The  Moslem 
princes  to  whom  he  had  applied  for  succor,  though 
refusing  to  embark  openly  in  his  cause,  as  he  had 
desired,  allowed  such  of  their  subjects  as  chose  to 
join  his  standard.  In  consequence  a  considerable 
body  of  Barbary  Moors  crossed  the  sea  and  en- 
tered into  the  service  of  the  Morisco  chief.  They 
were  a  fierce,  intrepid  race,  accustomed  to  a  life  of 
wild  adventure,  and  possessing  a  better  acquaint- 
ance with  military  tactics  than  belonged  to  the 
Spanish  mountaineers.40 

While  strengthened  by  these  recruits,  Aben- 
Humeya  drew  a  much  larger  revenue  than  former- 
ly, from  his  more  extended  domains.41  Though 
showy  and  expensive  in  his  tastes,  he  did  not  waste 
it  all  on  the  maintenance  of  the  greater  state  which 
he  now  assumed  in  his  way  of  living.  He  em- 

40  The  historian  of  the  Morisco  duce  of  the  soil,  one  source  of  his 
rebellion  tells  us  that  these  Afri-  revenue,  we  are  told,  was  the  con- 
cans  wore  garlands    round  their  fiscated  property  of  such  Moriscoes 
heads,  intimating  their  purpose  to  as  refused  to  yield  him  obedience, 
conquer  or  to  die  like  martyrs  in  Another  was   a  fifth  of  the  spoil 
defence  of  their   faith.     Mannol,  taken  from  the  enemy.     Ibid.,  p. 
Rebelion  de  Granada,  torn.  II.  p.  73.  35.  —  Also  Mondoza,    Guerra  de 

41  Besides  a  tenth  of   the  pro-  Granada,  p.  120. 


CH.  V.]  THE   WAR  RENEWED.  155 

ployed  it  freely  in  the  pay  of  foreign  levies,  and  in 
procuring  arms  and  munitions  for  his  own  troops ; 
and  he  profited  by  his  experience  in  the  last  cam- 
paign, and  by  the  example  of  his  African  merce- 
naries, to  introduce  a  better  system  of  tactics  among 
his  Morisco  warriors.  The  policy  he  adopted,  as 
before,  was  to  avoid  pitched  battles,  and  to  confine 
himself  chiefly  to  the  guerilla  warfare  better  suited 
to  the  genius  of  the  mountaineer.  He  fell  on  small 
detachments  of  Spaniards,  who  were  patrolling  the 
country,  cut  off  the  convoys,  and  thus  greatly 
straitened  the  garrisons  in  their  supplies.  He 
made  forays  into  the  Christian  territories,  pene- 
trating even  into  the  vega,  and  boldly  carried  the 
war  up  to  the  walls  of  Granada. 

His  ravages  in  this  quarter,  it  is  true,  did  not 
continue  long  after  the  arrival  of  Don  John,  who 
took  effectual  measures  for  protecting  the  capital 
from  insult.  But  the  prince  was  greatly  chagrined 
by  seeing  the  rapid  extension  of  the  Morisco  do- 
main. Yet  he  could  take  no  decisive  measures  to 
check  it  until  the  council  had  determined  on  some 
plan  of  operations.  He  was  moreover  fettered  by 
the  king's  orders  not  to  take  the  field  in  person, 
but  to  remain  and  represent  him  in  Granada, 
where  he  would  find  enough  to  do  in  regulating 
the  affairs  and  providing  for  the  safety  of  the  city.42 

43  «  Y  la  vuestra,  ya  yo  os  dixe  que  conbiniese :  Pues  yo  por  otras 

que  la  queria  para  cosas  mayores,  ocupaciones  y  cartas  no  lo  podia 

y  que  asi  agora  yo  no  03  embiaba  hazer."  Carta  del  Rey  si  Don  Juan 

a  las  de  la  guerra  sino  d  esa  eiudad  de   Austria,    10   de  Mayo,    1569, 

&  dar  desde  ella  la  orden  en  todo  MS. 


156  REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES.         [BOOK  V. 

—  Philip  seems  to  have  feared  that  Don  John's 
adventurous  spirit  would  lead  him  to  some  rash 
act,  that  might  unnecessarily  expose  him  to  danger. 
He  appears,  indeed,  as  we  may  gather  from  nu- 
merous passages  in  his  letters,  to  have  been  more 
concerned  for  the  safety  of  his  brother,  than  for 
the  success  of  the  campaign.43  He  may  have 
thought,  too,  that  it  was  better  to  trust  the  war 
to  the  hands  of  the  veteran  chief,  the  marquis  of 
Los  Velez,  who  could  boast  so  much  larger  expe- 
rience than  Don  John,  and  who  had  possessed  the 
king  with  a  high  idea  of  his  military  talents. 

This  nobleman  still  held  the  command  of  the 
country  east  of  the  Alpuj  arras,  in  which  lay  his 
own  large  property.  He  had,  as  we  have  seen,  a 
hard  and  arrogant  nature,  which  could  ill  brook 
the  paramount  authority  of  the  young  commander- 
in-chief,  to  whom  he  rarely  condescended  to  write, 
preferring  to  make  his  communications  directly  to 
the  king.44  Philip,  prompted  by  his  appetite  for 
power,  winked  at  this  irregular  proceeding,  which 
enabled  him  to  take  a  more  direct  part  in  the 
management  of  affairs  than  he  could  otherwise  have 

43  Don  John  seems  to  have  44  Vanderhanimen,  Don  Juan 
chafed  under  the  restrictions  im-  de  Austria,  fol.  94. 
posed  on  him  by  the  king.  At  Marmol,  with  one  or  two  vigor- 
least  we  may  infer  so  from  a  re-  ous  coups  de  pinceau,  gives  the 
buke  of  Philip,  who  tells  his  brother  portrait  of  the  marquis.  "  No  se 
that,  "  though  for  the  great  love  he  podia  determinar  qual  era  en  el 
bears  him  he  will  overlook  such  mayor  extreme,  su  esfuerzo,  va- 
language  this  time,  it  will  not  be  lentia  y  discrecion,  6  la  arrogancia 
well  for  him  to  repeat  it."  Carta  y  ambicion  de  honra,  acompanada 
del  Rev  a  Don  Juan,  20  de  Mayo,  de  aspereza  de  condicion."  Re- 
1569,  MS.  belion  de  Granada,  torn.  II.  p.  99. 


CH.  V.]  THE  WAR  RENEWED.  157 

done.  It  was  a  most  injudicious  step,  and  was  fol- 
lowed, as  we  shall  see,  by  disastrous  consequences. 
The  marquis,  without  waiting  for  orders,  re- 
solved to  open  the  campaign  by  penetrating  into 
the  Alpuj arras  with  the  small  force  he  had  under 
his  command.  But  a  body  of  some  four  hundred 
troops,  which  he  had  caused  to  occupy  the  pass 
of  Havana,  was  cut  off  by  the  enemy ;  and  the 
haughty  chieftain  reluctantly  obeyed  the  orders  of 
Don  John  to  abandon  his  design.  Aben-Humeya's 
success  encouraged  him  to  attack  the  marquis  in 
his  new  quarters  at  Verja.  It  was  a  well-concerted 
enterprise,  but  unfortunately,  before  the  time  ar- 
rived for  its  execution,  it  was  betrayed  by  a  pris- 
oner to  the  Spanish  commander.  It  consequently 
failed.  Aben-Humeya  penetrated  into  the  heart 
of  the  town,  where  he  found  himself  in  the  midst 
of  an  ambuscade,  and  with  difficulty,  after  a  heavy 
loss,  effected  his  retreat.  But  if  the  victory  re- 
mained with  the  Spaniards,  the  fruits  of  it  fell  to 
the  Moriscoes.  The  spirit  shown  by  the  Moslem 
prince  gave  new  life  to  his  countrymen,  and  more 
than  counterbalanced  the  effects  of  his  defeat. 
The  rich  and  populous  country  of  the  Rio  de  Al- 
manzora  rose  in  arms.  The  marquis  of  Los  Velez 
found  it  expedient  to  abandon  his  present  position, 
and  to  transfer  his  quarters  to  Adra,  a  seaport  on 
the  Mediterranean,  which  would  afford  him  greater 
facilities  for  receiving  reinforcements  and  supplies.45 

45  Ibid.,  p.  73  et  seq.  —  Vander-    nada,  p.    175  et  seq. — Miniana, 
hammen,  Don  Juan  de  Austria,  fol.     Historia  de  Espaiia,  p.  377. 
94.  —  Mendoza,   Guerra  de   Gra- 


158  REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES.          [BOOK  V. 

The  spirit  of  insurrection  now  spread  rapidly 
over  other  parts  of  the  Alpujarras,  and  especially 
along  the  sierra  of  Bentomiz,  which  stretches  from 
the  neighborhood  of  Alhama  towards  the  south. 
Here  the  mountaineers,  who  had  hitherto  taken  no 
part  in  the  troubles  of  the  country,  ranging  them- 
selves under  the  crimson  banner  of  Aben-Humeya, 
broke  forth  into  open  rebellion.  The  inhabitants 
of  Velez  and  of  the  more  important  city  of  Malaga 
were  filled  with  consternation,  trembling  lest  the 
enemy  should  descend  on  them  from  the  mountains 
and  deluge  their  streets  with  blood.  They  hastily 
mustered  the  militia  of  the  country,  and  made 
preparations  for  their  defence. 

Fortunately,  at  this  conjuncture,  they  were  glad- 
dened by  the  sight  of  the  Grand-Commander  Rc- 
quesens,  who  sailed  into  the  harbor  of  Velez- 
Malaga  with  a  squadron  from  Italy,  having  on 
board  several  battalions  of  Spanish  veterans,  who 
had  been  ordered  home  by  the  government  to  rein- 
force the  army  of  the  Alpujarras.  There  were  no 
better  troops  in  the  service,  seasoned  as  they  were 
by  many  a  hard  campaign,  and  all  under  the  most 
perfect  discipline.  The  first  step  of  Rcquesens  — 
the  same  officer,  it  will  be  remembered,  who  had 
acted  as  the  lieutenant  of  Don  John  of  Austria  in 
his  cruise  in  the  Mediterranean  —  was  to  request  of 
his  young  general  the  command  of  the  expedition 
against  the  rebels  of  Bentomiz.  These  were  now 
gathered  in  great  force  on  the  lofty  table-land  of 
Fraxiliana,  where  they  had  strengthened  the  natural 


Cii.  V.]  THE   WAR  RENEWED. 

defences  of  the  ground  by  such  works  as  rendered 
the  approach  to  it  nearly  impracticable.  The  re- 
quest was  readily  granted ;  and  the  grand-com- 
mander of  St.  James,  without  loss  of  time,  led  his 
battalions  into  the  heart  of  the  sierra. 

We  have  not  space  for  the  details.  It  is  enough 
to  say,  that  the  expedition  was  one  of  the  best- 
conducted  in  the  war.  The  enemy  made  a  desper- 
ate resistance ;  and,  had  it  not  been  for  the  time- 
ly arrival  of  the  bold  burghers  of  Malaga,  the 
grand-commander  would  have  been  driven  from 
the  field.  The  Morisco  women  fought  by  the  side 
of  their  husbands  ;  and  when  all  was  lost,  many 
threw  themselves  headlong  from  the  precipices 
rather  than  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  Spaniards.46 
Two  thousand  of  the  enemy  were  slain  ;  and  three 
thousand  captives,  with  an  immense  booty  of  gold, 
silver,  jewels,  and  precious  stuffs,  became  the  spoil 
of  the  victors.  The  spirit  of  rebellion  was  effect- 
ually crushed  in  the  sierra  of  Bentomiz. 

Yet  it  was  not  a  bloodless  victory.  Full  six 
hundred  of  the  Christians  fell  on  the  fielfl  of  battle. 
The  loss  bore  most  heavily  on  the  troops  from 
Italy.  Nearly  every  captain  in  this  valiant  corps 
was  wounded.47  The  bloody  roll  displayed,  more- 
over, the  name  of  more  than  one  cavalier  as  dis- 
tinguished for  his  birth  as  for  his  bravery.  Two 

46  "  Quando    vieron    el    fuerte  mol,  Rebelion  do  Granada,  torn, 

perdido,    se   despenaron    por    las  II.  p.  89. 

penas  mas  agrias,   quiriendo   mas  <7  "  Casi   todos    los  capitanes." 

morir  hechas   pedazos,  que  venir  Ibid.,  loc.  cit. 
en   poder  de  Christianos."    Mar- 


160  REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES.         [Boos  V. 

thousand  Moriscoes  succeeded  in  making  their  es- 
cape to  the  camp  of  Aben-Humeya.  They  proved 
a  seasonable  reinforcement ;  for  that  chief  was 
meditating  an  assault  on  Seron.48 

This  was  a  strongly  fortified  place,  perched  like 
an  eagle's  eyry  on  the  summit  of  a  bold  cliff  that 
looked  down  on  the  Rio  de  Almanzora,  and  com- 
manded its  formidable  passes.  It  was  consequently 
a  most  important  post,  and  at  this  time  was  held 
by  a  Spanish  garrison  under  an  officer  named  Mi- 
rones.  Aben-Humeya  sent  a  strong  detachment 
against  it,  intending  to  carry  it  by  storm.  But  the 
Moriscoes  had  no  battering  train,  and,  as  it  soon 
appeared,  were  little  skilled  in  the  art  of  conduct- 
ing a  siege.  It  was  resolved,  therefore,  to  abandon 
the  present  plan  of  operations,  and  to  reduce  the 
place  by  the  slower  but  surer  way  of  blockade. 
Five  thousand  men,  accordingly,  sat  down  before 
the  town  on  the  eighteenth  of  June,  and  effectually 
cut  off  all  communication  from  abroad. 

The  garrison  succeeded  in  conveying  intelligence 
of  their  condition  to  Don  John,  who  lost  no  time 

48  The  fierce  encounter  at  Fra-  shown  by  the  grand-commander  in 

xiliana  is  given  in  great  detail  by  the  expedition,  condemns  him  for 

Mendoza  (Guerra  de  Granada,  pp.  having  quitted  his  fleet  to  engage 

165-  169),  and  Marmol  (Rebelion  in  it.  "  El  comendador  mayor  tubo 

de  Granada,  torn.  II.  pp.  86-90).  buen  suceso  como  deseais,  y  como 

No  field  of  fight  was  better  con-  entiendo  yo  que  lo  merece  su  zelo 

tested  during  the  war  ;  and  both  y  su  intencion,  mas  salir  su  persona 

historians    bear  testimony   to  the  en  tierra,  teniendo  en  vuestra  au- 

extraordinary  valor  of  the  Moris-  sencia  el  cargo  de  la  mas  fud  cosa 

coes,  worthy  of  the  best  days  of  digna    de    mucha    reprehension." 

the  Arabian  empire.    Philip,  while  Carta  del  Roy  a  Don  Juan,  25  de 

he  commends  the  generous  ardor  Junio,  15G9,  MS. 


CH.  V.]  THE  WAR  RENEWED.  1G1 

in  ordering  Alonso  de  Carbajal  to  march  with  a 
body  of  troops  and  a  good  supply  of  provisions  to 
their  relief.  But  just  after  his  departure  Don  John 
received  information  that  the  king  had  intrusted 
the  marquis  of  Los  Velez  with  the  defence  of 
Seron.  He  therefore,  by  Quixada's  advice,  coun- 
termanded his  orders  to  Carbajal,  and  directed 
him  to  return.  That  officer,  who  had  approached 
within  a  short  distance  of  the  place,  reluctantly 
obeyed,  and  left  Seron  to  its  fate.  The  marquis  of 
Los  Velez,  notwithstanding  the  jealousy  he  dis- 
played of  the  interference  of  Don  John  in  the  affair, 
showed  so  little  alacrity  in  providing  for  the  safety 
of  the  beleaguered  fortress,  that  the  garrison,  re- 
duced to  extremity,  on  the  eleventh  of  July  surren- 
dered on  honorable  terms.  But  no  sooner  had  they 
given  up  the  place,  than  the  victors,  regardless  of 
the  terms  of  capitulation,  murdered  in  cold  blood 
every  male  over  twelve  years  of  age,  and  made  slaves 
of  the  women  and  children.  This  foul  act  was  said 
to  have  been  perpetrated  by  the  secret  command  of 
Aben-Humeya.  The  Morisco  chief  might  allege, 
in  vindication  of  his  perfidy,  that  he  had  but  fol- 
lowed the  lesson  set  him  by  the  Spaniards.49 

The  loss  of  Seron  caused  deep  regret  to  the 
army.  Nor  could  this  regret  be  mitigated  by  the 
reflection,  that  its  loss  was  to  be  attributed  not  so 
much  to  the  valor  of  the  Moslems  as  to  the  mis- 


«9  Marmol,  Rebelion  de  Grana-    pp.  83,  84.  —  Cabrera,  Filipe  Se- 
da,  torn.  IT.  pp.  108  -  111.  —  Fer-    gundo,  lib.  IX.  cap.  6. 
reras,   Hist.    d'Espagne,  torn.   X. 

Vol..    III.  21 


162  KEBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES.         [Boon  V. 

conduct  of  their  own  commanders,  or  rather  to  the 
miserable  system  adopted  for  carrying  on  the  war. 
The  triumph  of  the  Moriscoes,  however,  was  great- 
ly damped  by  the  intelligence  which  they  had  re- 
ceived, shortly  before  the  surrender  of  Seron,  of 
disasters  that  had  befallen  their  countrymen  in 
Granada. 

Philip,  after  much  hesitation,  had  given  his 
sanction  to  Deza's  project  for  the  removal  of  the 
Moriscoes  from  the  capital  into  the  interior  of 
the  country.  The  day  appointed  for  carrying  the 
measure  into  effect  was  the  twenty-third  of  June. 
A  large  body  of  troops,  with  the  principal  com- 
manders, was  secretly  assembled  in  the  capital,  to 
enforce  the  execution  of  the  plan.  Meanwhile  ru- 
mors were  current  that  the  Moriscoes  in  the  city 
were  carrying  on  a  secret  communication  with  their 
countrymen  in  the  Alpujarras ;  that  they  supplied 
the  mountaineers  with  arms  and  money ;  that  the 
young  men  were  leaving  Granada  to  join  their 
ranks;  finally,  that  a  conspiracy  had  been  planned 
for  an  assault  on  the  city,  and  even  that  the  names 
of  the  leaders  were  given. —  It  is  impossible,  at 
this  time,  to  say  what  foundation  there  was  for 
these  charges ;  but  the  reader  may  recollect  that 
similar  ones  had  been  circulated  previous  to  the 
barbarous  massacre  in  the  prison  of  the  Chancery. 

On  the  twenty-third  of  the  month,  on  the  eve 
of  St.  John's,  an  edict  was  published,  commanding 
all  the  Morisco  males  in  Granada  between  ten  and 
sixty  years  of  age  to  repair  to  the  parish  churches 


CH.  V.]  REMOVAL  OF  THE  MORISCOES.  163 

to  which  they  respectively  belonged,  where  they 
were  to  learn  their  fate.  The  women  were  to  re- 
main some  time  longer  in  the  city,  to  dispose  of 
the  most  valuable  effects,  such  as  could  not  easily 
be  transported.  This  was  not  difficult,  at  the  low 
prices  for  which,  in  their  extremity,  they  were 
obliged  to  part  with  their  property.  We  are  left 
in  ignorance  of  the  fate  of  the  children,  who,  no 
doubt,  remained  in  the  hands  of  the  government, 
to  be  nurtured  in  the  Roman  Catholic  faith.50 

Nothing  could  exceed  the  consternation  of  the 
Moriscoes  on  the  publication  of  this  decree,  for 
which,  though  so  long  suspended  by  a  thread,  as  it 
were,  over  their  heads,  they  were  wholly  unpre- 
pared. It  is  not  strange,  as  they  recalled  the 
atrocious  murders  perpetrated  in  the  prison  of 
the  Chancery,  that  they  should  have  been  led  to 
believe  that  nothing  less  than  a  massacre  of  the 
whole  Moorish  population  was  now  designed.  It 
was  in  vain  that  the  marquis  of  Mondejar  en- 
deavored to  allay  their  fears.  They  were  some- 
what comforted  by  the  assurance  of  the  President 
Deza,  given  under  his  own  hand,  that  their  lives 
were  in  no  danger.  But  their  apprehensions  on 
this  point  were  not  wholly  quieted  till  Don  John 
had  pledged  his  royal  word  that  no  harm  should 
come  to  their  persons,  —  that,  in  short,  the  great 

50  Mendoza,  Guerra do  Granada,  nothing  more  than  transcribe  the 

p.    146.  —  Marmol,   Rebelion  de  pages  of  Mendoza,    and   that   in 

Granada,  torn.  II.  p.  100.  —  Bleda,  so  blundering  a  style,  as  to  mis- 

(Cronica  de  Kspafia,   p.  705,)  in  take  the  date  of  this  event  by  a 

this   part  of  hia  work,  has   done  month. 


164  REBELLION   OF  THE  MORISCOES.         [Boon  V. 

object  of  the  government  was  to  secure  their  safety. 
They  then  submitted  without  any  attempt  at  resist- 
ance. Resistance,  indeed,  would  have  been  hardly 
possible,  destitute  as  they  were  of  weapons  or  oth- 
er means  of  defence,  and  surrounded  on  all  quar- 
ters by  the  well-armed  soldiery  of  Castile.  They 
accordingly  entered  the  churches  assigned  to  them, 
at  the  doors  of  which  strong  guards  were  stationed 
during  the  night. 

On  the  following  morning  the  Moriscoes  were 
marched  out  and  formed  into  a  procession,  which 
was  to  take  its  way  to  the  great  hospital  in  the 
suburbs.  This  was  a  noble  building,  erected  by  the 
good  Queen  Isabella  the  Catholic,  not  long  after  the 
Conquest.  Here  they  were  to  stay  till  the  arrange- 
ments were  completed  for  forming  them  into  di- 
visions according  to  their  several  places  of  desti- 
nation. It  was  a  sad  and  solemn  spectacle,  that  of 
this  company  of  exiles,  as  they  moved  with  slow 
and  uncertain  step,  bound  together  by  cords,51  and 
escorted,  or  rather  driven  along  like  a  gang  of 
convicts,  by  the  fierce  soldiery.  There  they  were, 
the  old  and  the  young,  the  rich  and  the  poor,  now, 
alas  !  brought  to  the  same  level,  the  forms  of  most 
of  them  bowed  down,  less  by  the  weight  of  years 
than  of  sorrow,  their  hands  meekly  folded  on 
their  breasts,  their  cheeks  wet  with  tears,  as  they 
gazed  for  the  last  time  on  their  beautiful  city,  the 
sweet  home  of  their  infancy,  the  proud  seat  of 

51  "Puestos  en  la  cuerda,  con     por  una  i  otra  parte."    Mendoza, 
guarda  de  infanteria  i  cavalleria     Guerra  de  Granada,  p.  147. 


CH.  V.]  REMOVAL  OF  THE  MORISCOES.  165 

ancient  empire,  endeared  to  them  by  so  many  ten- 
der and  glorious  recollections.52 

The  march  was  conducted  in  an  orderly  manner, 
with  but  a  single  interruption,  which,  however, 
was  near  being  attended  by  the  most  disastrous 
consequences.  A  Spanish  alguazil,  offended  at 
some  words  that  fell  from  one  of  the  prisoners,  — 
for  so  they  might  be  called,  —  requited  them  with 
a  blow  from  his  staff.  But  the  youth  whom  he 
struck  had  the  fiery  blood  of  the  Arab  in  his  veins. 
Snatching  up  a  broken  tile,  he  dealt  such  a  blow 
on  the  offender's  head  as  nearly  severed  his  ear 
from  it.  The  act  cost  him  his  life.  He  was  speed- 
ily cut  down  by  the  Spaniards,  who  rushed  to  the 
assistance  of  their  wounded  comrade.  A  rumor 
now  went  round  that  the  Moriscoes  had  attempted 
the  life  of  Don  John,  whose  dress  resembled  in 
its  color  that  of  the  alguazil.  The  passions  of 
the  soldiery  were  roused.  They  flocked  to  the 
scene  of  violence,  uttering  the  most  dreadful  im- 
precations. Their  swords  and  lances  glittered  in 
the  air,  and  in  a  few  moments  would  have  been 
sheathed  in  the  bodies  of  their  terrified  victims. 

Fortunately,  the  quick  eye  of  Don  John  dis- 
cerned the  confusion.  Surrounded  by  a  body-guard 
of  arquebusiers,  he  was  there  in  person  to  super- 

53  "  Fue  un  miserable  especta-  triste,  viendo  que  dexaban  BUS  re- 

eulo,"  says  an  eyewitness,    "  ver  galadas  casas,  sus  familias,  su  patria, 

tantos  hombres  de  todas  edades,  y  tanto  bien  como  tcnian,  y  aun  no 

las  cabezas  baxas,  las  manos  cruza-  sabian  cierto  lo  que  se  haria  de  sus 

das  y  los  rostros  banados  de  lagri-  cabezas. "    Marmol,   Rebelion    de 

mas,    con    semblante    doloroso   y  Granada,  torn.  II.  p.  102. 


166  EEBELLION  OF   THE  MOKISCOES.          [BOOK  V. 

intend  the  removal  of  the  Moriscoes.  Spurring 
his  horse  forward  into  the  midst  of  the  tumult,  and 
showing  himself  to  the  troops,  he  exclaimed,  that 
no  one  had  offered  him  any  harm.  He  called  on 
them  to  return  to  their  duty,  and  not  to  dishonor 
him,  as  well  as  themselves,  by  offering  violence  to 
innocent  men,  for  whose  protection  he  had  so 
solemnly  pledged  his  word.  — The  soldiers,  abashed 
by  the  rebuke  of  their  young  chief,  and  satisfied 
with  the  vengeance  they  had  taken  on  the  of- 
fender, fell  back  into  their  ranks.  The  trembling 
Moriscoes  gradually  recovered  from  their  panic, 
the  procession  resumed  its  march,  and  without 
further  interruption  reached  the  hospital  of  Isa- 
bella.53 

There  the  royal  contadorcs  were  not  long  in  as- 
certaining the  number  of  the  exiles.  It  amounted 
to  thirty-five  hundred.  That  of  the  women,  who 
were  soon  to  follow,  was  much  greater.54  The 
names,  the  ages,  and  the  occupations  of  the  men, 
were  all  carefully  registered.  The  following  day 
they  were  marched  into  the  great  square  before  the 
hospital,  where  they  were  distributed  into  compa- 
nies, each  under  a  strong  escort,  to  be  conducted  to 
their  various  places  of  destination.  These,  far  from 
being  confined  to  Andalusia,  reached  into  New 
Castile.  In  this  arrangement  we  may  trust  that 

53  Ibid.,  p.  103.  —  Mendoza,  54  "Los  que  salieron  por  todos 

Guerra  de  Granada,  p.  147.  tres  mil  i  quinientos,  el  mimero  de 

Both  historians  were  present  on  mugeres  mucho  mayor."  Mendoza, 

this  occasion.  Guerra  de  Granada,  p.  147. 


CH.  V.]  REMOVAL  OF  THE  MORISCOES.  167 

so  much  respect  was  paid  to  the  dictates  of  hu- 
manity, as  not  to  separate  those  of  the  same  kin- 
dred from  one  another.  But  the  chroniclers  give 
no  information  on  the  subject,  —  probably  regard- 
ing details  of  this  sort  in  regard  to  the  fallen  race 
as  below  the  dignity  of  history. 

In  was  on  the  twenty-fifth  of  June,  1569,  that, 
bidding  a  sad  farewell  to  the  friends  and  compan- 
ions of  their  youth,  from  whom  they  were  now  to 
be  for  ever  parted,  they  set  forth  on  their  doleful 
pilgrimage.  The  morning  light  had  broken  on  the 
red  towers  of  the  Alhambra,  as  the  bands  of  exiles, 
issuing  from  the  gates  of  their  beloved  capital,  the 
spot  dearest  to  them  upon  earth,  turned  their  faces 
towards  their  new  homes,  —  homes  which  many  of 
them  were  destined  never  to  behold.  The  govern- 
ment, with  shameful  indifference,  had  neglected  to 
provide  for  the  poor  wanderers  the  most  common 
necessaries  of  life.  Some  actually  perished  of  hun- 
ger by  the  way.  Others,  especially  those  accus- 
tomed from  infancy  to  a  delicate  nurture,  sank 
down  and  died  of  fatigue.  Some  were  seized  by  the 
soldiers,  whose  cupidity  was  roused  by  the  sight  of 
their  helplessness,  and  were  sold  as  slaves.  Others 
were  murdered  by  their  guards  in  cold  blood.55 
Thus  reduced  far  below  their  original  number,  they 
reached  their  appointed  places,  there  to  linger  out 
the  remainder  of  their  days  in  the  midst  of  a 

55  "  Muchos  murieron  por  los  mano  de  los  mismos  que  los  havian 
caminos  de  trabajo,  de  cansancio,  de  guardar,  robados,  vendidos  por 
de  pesar,  de  hambre  ;  a  hierro,  por  cautivos."  Ibid.,  p.  148. 


168  EEBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES.         [BOOK  V. 

population  who  held  them  in  that  abhorrence  with 
which  a  good  Catholic  of  the .  sixteenth  century 
regarded  "  the  enemies  of  God."56 

But  the  evils  which  grew  out  of  this  stern  policy 
of  the  government  were  not  wholly  confined  to  the 
Moriscoes.  This  ingenious  people  were  so  far  su- 
perior to  the  Spaniards  in  the  knowledge  of  hus- 
bandry and  in  the  various  mechanic  arts,  that  they 
formed  the  most  important  part  of  the  population 
of  Granada.  The  only  art  in  which  their  rivals 
excelled  them  was  that  which  thrives  at  the  ex- 
pense of  every  other,  —  the  art  of  war.  Aware  of 
this,  the  government  had  excepted  some  of  the 
best  artisans  in  the  capital  from  the  doom  of  exile 
which  had  fallen  on  their  countrymen,  and  they 
had  accordingly  remained  in  the  city.  But  their 
number  was  too  small  to  produce  the  result  de- 
sired ;  and  it  was  not  long  before  the  quarter  of  the 
town  which  had  been  occupied  by  the  Moriscoes 
exhibited  a  scene  of  woful  desolation.  The  light 
and  airy  edifices,  which  displayed  in  their  forms 
the  fantastic  graces  of  Arabian  architecture,  fell 
speedily  into  decay.  The  parterres  and  pleasure- 
grounds,  filled  with  exotics,  and  glowing  in  all  the 
exuberance  of  southern  vegetation,  became  a  wil- 
derness of  weeds ;  and  the  court-yards  and  public 
squares,  where  tanks  and  sparkling  fountains,  fed 
by  the  streams  of  the  Sierra  Nevada,  shed  a  re- 

56  "  Los  enemigos  de   Dios,"  —    now   to  be  denominated   by   the 
the   charitable    phrase    by   which     Christians. 
Moriscoes,  as  well  as  Moors,  came 


CH.  V.]  REMOVAL   OF  THE   MORISCOES.  169 

freshing  coolness  over  the  atmosphere  in  the  sul- 
triest months  of  summer,  were  soon  converted  into 
a  melancholy  heap  of  rubbish. 

The  mischiefs  growing  out  of  the  removal  of  the 
Moriscoes  fell  sorely  on  the  army.  The  men  had 
been  quartered,  as  we  have  seen,  in  the  houses  of 
the  Moriscoes.  From  the  present  occupants,  for 
the  most  part  needy  and  thriftless  speculators, 
they  met  with  very  different  fare  from  what  they 
had  enjoyed  under  the  former  wealthy  and  luxu- 
rious proprietors.  The  troops  supplied  the  defi- 
ciency, as  far  as  they  could,  by  plundering  the 
citizens.  Hence  incessant  feuds  arose  between  the 
people  and  the  army,  and  a  spirit  of  insubordina- 
tion rapidly  grew  up  in  the  latter,  which  made  it 
more  formidable  to  its  friends  than  to  its  foes.57 

An  eyewitness  of  these  troubles  closes  his  narra- 
tive of  the  removal  of  the  Moriscoes  by  remarking 
that  it  was  a  sad  spectacle  to  one  who  reflected  on 
the  former  policy  and  prosperity  of  this  ill-starred 
race ;  who  had  seen  their  sumptuous  mansions  in 
the  day  of  their  glory,  their  gardens  and  pleasure- 
grounds,  the  scene  of  many  a  gay  revel  and  jocund 
holiday,  and  who  now  contrasted  all  this  with 
the  ruin  into  which  everything  had  fallen.58  "  It 
seems,"  he  concludes,  "  as  if  Providence  had  in- 

57  Mendoza,  Guerra  de  Grana-  los  Moriscos  tenian  todas  sus  re- 
da,  pp.  148-150.  creaciones  y  pasatiempos,  y  desde 

58  "  Quedd  grandisima  lastima  &  &  pocos  dias  lo  vieron  todo  asolado 
los  que  habiendo  visto  la  prosperi-  y  destruido."    Marmol,   Rebelion 
dad,  la  policia,  y  el  regalo  de  las  de  Granada,  torn.  II.  p.  104. 
casas,  carmenes  y  guertas,  donde 

VOL.  in.  22 


170  EEBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES.         [BOOK  V. 

tended  to  show,  by  the  fate  of  this  beautiful  city, 
that  the  fairest  things  in  this  world  are  the  most 
subject  to  decay."59  —  To  the  philosopher  of  the 
present  age  it  may  seem  rather  the  natural  result 
of  that  system  of  religious  intolerance  which  had 
converted  into  enemies  those  who,  under  a  benefi- 
cent rule,  would  have  been  true  and  loyal  sub- 
jects, and  who  by  their  industry  and  skill  would 
have  added  incalculably  to  the  resources  of  the 
country. 

59  "  Parecia  bien  estar    sujeta  entre  la  gente  cstan  mas  aparejadas 

aquella  felicisima  ciudad  a  tal  de-  :i   los   golpes  de    fortuna."    Mar- 

struicion,  para  que  se  entienda  que  mol,  ubi  supra, 
las  cosas  mas  esplendidas  y  floridas 


CHAPTER    VI. 

REBELLION  OF  TIIE  MORISCOES. 

Operations  of  Los  Yelez.  —  Conspiracy  against  Aben-Humeya.  —  His 
Assassination.  —  Election  of  Aben-Aboo.  — Vigorous  Prosecution 
of  the  War.  —  Fierce  Combats  in  the  Vega.  —  Impetuous  Spirit  of 
Don  John.  —  Surprise  of  Guejar. 

1569. 

WHILE  the  events  related  in  the  preceding  chap- 
ter were  occurring,  the  marquis  of  Los  Velez  lay, 
with  a  considerable  force,  at  Adra,  a  port  on  the 
Mediterranean,  at  the  foot  of  the  Alpuj arras,  which 
he  had  selected  chiefly  from  the  facilities  it  would 
afford  him  for  getting  supplies  for  his  army.  In 
this  he  was  disappointed.  Before  the  month  of 
June  had  expired,  his  troops  had  begun  to  be 
straitened  for  provisions.  The  evil  went  on  in- 
creasing from  day  to  day.  His  levies,  composed 
chiefly  of  raw  recruits  from  Andalusia,  were  full 
of  that  independent,  and  indeed  turbulent  spirit, 
which  belongs  to  an  ill-disciplined  militia.  There 
was  no  lack  of  courage  in  the  soldiery.  But  the 
same  men  who  had  fearlessly  braved  the  dangers  of 
the  campaign,  now  growing  impatient  under  the 


172  REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES.          [Boon  V. 

pinch  of  hunger,  abandoned  their  colors  in  great 
numbers. 

There  were  various  causes  for  the  deficiency  of 
supplies.  The  principal  one  of  these  may  probably 
be  found  in  the  remissness  of  the  council  of  war, 
several  of  whose  members  regarded  the  marquis 
with  an  evil  eye,  and  were  not  sorry  to  see  his 
embarrassments. 

Some  vigorous  measures  were  instantly  to  be 
taken,  or  the  army,  it  was  evident,  would  soon 
altogether  melt  away.  By  the  king's  command, 
orders  were  despatched  to  Requesens,  who  lay 
with  his  squadron  off  the  port  of  Velez  Malaga, 
to  supply  the  camp  with  provisions,  while  it  re- 
ceived reinforcements,  as  before,  principally  from 
the  Andalusian  militia.  The  army  received  a  still 
more  important  accession  in  the  well-disciplined 
veterans  who  had  followed  the  grand-commander 
from  Italy.  Thus  strengthened,  and  provisioned 
for  a  week  or  more,  Los  Velez,  at  the  head  of 
twelve  thousand  men,  set  forth  on  the  twenty- 
sixth  of  July,  and  struck  at  once  into  the  Alpu- 
j arras.  He  had  been  directed  by  the  council  to 
establish  himself  at  Ugijar,  which,  by  its  central 
position,  would  enable  him  to  watch  the  move- 
ments of  Aben-Humeya,  and  act  on  any  point  as 
occasion  required. 

The  marquis,  without  difficulty,  defeated  a  force 
of  some  five  or  six  thousand  men,  who  had  been 
stationed  to  oppose  his  entrance  into  the  mountain 
country.  He  then  pressed  forward,  and  on  the 


CH.  VL]      OPERATIONS  OF  LOS  VELEZ.         173 

high  lands  beyond  Ugijar  —  which  place  he  had 
already  occupied  —  he  came  in  sight  of  Aben- 
Humeya,  with  the  flower  of  his  troops,  drawn  up 
to  receive  him. 

The  two  chiefs,  in  their  characters,  their  per- 
sons, and  their  equipments,  might  be  considered 
as  no  bad  types  of  the  European  and  the  Arab 
chivalry.  The  marquis,  sheathed  in  complete  mail 
of  a  sable  color,  and  mounted  on  his  heavy  war- 
horse  also  covered  with  armor,  was  to  be  seen 
brandishing  a  lance  which,  short  and  thick,  seemed 
rather  like  a  truncheon,  as  he  led  his  men  boldly 
on,  prepared  to  plunge  at  once  into  the  thick 
of  the  fight.1  He  was  the  very  emblem  of  brute 
force.  Aben-Humeya,  on  the  other  hand,  grace- 
fully managing  his  swift-footed,  snow-white  Anda- 
lusian,  with  his  Morisco  mantle  of  crimson  float- 
ing lightly  from  his  shoulders,  and  his  Turk- 
ish turban  wreathed  around  his  head,2  instead  of 
force,  suggested  the  opposite  ideas  of  agility  and 
adroitness,  so  characteristic  of  the  children  of  the 
East. 

Riding  along  his  lines,  the  Morisco  prince  ex- 
horted his  followers  not  to  fear  the  name  of  Los 
Velez ;  for  in  the  hour  of  danger  God  would  aid 
his  own;  and  better  was  it,  at  any  rate,  to  die 

1  "  Armado  de  unas  annas  ne-        3  "  Andaba  Aben  Umeya  visto- 

gras  de  la  color  del  acero,  y  una  so  delante  de  todos  en  un  caballo 

celada  en  la  cabeza  llena  de  pluma-  bianco  con  una  aljuba  de  grana 

ges,  y  una  gruesa  lanza  en  la  mano  vestida,  y  un  turbante  turquesco 

mas  recia  que  larga."  Marmol,  Re-  en  la  cabeza."    Ibid.,  p.  134. 
la-lion  de  Granada,  torn.  II.  p.  133. 


174  KEBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES.         [BOOK  V. 

like  brave  men  in  the  field,  than  to  live  dishon- 
ored.3 Notwithstanding  these  magnanimous  words, 
it  was  far  from  Aben-Humeya's  wish  to  meet  his 
enemy  in  a  fair  field  of  fight.  It  was  contrary  to 
the  genius  and  the  habit  of  his  warfare,  which  was 
of  the  guerilla  kind,  abounding  in  sallies  and  sur- 
prises, in  which,  seeking  some  vulnerable  point,  he 
could  deal  his  blow  and  retreat  precipitately  among 
the  mountains. 

Yet  his  followers,  though  greatly  inferior  in 
numbers  to  the  enemy,  behaved  with  spirit ;  and 
the  field  was  well  contested,  till  a  body  of  Anda- 
lusian  horse,  making  a  detour  under  cover  of  some 
rising  ground,  fell  unexpectedly  on  the  rear  of  the 
Moriscoes,  and  threw  them  into  confusion.  The 
marquis  pressing  them  at  the  same  time  vigorously 
in  front,  they  broke,  and  soon  gave  way  on  all  sides. 
Aben-Humeya,  perceiving  the  day  lost,  gave  the 
rein  to  his  high-mettled  genet,  who  swiftly  bore  him 
from  the  field ;  and,  though  hotly  pursued,  he  soon 
left  his  enemies  behind.  On  reaching  the  foot  of 
the  Sierra  Nevada,  the  chief  dismounted,  and,  ham- 
stringing his  noble  animal,  plunged  into  the  depths 
of  the  mountains,  which  again  opened  their  friend- 
ly arms  to  receive  him.4  Yet  he  did  not  remain 

3  "  No  temiesen  el  vano  nombre  4  "  Y  apcandose  del  caballo,  le 

del  Marques  de  los  Velez,  porque  hizo  desjarretar,  y  se  embrend  en 

en  los  mayores  trabajos acudia Dios  las  sierras."     Ibid.,  loc.  cit. 

d  los  suyos ;  y  quando  les  faltase,  Hita  commemorates  the  flight  of 

no  les  podria  faltar  una  honrosa  the  "  little  king  "  of  the  Alpujarras 

muerte  con  las  armas  en  las  manos,  in  one  of  his  ballads.     Guerras  de 

que  les  estaba  mejor  que  vivir  des-  Granada,  torn.  II.  p.  310. 
lionrados."    Ibid.,  p.  134. 


Cii.  VI.]  OPERATIONS  OF  LOS  VELEZ.-  175 

there  long  before  he  was  joined  by  his  follow- 
ers ;  and  no  sooner  was  he  in  sufficient  strength, 
than  he  showed  himself  on  the  eastern  skirts  of  the 
sierra,  whence,  like  an  eagle  stooping  on  his  prey, 
he  rushed  down  upon  the  plains  below,  sweep- 
ing through  the  rich  valley  of  the  Rio  de  Alman- 
zora,  and  carrying  fire  and  sword  to  the  very  bor- 
ders of  Murcia.  Here  he  revenged  himself  on  Los 
Velez  by  falling  on  his  town  of  Las  Cuevas,  firing 
his  dwellings,  ravaging  his  estates,  and  rousing  his 
Morisco  vassals  to  rebellion.5 

Meanwhile  the  marquis,  instead  of  following  up 
his  victory,  remained  torpid  within  the  walls  of 
Calahorra.  Here  he  had  desired  the  council  to 
provide  stores  for  the  subsistence  of  his  army.  To 
his  dismay,  none  had  been  provided ;  and,  as  his 
own  attempts  to  procure  them  were  unsuccessful, 
he  soon  found  himself  in  the  same  condition  as  at 
Adra.  The  famine-stricken  troops,  with  little  pay 
and  less  plunder,  first  became  discontented,  then 
mutinous,  and  at  length  deserted  in  great  numbers. 
It  was  in  vain  that  the  irascible  old  chief  poured 
out  his  wrath  in  menaces  and  imprecations.  His 
arrogant  temper  had  made  him  hated  even  more 
than  he  was  feared  by  his  soldiers.  They  now 
went  off,  not  stealthily  and  by  night,  but  in  the 
open  day,  whole  companies  at  a  time,  their  arque- 
buses on  their  shoulders  and  their  matches  lighted.6 

5  Mendoza,  Guerra  dc  Granada,     Guerras  de  Granada,  torn.  II.  p. 
p.    209.  —  Marmol,   Rebelion    de     233. 
Granada,  torn.  II.  p.  150.  —  Ilita,        6  "  I  tan  adelante  pasd  la  desor- 


176  REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES.         [BOOK  V. 

When  Don  Diego  Fajardo,  the  marquis's  son,  en- 
deavored to  stay  them,  one,  more  audacious  than 
the  rest,  lodged  a  musket-ball  in  his  body.  It  was 
not  long  before  the  gallant  array  with  which  the 
marquis  had  so  proudly  entered  the  Alpuj  arras, 
was  reduced  to  less  than  three  thousand  men. 
Among  them  were  the  Italian  veterans,  who  re- 
fused to  tarnish  their  well-earned  laurels  by  thus 
basely  abandoning  their  commander. 

The  council  of  war  complained  loudly  to  the  king 
of  the  fatal  inactivity  of  the  marquis,  and  of  his 
neglect  to  follow  up  the  advantages  he  had  gained. 
Los  Velez  angrily  retorted  by  throwing  the  blame 
on  that  body,  for  neglecting  to  furnish  him  with 
the  supplies  which  would  have  enabled  him  to  do 
so.  Philip,  alarmed,  with  reason,  at  the  critical 
aspect  of  affairs,  ordered  the  marquis  of  Mondejar 
to  repair  to  court,  that  he  might  confer  with  him 
on  the  state  of  the  country.  This  was  the  avowed 
motive  for  his  recall.  But  in  truth  it  seems  prob- 
able that  the  king,  aware  of  that  nobleman's  lean- 
ing to  a  pacific  policy  and  of  his  personal  hostility 
to  Los  Velez,  deemed  it  best  to  remove  him  alto- 
gether from  any  share  in  the  conduct  of  the  war. 
This  he  did  most  effectually,  by  sending  him  into 
honorable  exile,  first  appointing  him  viceroy  of 
Valencia,  and  afterwards  raising  him  to  the  im- 
portant post  of  viceroy  of  Naples.  From  this 


den,  que  se  juntaron  quatrocientos    campo."      Mendoza,     Guerra    do 
arcabuceros,  i  con  las  mechas  en     Granada,  p.  195. 
las  serpentinas  salieron  a  vista  del 


CH.  VI.]      OPERATIONS  OF  LOS  VELEZ.         177 

period  the  name  of  Mondejar  no  more  appears  on 
the  theatre  of  the  Morisco  war.7 

The  marquis  did  not  win  the  favor  to  which  he 
was  entitled  by  his  deserts.  He  seems  to  have 
possessed  some  of  the  best  qualities  of  a  good  cap- 
tain. Bold  in  action,  he  was  circumspect  in  coun- 
cil. Slow  and  sagacious  in  the  formation  of  his 
plans,  he  carried  them  out  with  singular  persever- 
ance. He  knew  the  country  well  which  was  the 
seat  of  the  insurrection,  and  perfectly  understood 
the  character  of  its  inhabitants.  What  was  more 
rare,  he  made  allowance  for  the  excesses  into  which 
they  had  been  drawn  by  a  long  course  of  insult  and 
oppression.  The  humanity  of  his  disposition  com- 
bined with  his  views  of  policy  to  make  him  rely 
more  on  conciliatory  measures  than  on  fear,  for 
the  reduction  of  the  enemy.  How  well  this  worked 
we  have  seen.  Had  he  been  properly  supported 
by  those  engaged  with  him  in  the  direction  of 
affairs,  \ve  can  hardly  doubt  of  his  ultimate  suc- 
cess. But,  unhappily,  the  two  most  prominent  of 
these,  the  President  Deza  and  the  marquis  of  Los 
Yelez,  were  narrow-minded,  implacable  bigots,  who, 
far  from  feeling  compassion  for  the  Moriscoes, 
looked  on  the  whole  race  as  "  God's  enemies." 
Unfortunately,  these  views  found  favor  with  the 
government ;  and  Philip,  who  rightly  thought  that 
the  marquis  of  Mondejar  would  only  prove  a  hin- 
derance  to  carrying  on  hostilities  with  vigor,  acted 
consistently  in  sending  him  from  the  country.  Yet, 

7  Ibid.,  p.  198  et  seq.  —  Marmol,  Rebelion  de  Granada,  torn.  II.  p.  146. 
VOL.  in.  23 


178  REBELLION  OF   THE  MORISCOES.          [BOOK  V. 

while  he  was  thus  removed  from  the  conduct  of  the 
war,  it  may  be  thought  an  unequivocal  acknowl- 
edgment of  Mondejar's  deserts,  that  he  was  trans- 
ferred to  the  most  considerable  post  in  the  gift  of 
the  crown. 

Before  the  marquis's  departure,  Philip  had  trans- 
ferred his  court  to  Cordova,  in  order  to  facilitate 
his  communication  with  the  seat  of  war.  He 
hoped,  too,  that  the  knowledge  of  his  being  so 
near  would  place  some  check  on  the  disorderly 
temper  of  the  soldiery,  and  animate  them  with 
more  loyal  and  patriotic  feelings.  In  this  way  of 
proceeding  he  considered  himself  as  imitating  the 
example  of  his  great  ancestors,  Ferdinand  and  Isa- 
bella, who,  during  the  war  of  Granada,  usually 
transferred  their  court  to  one  of  the  capitals  of  the 
south.  He  did  not,  however,  think  it  necessary, 
like  them,  to  lead  his  armies  in  person,  and  share 
in  the  toils  of  the  campaign. 

On  the  nineteenth  of  October,  Philip  published 
an  edict,  which  intimated  his  design  of  following 
up  the  war  with  vigor.  It  commanded  that  such 
of  the  Moriscoes  as  had  hitherto  been  allowed  to 
remain  in  Granada  should  now  be  removed  from  it, 
in  order  that  no  means  of  communication  might  be 
left  to  them  with  their  brethren  in  the  mountains. 
It  was  further  proclaimed,  that  the  war  henceforth 
was  to  be  carried  on  with  "fire  and  blood,"8  — 
in  other  words,  that  no  mercy  was  to  be  shown  the 
insurgents.  This  was  the  first  occasion  on  which 

8  "  Que  se  publicase  la  guerra     Rebelion  de  Granada,  torn.  II.  p. 
&   fuego  y  &    sangre."     Marmol,     160. 


CH.  VI.]       CONSPIRACY  AGAINST  ABEN-HUMEYA.  179 

this  fierce  denunciation  had  been  made  by  the  gov- 
ernment. To  reconcile  the  militia  of  the  towns 
to  the  service,  their  pay  was  to  be  raised  to  a  level 
with  that  of  the  Italian  volunteers ;  and  to  relieve 
the  towns,  the  greater  part  of  the  expense  was  to 
be  borne  by  the  crown.  —  Before  the  publication 
of  this  ordinance  the  king  had  received  intelligence 
of  an  event  unexpected  alike  by  Christian  and  by 
Moslem,  —  the  death  of  Aben-Humeya,  and  that 
by  the  hands  of  some  of  his  own  followers. 

The  Morisco  prince,  after  carrying  the  war  up  to 
the  borders  of  Murcia,  laid  siege  to  two  or  three 
places  of  strength  in  that  quarter.  As  might  have 
been  expected,  he  failed  in  these  attempts,  from  his 
want  of  battering  artillery.  Thus  foiled,  he  led  back 
his  forces  into  the  Alpujarras,  and  established  his 
quarters  in  the  ancient  Moorish  palace  of  Lanjaron, 
on  the  slopes  of  the  mountains  commanding  the 
beautiful  valley  of  Lecrin.  Here  the  torpid  condi- 
tion of  the  Spaniards  under  Los  Velez  allowed  the 
young  monarch  to  remain,  and  give  himself  up  to 
those  sensual  indulgences  with  which  the  Moslem 
princes  of  the  East  were  apt  to  solace  their  leisure 
in  the  intervals  of  war.  His  harem  rivalled  that 
of  any  Oriental  satrap  in  the  number  of  its  in- 
mates. This  was  strange  to  the  Moriscoes,  who, 
since  their  nominal  conversion  to  Christianity,  had 
of  course  repudiated  polygamy.  In  the  eyes  of  the 
Moslems,  it  might  pass  for  good  evidence  of  their 
prince's  orthodoxy. 

Ever  since  Aben-Humeya  s  ascent  to  the  throne 


180  REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES.          [BOOK  V. 

4 

he  had  been  declining  in  popularity.  His  hand- 
some person,  the  courtesy  of  his  manners,  his  chiv- 
alrous spirit,  and  his  devotion  to  the  cause,  had 
easily  won  him  the  affections  of  his  subjects.  But 
a  too  sudden  elevation  had  unfortunately  that 
effect  on  him  which  it  is  wont  to  have  on  weak 
minds,  without  any  settled  principles  or  lofty  aim 
to  guide  them.  Possessed  of  power,  he  became 
tyrannical  in  the  use  of  it.9  His  arbitrary  acts 
created  enemies,  not  the  less  dangerous  that  they 
were  concealed.  The  consciousness  of  the  wrongs 
he  had  committed  made  him  suspicious.  He  sur- 
rounded himself  with  a  body-guard  of  four  hun- 
dred men.  Sixteen  hundred  more  were  quartered  in 
the  place  where  he  was  residing  ;  and  the  principal 
avenues  to  it,  we  are  told,  were  defended  by  barri- 
cades.10 Those  whom  he  suspected  he  treated  'with 
particular  kindness.  He  drew  them  around  his 
person,  overwhelmed  them  with  favors,  and,  when 
he  had  won  them  by  a  show  of  confidence,  he 
struck  the  fatal  blow.11  During  the  short  period 
of  his  reign,  no  less  than  three  hundred  and  fifty 
persons,  we  are  assured,  fell  victims  to  his  jealousy 
or  his  revenge.12 

9  "  Vivia  ya  con  estado  de  Rei,        "  Mendoza,  Guerra  de  Grana- 
pero  con  arbitrio  de  tirano."  Men-     da,  p.  210. 

doza,    Guerra    de     Granada,    p.  Such  is  the   Tiberius-like  por- 
trait given  of  him  by  an  enemy,  — 

10  "  Teniendo  barreadas  las  cal-  by  one,  however,  it  may  be  added, 
les  del  lugar  de  manera,  que  nadie  who  for  liberal  views  and  for  dis- 
pudiese  entrar  en  el  sin  ser  visto  d  crimination  of  character  was  not  sur- 
sentido."     Marmol,    Rebelion    de  passed  by  any  chronicler  of  his  time. 
Granada,  torn.  II.  p.  163.  12  «  LOS  cuales  pasaron  de  tres- 


Ce.  VI.]      CONSPIRACY  AGAINST  ABEN-HUMEYA.  181 

Among  Aben-Humeya's  officers  was  one  named 
Diego  Alguazil,  who  had  a  beautiful  kinswoman, 
with  whom  he  lived,  it  is  said,  on  terms  of  greater 
intimacy  than  was  justified  by  the  relationship  of 
the  parties.  As  he  was  one  day  imprudently  speak- 
ing of  her  to  Aben-Humeya  in  the  glowing  lan- 
guage of  a  lover,  the  curiosity  of  the  king  was  so 
much  inflamed  by  it  that  he  desired  to  see  her. 
In  addition  to  her  personal  charms,  the  fair  Zahara 
was  mistress  of  many  accomplishments  which  ren- 
dered her  still  more  attractive.  She  had  a  sweet 
voice,  which  she  accompanied  bewitchingly  on  the 
lute,  and  in  her  dancing  displayed  all  the  soft  and 
voluptuous  movements  of  the  dark-eyed  beauties  of 
Andalusia.13  When  brought  before  the  king,  she 
did  her  best  to  please  him ;  for,  though  attached,  as 
it  seems,  to  her  kinsman,  the  ambitious  coquette 
had  no  objection  to  having  a  royal  suitor  in' her 
chains.  In  this  she  perfectly  succeeded ;  and  the 
enamored  prince  intimated  his  desire  to  Alguazil 
that  he  would  resign  to  him  the  possession  of  his 
mistress.  But  the  Morisco  loved  her  too  well ;  and 
neither  threats  nor  promises  of  the  most  extrava- 


cientos  cincuenta,  SCgtm  yo  he  sido  Tane,  danza,  canta  &  estremo, 

informado  de  varies  moriscos  que  que  es  un he"canto  el  oirla ' 

ea  raoza,  bella  y  graciosa 

seguian   sus   banderas  ;    y   de  tal  nadie  vio  ul  en  BU  vida." 

inanera  procedia  el  reyecillo,  que  Ibid.,  torn.  ir.  p.  324. 

vino  d  ser  odiosisimo  d  los  suyos        The  severer  pencil  of  Mendoza 

por  sus  crueldades."     Hita,  Guer-  does  not  disdain  the  same   warm 

ras  de  Granada,  torn.  II  p.  303.  coloring  for  the  portrait  of  the  Mo- 

13  "  Qne  no  la  hay  mas  hermosa  rJsCO  beauty.      Guerra  de    Grana- 

en  toda  la  Andalucia :  ,  „-  „ 

blanca  es  y  colorada,  ^  Pv*      " 

como  la  rosa  mas  liua  ; 


182  REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES.  [Boon  V. 

gant  kind  were  able  to  extort  his  consent.  Thus 
baffled,  the  reckless  Aben-Humeya,  consulting  only 
his  passion,  caused  the  perhaps  not  reluctant 
Zahara  to  be  taken  by  force  and  lodged  in  his 
harem.  By  this  act  he  made  a  mortal  enemy  of 
Alguazil. 

Nor  did  he  long  enjoy  the  favor  of  his  new 
mistress,  who,  come  of  an  ancient  lineage  in  Gra- 
nada,14 had  hoped  to  share  the  throne  of  the 
Morisco  monarch.  But  Aben-Humeya's  passion 
did  not  carry  him  to  this  extent  of  complaisance  ; 
and  Zahara,  indignant  at  finding  herself  degraded 
to  the  rank  and  file  of  the  seraglio,  soon  breathed 
only  a  desire  for  vengeance.  In  this  state  of  things 
she  found  the  means  of  communicating  with  her 
kinsman,  and  arranged  with  him  a  plan  for  carry- 
ing their  murderous  intent  into  execution. 

The  most  important  corps  in  the  Morisco  army 
was  that  of  the  Turkish  mercenaries.  But  they 
were  so  fierce  and  turbulent  a  race,  that  Aben- 
Humeya  paid  dear  for  their  services.  A  strong 
body  of  these  troops  lay  on  the  frontiers  of  Orgiba, 
under  the  command  of  Aben-Aboo,  —  a  near  rela- 
tive of  the  Morisco  prince,  whose  life,  it  may  be 
remembered,  he  had  once  saved,  by  submitting  to 
every  extremity  of  torture  rather  than  betray  his 
lurking-place.  To  this  commander  Aben-Humeya 
despatched  a  messenger,  directing  him  to  engage 
the  Turks  in  a  certain  expedition,  which  would 

14  «  Muger  igualmente  hermosa  i  de  linage."    Mendoza,  Guerra  de 
Granada,  p.  213. 


Cu.  VI.]      CONSPIRACY  AGAINST  ABEN-HUMEYA.  183 

serve  both  to  give  them  employment  and  to  satisfy 
their  appetite  for  plunder. 

The  time  named  for  the  messenger's  departure 
was  communicated  by  Zahara  to  her  kinsman,  who 
caused  him  to  be  waylaid  and  murdered,  and  his 
despatches  to  be  secured.  He  then  had  a  letter 
written  to  Aben-Aboo,  which  bore  apparently  the 
royal  signature.  This  was  counterfeited  by  his 
nephew,  a  young  man  then  holding  the  post  of 
secretary  to  Aben-Humeya,  with  whom  he  had 
lately  conceived  some  cause  of  disgust.  The  let- 
ter stated  that  the  insubordination  of  the  Turks 
made  them  dangerous  to  the  state ;  and  that  in 
some  way  or  other  they  must  be  removed,  and 
that  speedily.  With  this  view,  Aben-Aboo  was 
directed  to  march  them  to  Mecina,  on  the  frontiers 
of  the  Sierra  Nevada,  where  he  would  be  joined 
by  Diego  Alguazil,  with  a  party  of  soldiers,  to 
assist  him  in  carrying  the  plan  into  execution. 
The  best  mode,  it  was  suggested,  of  getting  rid 
of  the  Turks,  would  be  by  poison. 

This  letter  was  despatched  by  a  courier,  who 
was  speedily  followed  by  Alguazil  and  a  hundred 
soldiers,  as  the  cunning  conspirator  desired  to  pre- 
sent himself  before  Aben-Aboo  without  leaving  him 
time  for  consideration. 

He  found  that  commander  in  a  state  of  the  ut- 
most perplexity  and  consternation.  Alguazil  de- 
clared that  he  had  come  in  consequence  of  certain 
instructions  he  had  received  from  the  king,  of  too 
atrocious  a  nature  for  him  to  execute.  Aben-Aboo 


184  REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES.         [BOOK  V. 

had  as  little  mind  to  perform  the  bloody  work 
assigned  to  him.  He  had  no  distrust  of  the  gen- 
uineness of  the  letter.  Hosceyn,  the  commander 
of  the  Turks,  happening  to  pass  the  house  at  that 
time,  was  called  in,  and  the  despatches  were  shown 
to  him.  The  fiery  chief  insisted  on  communicat- 
ing them  to  some  of  his  comrades.  The  greatest 
indignation  prevailed  among  the  Turkish  leaders, 
outraged  by  this  base  treachery  of  the  very  man 
whom  they  had  come  to  serve  at  the  peril  of  their 
lives.  They  one  and  all  demanded,  not  his  depo- 
sition, but  his  death.  Diego  Alguazil  saw  that  his 
scheme  was  working  well.  He  artfully  fanned  the 
flame,  and  professed  to  share  deeply  in  the  indig- 
nation of  the  Moslems.  It  was  at  length  agreed 
to  put  the  tyrant  to  death,  and  to  offer  the  crown 
to  Aben-Aboo. 

This  chieftain  enjoyed  a  high  reputation  for  sa- 
gacity and  prudence.  His  passions,  unlike  those  of 
Aben-Humeya,  seemed  ever  under  the  control  of 
his  reason ;  and,  far  from  indulging  an  ill-regulated 
ambition,  he  had  been  always  faithful  to  his  trust. 
But  the  present  temptation  was  too  strong  for  his 
virtue.  He  may  have  thought  that,  since  the  throne 
was  to  be  vacant,  the  descendant  of  the  Omeyas 
had  a  better  claim  to  it  than  any  other.  Whatever 
may  have  been  the  sophistry  to  which  he  yielded, 
he  knew  that  those  who  now  promised  him  the 
crown  had  the  power  to  make  their  promise  good. 
He  gave  his  assent,  on  condition  that,  in  the  course 
of  three  months,  his  election  should  be  confirmed 


CH.  VI.]         ASSASSINATION  OF  ABEN-HUMEYA.  185 

by  the  dey  of  Algiers,  as  the  representative  of  the 
Turkish  sultan. 

Having  arranged  their  plans,  the  conspirators 
lost  no  time  in  putting  them  in  execution.  They 
set  out  that  very  hour,  on  the  evening  of  the  third 
of  October,  for  Lanjaron,  with  a  body  of  four  hun- 
dred troops,  —  one  half  being  Turks,  the  other 
Moriscoes.  By  midnight  they  reached  their  place 
of  destination.  Diego  Alguazil  and  the  Turkish 
captains  were  too  well  known  as  enjoying  the  con- 
fidence of  Aben-Humeya  to  meet  with  any  oppo- 
sition to  their  entrance  into  the  town.  Nor,  though 
the  Morisco  king  had  retired  to  rest,  did  the  guard 
oppose  any  difficulty  to  their  passing  into  his  dwell- 
ing. Proceeding  to  his  chamber,  they  found  the 
doors  secured,  but  speedily  forced  an  entrance. 
Neither  arm  nor  voice  was  raised  in  his  defence.15 

Aben-Humeya,  roused  from  sleep  by  the  tumult, 
would  have  sprung  from  his  couch ;  but  the  faith- 
less Zahara  held  him  fast  in  her  embrace,  until 
Diego  Alguazil  and  some  others  of  the  conspira- 
tors, rushing  in,  bound  his  arms  together  with  a 
Moorish  veil.16  Indeed,  he  was  so  much  bewildered 
as  scarcely  to  attempt  resistance. 

The  Turkish  commander  then  showed  him  the 
letter.  Aben-Humeya  recognized  the  writing  of  his 
secretary,  but  declared  that  he  had  never  dictated 
such  a  letter,  nor  was  the  signature  his.  How  far 

15  «  Ninguno  huvo  que  tomase         16  "  Ataronle  las  manos  con  un 
las  armas,  ni  bolvicse  de  palabra     almaizar."    Ibid.,  p.  218. 
por    el."     Mendoza,    Guerra    de 
Granada,  p.  217. 

VOL.  in.  24 


186  REBELLION  OF  THE  MOKISCOES.          [BOOK  V. 

his  assertion  gained  credit  we  are  not  informed. 
But  the  conspirators  had  already  gone  too  far  to 
be  forgiven.  To  recede  was  death.  Either  Aben- 
Humeya  or  they  must  be  sacrificed.  It  was  in 
vain  that  he  protested  his  innocence,  and  that  he 
offered  to  leave  the  question  to  the  sultan,  or  to 
the  dey  of  Algiers,  or  to  any  person  competent 
to  decide  it.  But  little  heed  was  given  to  his 
protestations,  as  the  conspirators  dragged  him  into 
an  adjoining  apartment.  The  unhappy  young  man 
perceived  that  his  hour  was  come,  —  that  there  was 
no  one  of  all  his  friends  or  menials  to  interpose 
between  him  and  his  fate.  From  that  moment  he 
changed  his  tone,  and  assumed  a  bearing  more 
worthy  of  his  station.  "  They  are  mistaken,"  he 
said,  "  who  suppose  me  to  be  a  follower  of  the 
Prophet.  I  die,  as  I  have  lived,  in  the  Christian 
faith.  I  accepted  the  post  of  head  of  the  rebellion 
that  I  might  the  better  avenge  the  wrongs  heaped 
on  me  and  my  family  by  the  Spaniards.  They  have 
been  avenged  in  full  measure,  and  I  am  now  ready 
to  die.  Neither,"  said  he,  turning  to  Aben-Aboo, 
his  destined  successor,  "  do  I  envy  you.  It  will 
not  be  long  before  you  will  follow  me."  He  then, 
with  his  own  hands,  coolly  arranged  around  his 
neck  the  cord  with  which  he  was  to  be  strangled, 
adjusted  his  robes,  and,  covering  his  face  with  his 
mantle,  submitted  himself,  without  a  struggle,  to 
his  executioners.17 

17  "  El  mismo  se  did  la  buelta     certd  la  ropa,  cubridse  el  rostro." 
como  le  hiciesen  menos  mal;  con-    Ibid.,  p.  219. 


CH.  VI.]        ASSASSINATION  OF  ABEN-HUMEYA.  187 

His  body  was  thrown  into  a  neighboring  sewer, 
with  as  little  concern  as  if  it  had  been  that  of  a 
dog.  There  it  continued,  till  Don  John  of  Austria, 
hearing  that  Aben-Humeya  had  died  a  Christian, 
caused  his  remains  to  be  removed  to  Guadix,  and 
laid  in  the  ground  with  the  solemnities  of  Chris- 
tian burial.18 

That  Aben-Humeya  should  have  come  to  so 
miserable  an  end  is  not  strange.  The  recklessness 
with  which  he  sacrificed  all  who  came  between  him 
and  the  gratification  of  his  passions,  surrounded 
him  with  enemies,  the  more  dangerous  in  a  climate 
where  the  blood  is  hot,  and  the  feeling  of  revenge 
is  easily  kindled  in  the  bosom.  At  the  beginning 
of  his  reign  his  showy  qualities  won  him  a  popu- 
larity which,  however,  took  no  root  in  the  affec- 
tions of  the  people,  and  which  faded  away  alto- 
gether when  the  defects  of  his  character  were  more 
fully  brought  to  light  by  the  exigencies  of  his 
situation ;  for  he  was  then  found  to  possess  neither 
the  military  skill  necessary  to  insure  success  in  the 
field,  nor  those  higher  moral  attributes  which  com- 
mand respect  and  obedience  at  home. 

Very  different  was  the  character  of  his  successor, 

18  There  is  less  discrepancy  than  different  authorities  in  prose  and 

usual  in  the  accounts  both  of  Aben-  verse,  see    Marmol,   Rebelion  de 

Humeya's  assassination  and  of  the  Granada,  torn.  II.  pp.  162-169; 

circumstances    which    led    to    it.  Mendoza,  Guerra  de  Granada,  pp. 

These   circumstances  have  a  cer-  212-220;    Rufo,   La  Austriada, 

tain  Oriental  coloring,  which  makes  cantos  13,  14;  Hita,  Guerras  de 

them  not  the  less  probable,  con-  Granada,  torn.  II.  p.  337  et  seq. ; 

sidering   the  age  and   country  in  Vanderhammen,    Don     Juan    de 

•which  they  occurred.     Among  the  Austria,  fol.  103-105. 


188  REBELLION   OF  THE  MOEISCOES.          [BOOK  V. 

Aben-Aboo.  Instead  of  displaying  the  frivolous  and 
licentious  tastes  of  Aben-Humeya,  his  private  life 
was  without  reproach.  He  was  much  older  than 
his  predecessor ;  and  if  he  had  not  the  same  fiery 
enthusiasm  and  dashing  spirit  of  adventure  which 
belonged  to  Aben-Humeya,  he  discovered  both  fore- 
cast in  the  formation  of  his  plans,  and  singular 
courage  in  carrying  them  into  execution.  All 
confided  in  his  integrity;  while  the  decorum  and 
gravity  of  his  demeanor  combined  with  the  more 
substantial  qualities  of  his  character  to  inspire  a 
general  feeling  of  reverence  in  the  people.19  It 
was  not  till  the  time  of  his  proposed  elevation  to 
the  supreme  power,  that  the  lustre  of  these  quali- 
ties was  darkened  by  the  perpetration  of  one  foul 
deed,  —  his  connivance  at  the  conspiracy  against 
his  sovereign.  But  if  he  were  really  the  dupe,  as 
we  are  told,  of  Alguazil's  plot,  he  might  plead,  to 
some  extent,  the  necessity  of  self-preservation  ;  for 
he  may  well  have  believed  that,  if  he  refused  to 
aid  Aben-Humeya  in  the  execution  of  his  bloody 
purpose  in  reference  to  the  Turks,  the  tyrant  would 
not  long  suffer  him  to  live  in  possession  of  a  secret 
so  perilous  to  himself.  At  all  events,  the  part  he 

19  "  Con  la  reputacion  de  vali-  plexion,  see  Miniana,  who  repre- 

ente  i  hombre  del  campo,  con  la  sents  him  as  "  am  lax,  perfido,  sus- 

afabilidad,  gravedad,  autoridad  de  picaz,  y  de  pesimas  costumbres." 

la  presencia,  fiie  bien  quisto,  respe-  (Historia  de  Espafia,  p.  378.)  For- 

tado,  obedecido,  tenido  como  Rei  tunately  for  Aben-Aboo,  the  first- 

generalmente  de  todos."    Mendo-  mentioned  writer,  a  contemporary, 

za,  Guerra  de  Granada,  p.  224.  must  be  admitted  to  be  the  better 

This  was  painting  him  en  beau,  authority  of  the  two. 
For  a  portrait  of  an  opposite  com- 


Cu.  VI.]       ELECTION  OF  ABEN-ABOO.          189 

had  taken  in  the  conspiracy  seems  to  have  given  no 
disgust  to  the  people,  who,  weary  of  the  despotism 
under  which  they  had  been  living,  welcomed  with 

enthusiasm   the   accession   of  the   new   sovereign. 

o 

Many  places,  which  had  hitherto  taken  no  part  in 
the  struggle  for  independence,  now  sent  in  their  ad- 
hesion to  Aben-Aboo,  who  soon  found  himself  the 
ruler  over  a  wider  extent  of  territory  than,  at  any 
time,  had  acknowledged  the  sway  of  his  predecessor. 

It  was  not  long  before  the  confirmation  of  his 
election  arrived  from  Algiers ;  and  Aben-Aboo,  as- 
suming the  regal  name  of  Muley  Abdallah  Mo- 
hammed as  a  prefix  to  his  own,  went  through  the 
usual  simple  forms  of  a  coronation  of  a  king  of 
Granada.  In  his  right  hand,  on  this  occasion,  he 
bore  a  banner  inscribed  with  the  legend,  "  More  I 
could  not  desire,  less  would  not  have  contented 
me."5  Such  an  inscription  may  be  thought  to 
intimate  tbat  a  more  aspiring  temper  lurked  within 
his  bosom  than  the  world  had  given  him  credit  for. 

The  new  sovereign  did  not,  like  his  predeces- 
sor, waste  his  time  in  effeminate  sloth.  He  busied 
himself  with  various  important  reforms,  giving, 
especially,  a  new  organization  to  the  army,  and  im- 
porting a  large  quantity  of  arms  and  munitions 
from  Barbary.  He  determined  not  to  allow  his  men 
time  for  discontent,  but  to  engage  them  at  once  in 
active  service.  The  first  object  he  proposed  was 

20  "  No  pude  desear  mas,  ni  con-  See  also,  for  the  account  of  this 
tentarme  con  menos."  Marmol,  Re-  martial  ceremony,  Mendoza,  Guer- 
beliondc  Granada,  torn.  II.  p.  168.  rade  Granada,  p.  222. 


190  REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES.          [BOOK  V. 

the  capture  of  Orgiba,  a  fortified  place  which  com- 
manded the  route  to  Granada,  and  which  served  as 
a  point  of  communication  between  that  capital  and 
remoter  parts  of  the  country. 

Aben-Aboo  got  everything  in  readiness  with 
such  despatch,  that  on  the  twenty-sixth  of  October, 
a  few  weeks  only  after  the  death  of  Aben-Humeya, 
he  set  out  on  his  expedition  at  the  head  of  a  well- 
appointed  army,  consisting  of  more  than  ten  thou- 
sand men,  partly  foreign  mercenaries  and  partly 
natives.  Hastening  his  march,  he  soon  presented 
himself  before  Orgiba,  and  laid  siege  to  the  place. 
He  pushed  matters  forward  so  vigorously,  that  in 
a  few  days  he  was  prepared  to  storm  the  works. 
Four  times  he  brought  his  men  to  the  assault ;  but 
though  on  the  fourth  he  succeeded  in  throwing 
himself,  with  a  small  body  of  troops,  on  the  ram- 
parts, he  was  met  with  such  determined  resistance 
by  the  garrison  and  their  brave  commander,  Fran- 
cisco de  Molina,  that  he  was  obliged  to  fall  back 
with  loss  into  his  trenches.  Thus  repulsed,  and 
wholly  destitute  of  battering  ordnance,  the  Morisco 
chief  found  it  expedient  to  convert  the  siege  into 
a  blockade. 

The  time  thus  consumed  gave  opportunity  to 
Don  John  of  Austria  to  send  a  strong  force,  under 
the  duke  of  Sesa,  to  the  relief  of  the  garrison. 
Aben-Aboo,  desirous  to  intercept  his  enemy's  march, 
and  occupy  one  of  those  defiles  that  would  give 
him  the  advantage  of  position,  silently  broke  up 
his  encampment,  under  cover  of  the  night,  and 


CH.  VI.]  VIGOROUS  PROSECUTION  OF  THE  WAR.    191 

took  the  direction  of  Lanjaron.  Here  he  came  so 
suddenly  on  the  advanced  guard  of  the  Christians, 
that,  taken  by  surprise,  it  gave  way,  and,  falling 
back,  after  considerable  loss,  on  the  main  body  of 
the  army,  threw  the  whole  into  confusion.  Hap- 
pily, the  duke  of  Sesa,  though  laboring  at  the 
time  under  a  sharp  attack  of  gout,  by  extraordi- 
nary exertions  was  enabled  to  rally  his  men  and 
inspire  them  with  courage  to  repulse  the  enemy,  — 
thus  retrieving  his  own  honor  and  the  fortunes  of 
the  day. 

Meanwhile  the  brave  Molina  and  his  soldiers 
no  sooner  learned  that  the  besiegers  had  aban- 
doned their  works,  than,  eager  to  profit  by  their 
temporary  absence,  the  cause  of  which  they  sus- 
pected, they  dismantled  the  fortress,  and,  burying 
their  guns  in  the  ground,  hastily  evacuated  the 
place.  The  duke  of  Sesa,  finding  that  the  great 
object  of  his  expedition,  the  safety  of  the  garrison, 
was  now  accomplished,  and  not  feeling  himself  in 
sufficient  strength  to  cope  with  the  Morisco  chief, 
instantly  began  his  retreat  on  Granada.  In  this 
he  was  not  molested  by  Aben-Aboo,  who  was  only 
too  glad  to  be  allowed  without  interruption  to  fol- 
low up  the  siege  of  Orgiba.  But  finding  this  place, 
to  his  surprise,  abandoned  by  the  enemy,  he  entered 
it  without  bloodshed,  and  with  colors  flying,  as  a 
conqueror.21 

21  Ferreras,  Hist  d'Espagne,  169-189.  —  Mendoza,  Guerra  de 
torn.  X.  pp.  111  —  118.  —  Marmol,  Granada,  p.  225  et  seq.  —  Miniana, 
Rebelion  de  Granada,  torn.  II.  pp.  Hist,  de  Espana,  p.  378. 


192  KEBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES.          [BOOK  V. 

These  successes  in  the  commencement  of  his 
reign  furnished  a  brilliant  augury  for  the  future. 
The  fame  of  Aben-Aboo  spread  far  and  wide 
through  the  country;  and  the  warlike  peasantry 
thronged  from  all  quarters  to  his  standard.  Ti- 
dings now  arrived  that  several  of  the  principal 
places  on  the  eastern  skirts  of  the  Alpuj arras  had 
proclaimed  their  adherence  to  the  Morisco  cause ; 
and  it  was  expected  that  the  flame  of  insurrection 
would  soon  spread  to  the  adjoining  provinces  of 
Murcia  and  Valencia.  So  widely,  indeed,  had  it 
already  spread,  that,  of  all  the  Morisco  territory 
south  of  Granada,  the  country  around  Malaga  and 
the  sierra  of  Honda,  on  the  extreme  west,  were  the 
only  portions  that  still  acknowledged  the  author- 
ity of  Castile.22 

The  war  now  took  the  same  romantic  aspect 
that  it  wore  in  the  days  of  the  conquest  of  Gra- 
nada. Beacon-fires  were  to  be  seen  along  the  high- 
est peaks  of  the  sierra,  throwing  their  ominous 
glare  around  for  many  a  league,  and  calling  the 
bold  mountaineers  to  the  foray.  Then  came  the 
gathering  of  the  wild  militia  of  the  country,  which, 
pouring  down  on  the  lower  levels,  now  in  the  faded 
green  of  autumn,  swept  away  herds  and  flocks,  and 
bore  them  off  in  triumph  to  their  fastnesses. 

Sometimes  marauders  penetrated  into  the  vega, 
the  beautiful  vega,  every  inch  of  whose  soil  was 

22  "  Desta  manera  quedaron  le-  Malaga  i  Serrania  de  Ronda." 
vantados  todos  los  Moriscos  del  Mendoza,  Guerra  de  Granada,  p. 
Reino,  sino  los  de  la  Hoya  de  241. 


Cii.  VI.]  FIERCE   COMBATS  IN  THE  VEGA.  193 

fertilized  with  human  blood,  and  which  now,  as  in 
ancient  times,  became  the  battle-ground  of  Chris- 
tian and  Moslem  cavaliers.  Almost  always  it  was 
the  former  who  had  the  advantage,  as  was  inti- 
mated by  the  gory  trophies,  the  heads  and  hands  of 
the  vanquished,  which  they  bore  on  the  points  of 
their  lances,  when,  amidst  the  shouts  of  the  popu- 
lace, they  came  thundering  on  through  the  gates  of 
the  capital.23 

Yet  sometimes  fortune  lay  in  the  opposite  scale. 
The  bold  infidels,  after  scouring  the  vega,  would 
burst  into  the  suburbs,  or  even  into  the  city  of 
Granada,  filling  the  place  with  consternation. 
Then  might  be  seen  the  terror-stricken  citizens, 
hurrying  to  and  fro,  while  the  great  alarm-bell  of 
the  Alhambra  sent  forth  its  summons,  and  the 
chivalry,  mounting  in  haste,  shouted  the  old  war- 
cry  of  Saint  lago,  and  threw  themselves  on  the 
invaders,  who,  after  a  short  but  bloody  fray,  were 
sure  to  be  driven  in  confusion  across  the  vega  and 
far  over  the  borders. 

Don  John,  on  these  occasions,  was  always  to  be 
descried  in  the  front  of  battle,  as  if  rejoicing  in  his 
clement,  and  courting  danger  like  some  paladin  of 
romance.  Indeed,  Philip  was  obliged,  again  and 

23  "  Llevando  los  escuderos  las  in  the  wars  with  the  Spanish  Arabs, 

cabezas  y  las  manos  de  los  Moros  It  is  frequently  commemorated  in 

en  los  hierros  de  las  lanzas."    Mar-  the   Moorish  romances    as   among 

inol,  Rcbelion  de    Granada,  torn,  the  most  honorable  trophies  of  the 

II.  p.  159.  field,  down  to  as  late  a  period  as 

The  head  of  an  enemy  was  an  the  war  of  Granada.     See,  among 

old    perquisite    of   the     victor  —  others,  the  ballad  beginning 
whether    Christian   or  Moslem  —  «  A  vista  de  los  dos  Reyes." 

VOL.  HI.  25 


194  REBELLION  OF  THE   MORISCOES.         [BOOK  V. 

again,  to  rebuke  his  brother  for  thus  wantonly 
exposing  his  life,  in  a  manner,  the  king  intimated, 
wholly  unbecoming  his  rank.24  But  it  would  have 
been  as  easy  to  rein  in  the  war-horse  when  the 
trumpet  was  sounding  in  his  ears,  as  to  curb  the 
spirits  of  the  high-mettled  young  chieftain  when 
his  followers  were  mustering  to  the  charge.  In 
truth,  it  was  precisely  these  occasions  that  filled 
him  with  the  greatest  glee  ;  for  they  opened  to 
him  the  only  glimpses  he  was  allowed  of  that  ca- 
reer of  glory  for  which  his  soul  had  so  long  panted. 
Every  detachment  that  sallied  forth  from  Grana- 
da on  a  warlike  adventure  was  an  object  of  his 
envy  ;  and  as  he  gazed  on  the  blue  mountains  that 
rose  as  an  impassable  barrier  around  him,  he  was 
like  the  bird  vainly  beating  its  plumage  against 
the  gilded  wires  of  its  prison-house,  and  longing  to 
be  free. 

He  wrote  to  the  king  in  the  most  earnest  terms, 
representing  the  forlorn  condition  of  affairs,  —  the 
Spaniards  losing  ground  day  after  day,  and  the  army 
under  the  marquis  of  Los  Velez  wasting  away  its 
energies  in  sloth,  or  exerting  them  in  unprofitable 
enterprises.  He  implored  his  brother  not  to  compel 
him  to  remain  thus  cooped  up  within  the  walls  of 
Granada,  but  to  allow  him  to  have  a  real  as  well 
as  nominal  command,  and  to  conduct  the  war  in 
person.25 

24  "  Y  que  salir  d  tales  rebates  es  Juan  de  Austria,  30  de  Setiembre, 

desautoridad  vuestra,  siendo  quien  1569,  MS. 

sois  y  teniendo  el  cargo  que  tenis."        25  «  Le  suplico  mire   que   ni  d 

Carta  de  Felipe  Segundo  a  Don  quien  soy,  ni  u  la  edad  que  tengo, 


CH.  VI.]         IMPETUOUS   SPIRIT  OF  DON  JOHN.  195 

The  views  presented  by  Don  John  were  warmly 
supported  by  Requesens,  who  wrote  to  Philip,  de- 
nouncing, in  unqualified  terms,  the  incapacity  of 
Los  Velez. 

Philip  had  no  objection  to  receive  complaints, 
even  against  those  whom  he  most  favored.  He 
could  not  shut  his  eyes  to  the  truth  of  the  charges 
now  brought  against  the  hot-headed  old  chief  who 
had  so  long  enjoyed  his  confidence,  but  whose  cam- 
paigns of  late  had  been  a  series  of  blunders.  He 
saw  the  critical  aspect  of  affairs  and  the  danger 
that  the  rebellion,  which  had  struck  so  deep  root 
in  Granada,  unless  speedily  crushed,  would  spread 
over  the  adjoining  provinces.  —  Mondejar's  removal 
from  the  scene  of  action  had  not  brought  the  rem- 
edy that  Philip  had  expected. 

Yet  it  was  with  reluctance  that  he  yielded  to  his 
brother's  wishes ;  whether  distrusting  the  capacity 
of  one  so  young  for  an  independent  command,  or, 
as  might  be  inferred  from  his  letters,  apprehend- 
ing the  dangers  in  which  Don  John's  impetu- 
ous spirit  would  probably  involve  him.  Having 
formed  his  plans,  he  lost  no  time  in  communi- 
cating them  to  his  brother.  The  young  warrior 
was  to  succeed  Los  Velez  in  the  command  of  the 
eastern  army,  which  was  to  be  strengthened  by 
reinforcements,  while  the  duke  of  Sesa,  under  the 
direction  of  Don  John,  was  to  establish  himself, 

ni  &  otra  cosa  alguna  conviene  en-    de  Austria  al  Rey,  23  de  Setiem- 
cerrarme,  cuando  mas  razon  es  quo     bre,  1569,  MS. 
me  muestre."     Carta  de  Don  Juan 


196  KEBELLJON  OF  THE  MORISCOES.         [BOOK  V. 

with  an  efficient  corps,  in  the  Alpuj arras,  in  such  a 
position  as  to  cover  the  approaches  to  Granada. 

A  summons  was  then  sent  to  the  principal  towns 
of  Andalusia,  requiring  them  to  raise  fresh  levies 
for  the  war,  who  were  to  be  encouraged  by  prom- 
ises of  better  pay  than  had  before  been  given.  But 
these  promises  did  not  weigh  so  much  with  the 
soldiers  as  the  knowledge  that  Don  John  of  Austria 
was  to  take  charge  of  the  expedition ;  and  nobles 
and  cavaliers  came  thronging  to  the  war,  with  their 
well-armed  retainers,  in  such  numbers  that  the 
king  felt  it  necessary  to  publish  another  ordinance, 
prohibiting  any,  without  express  permission,  from 
joining  the  service.26 

All  now  was  bustle  and  excitement  in  Granada, 
as  the  new  levies  came  in,  and  the  old  ones  were 
receiving  a  better  organization.  Indeed,  Don  John 
had  been  closely  occupied,  for  some  time,  with  in- 
troducing reforms  among  the  troops  quartered  in 
the  city,  who,  from  causes  already  mentioned,  had 
fallen  into  a  state  of  the  most  alarming  insubordi- 
nation. A  similar  spirit  had  infected  the  officers, 
and  to  such  an  extent  that  it  was  deemed  necessary 
to  suspend  no  less  than  thirty-seven  out  of  forty-five 
captains  from  their  commands.27  —  Such  were  the 

86  "  Entendidse  por  Espana  la  &  '•  Ilavian  las  desordenes  pasa- 

fama  de  su  ida  sobre  Galera,  i  mo-  do  tan  adelante,  que  fue  necesario 

vidse  la  nobleza  della  con  tanto  para  remediallas  hacer  dcmostra- 

calor,  que  fue  necesario  dar  al  Rei  cion  no  vista  ni  lei'da  en  los  tiempos 

a  entender  que  no  era  con  su  vo-  pasados,  en  la  guerra :  suspender 

luntad  ir  Cavalleros  sin  licencia  a  treinta  i  dos  Capitanes  de  quarenta 

servir  en  aquella  empresa."    Men-  i  uno  que  havia,  con  nombre  de 

doza,  Guerra  de  Granada,  p.  256.  refonnacion."    Ibid.,  p.  237. 


CH.  VI. J  SURPRISE   OF   GUEJAR.  197 

difficulties  under  which  the  youthful  hero  was  to 
enter  on  his  first  campaign. 

Fortunately,  in  the  retainers  of  the  great  lords 
and  cavaliers  he  had  a  body  of  well-appointed 
and  well-disciplined  troops,  who  were  actuated  by 
higher  motives  than  the  mere  love  of  plunder.28 
His  labors,  moreover,  did  much  to  restore  the  an- 
cient discipline  of  the  regiments  quartered  in  Gra- 
nada. But  the  zeal  with  which  he  had  devoted 
himself  to  the  work  of  reform  had  impaired  his 
health.  This  drew  forth  a  kind  remonstrance  from 
Philip,  who  wrote  to  his  brother  not  thus  to 
overtask  his  strength,  but  to  remember  that  he 
had  need  of  his  services ;  telling  him  to  remind 
Quixada  that  he  must  watch  over  him  more  care- 
fully. "  And  God  grant,"  he  concluded,  "  that 
your  health  may  be  soon  re-established."  The 
affectionate  solicitude  constantly  shown  for  his 
brother's  welfare  in  the  king's  letters,  was  hardly 
to  have  been  expected  in  one  of  so  phlegmatic  a 
temperament,  and  who  was  usually  so  little  de- 
monstrative in  the  expression  of  his  feelings. 

Before  entering  on  his  great  expedition,  Don 
John  resolved  to  secure  the  safety  of  Granada,  in 
his  absence,  by  the  reduction  of  "  the  robbers' 
nest,"  as  the  Spaniards  called  it,  of  Guejar.  This 
was  a  fortified  place,  near  the  confines  of  the  Al- 
puj  arras,  held  by  a  warlike  garrison,  that  fre- 

28  "  Tambien  la  gente  embiada     cion  de  virtud  i  deseo  de  acredl- 
por  los   Senores,   escogida,    igual,     tar  sua  personaa."    Ibid.,  p.  234. 
disciplinada,   movidos  por  obliga- 


198  REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES.         [BOOK  V. 

quently  sallied  out  over  the  neighboring  country, 
sometimes  carrying  their  forays  into  the  vega  of 
Granada,  and  causing  a  panic  in  the  capital.  Don 
John  formed  his  force  into  two  divisions,  one  of 
which  he  gave  to  the  duke  of  Sesa,  while  the  other 
he  proposed  to  lead  in  person.  They  were  to  pro- 
ceed by  different  routes,  and,  meeting  before  the 
place,  to  attack  it  simultaneously  from  opposite 
quarters. 

The  duke,  marching  by  the  most  direct  road 
across  the  mountains,  reached  Guejar  first,  and 
was  not  a  little  surprised  to  find  that  the  inhab- 
itants, who  had  received  notice  of  the  prepara- 
tions of  the  Spaniards,  were  already  evacuating 
the  town ;  while  the  garrison  was  formed  in  order 
of  battle  to  cover  their  retreat.  After  a  short 
skirmish  with  the  rear-guard,  in  which  some  lives 
were  lost  on  both  sides,  the  victorious  Spaniards, 
without  following  up  their  advantage,  marched 
into  the  town,  and  took  possession  of  the  works 
abandoned  by  the  enemy. 

Great  was  the  surprise  of  Don  John,  on  arriving 
some  hours  later  before  Guejar,  to  see  the  Castilian 
flag  floating  from  its  ramparts;  and  his  indigna- 
tion was  roused  as  he  found  that  the  laurels  he 
had  designed  for  his  own  brow  had  been  thus 
unceremoniously  snatched  from  him  by  another. 
"  With  eyes,"  says  the  chronicler,  "  glowing  like 
coals  of  fire,"29  he  turned  on  the  duke  of  Sesa, 

29  "  Pusieronsele  los  ojos  encen-     Marmol,    Rebelion    de     Granada, 
didos  como  brasa  de  puro  corage."    torn.  II.  p.  224. 


CH.  VI.]  SURPRISE  OF  GUEJAB.  199 

and  demanded  an  explanation  of  the  affair.  But 
he  soon  found  that  the  blame,  if  blame  there  were, 
was  to  be  laid  on  one  whom  he  felt  that  he  had 
not  the  power  to  rebuke.  This  was  Luis  Quixada, 
who,  in  his  solicitude  for  the  safety  of  his  ward, 
had  caused  the  army  to  be  conducted  by  a  circui- 
tous route,  that  brought  it  thus  late  upon  the  field. 
But  though  Don  John  uttered  no  word  of  rebuke, 
he  maintained  a  moody  silence,  that  plainly  showed 
his  vexation ;  and,  as  the  soldiers  remarked,  not  a 
morsel  of  food  passed  his  lips  until  he  had  reached 
Granada.30 

The  constant  supervision  maintained  over  him 
by  Quixada,  which,  as  we  have  seen,  was  encour- 
aged by  the  king,  was  a  subject  of  frequent  re- 
mark among  the  troops.  It  must  have  afforded 
no  little  embarrassment  and  mortification  to  Don 
John,  —  alike  ill  suited,  as  it  was,  to  his  age,  his 
aspiring  temper,  and  his  station.  For  his  station 
as  commander-in-chief  of  the  army  made  him  re- 
sponsible, in  the  eyes  of  the  world,  for  the  measures 
of  the  campaign.  Yet,  in  his  dependent  situation, 
he  had  the  power  neither  to  decide  on  the  plan  of 
operations,  nor  to  carry  it  into  execution.  —  Not 
many  days  were  to  elapse  before  the  death  of  his 
kind-hearted  monitor  was  to  relieve  him  from  the 
jealous  oversight  that  so  much  chafed  his  spirit, 
and  to  open  to  him  an  independent  career  of  glory, 
such  as  might  satisfy  the  utmost  cravings  of  his 
ambition. 

30  "  Sin  comer  bocado  en  todo  aquel  dia  se  volvid  a  la  ciudad  de 
Granada."     Ibid.,  p.  225. 


i>00  REBELLION  OF   THE  MORISCOES..         [Boon  V. 

One  of  the  authorities  of  the  greatest  importance,  and  most  frequent- 
ly cited  in  this  Book,  as  the  reader  may  have  noticed,  is  Diego  Hurtado 
de  Mendoza.  He  belonged  to  one  of  the  most  illustrious  houses  in  Cas- 
tile, —  a  house  not  more  prominent  for  its  rank  than  for  the  great 
abilities  displayed  by  its  members  in  the  various  walks  of  civil  and 
military  life,  as  well  as  for  their  rare  intellectual  culture.  No  one  of 
the  great  families  of  Spain  has  furnished  so  fruitful  a  theme  for  the 
pen  of  both  the  chronicler  and  the  bard. 

He  was  the  fifth  son  of  the  marquis  of  Mondejar,  and  was  born  in 
the  year  1503  at  Granada,  where  his  father  filled  the  office  held  by  his 
ancestors  of  captain-general  of  the  province.  At  an  early  age  he  was 
sent  to  Salamanca,  and  passed  with  credit  through  the  course  of  stud- 
ies taught  in  its  venerable  university.  While  there  he  wrote  —  for, 
though  printed  anonymously,  there  seems  no  good  reason  to  distrust  the 
authorship  —  his  famous  "  Lazarillo  de  Tonnes,"  the  origin  of  that  class 
of  picaresco  novels,  as  they  are  styled,  which  constitutes  an  important 
branch  of  Castilian  literature,  and  the  best  specimen  of  which,  strange 
to  say,  was  furnished  by  the  hand  of  a  foreigner,  —  the  "  Gil  Bias "  of 
Le  Sage. 

Mendoza  had  been  destined  to  the  church,  for  which  the  extensive 
patronage  of  his  family  offered  obvious  advantages.  But  the  taste  of 
the  young  man,  as  might  be  inferred  from  his  novel,  took  another  direc- 
tion, and  he  persuaded  his  father  to  allow  him  to  enter  the  army,  and 
take  service  under  the  banner  of  Charles  the  Fifth.  Mendoza's  love 
of  letters  did  not  desert  him  in  the  camp;  and  he  availed  himself 
of  such  intervals  as  occurred  between  the  campaigns  to  continue  his 
studies,  especially  in  the  ancient  languages,  in  the  principal  univer- 
sities of  Italy. 

It  was  impossible  that  a  person  of  such  remarkable  endowments  as 
Mendoza,  the  more  conspicuous  from  his  social  position,  should  escape 
the  penetrating  eye  of  Charles  the  Fifth,  who,  independently  of  his 
scholarship,  recognized  in  the  young  noble  a  decided  talent  for  political 
affairs.  In  1538  the  emperor  appointed  him  ambassador  to  Venice,  a 
capital  for  which  the  literary  enterprises  of  the  Aldi  were  every  day 
winning  a  higher  reputation  in  the  republic  of  letters.  Here  Mendoza 
had  the  best  opportunity  of  accomplishing  a  work  which  he  had  much 
at  heart,  —  the  formation  of  a  library.  It  was  a  work  of  no  small 
difficulty  in  that  day,  when  books  and  manuscripts  were  to  be  gathered 
from  obscure,  often  remote  sources,  and  at  the  large  cost  paid  for  objects 
of  virtu.  A  good  office  which  he  had  the  means  of  rendering  the  sul- 
tan, by  the  redemption  from  captivity  of  a  Turkish  prisoner  of  rankv 


Cu.  VI.]  MENDOZA.  201 

was  requited  by  a  magnificent  present  of  Greek  manuscripts,  worth  more 
than  gold  in  the  eyes  of  Mendoza.  It  was  from  his  collection  that  the 
first  edition  of  Josephus  was  given  to  the  world.  While  freely  indulg- 
ing his  taste  for  literary  occupations  in  his  intervals  of  leisure,  he  per- 
formed the  duties  of  his  mission  with  an  ability  that  fully  vindicated  his 
appointment  as  minister  to  the  wily  republic.  On  the  opening  of  the 
Council  of  Trent,  he  was  one  of  the  delegates  sent  to  represent  the 
emperor  in  that  body.  He  joined  freely  in  the  discussions  of  the  con- 
clave, and  enforced  the  views  of  his  sovereign  with  a  strength  of  reason- 
ing and  a  fervid  eloquence  that  produced  a  powerful  impression  on  his 
audience.  The  independence  he  displayed  recommended  him  for  the 
delicate  task  of  presenting  the  remonstrances  of  Charles  the  Fifth  to 
the  papal  court  against  the  removal  of  the  council  to  Bologna.  This  he 
did  with  a  degree  of  frankness  to  which  the  pontifical  ear  was  -but  little 
accustomed,  and  which,  if  it  failed  to  bend  the  proud  spirit  of  Paul  the 
Third,  had  its  effect  on  his  successor. 

Mendoza,  from  whatever  cause,  does  not  seem  to  have  stood  so  high 
in  the  favor  of  Philip  the  Second  as  in  that  of  his  father.  Perhaps  he 
had  too  lofty  a  nature  to  stoop  to  that  implicit  deference  which  Philip 
exacted  from  the  highest  as  well  as  the  humblest  who  approached  him. 
At  length,  in  1568,  Mendoza's  own  misconduct  brought  him,  with  good 
reason,  into  disgrace  with  his  master.  He  engaged  in  a  brawl  with 
another  courtier  in  the  palace  ;  and  the  scandalous  scene,  of  which  the 
reader  will  find  an  account  in  the  preceding  volume,  took  place  when 
the  prince  of  Asturias,  Don  Carlos,  was  breathing  his  last.  The  offend- 
ing parties  were  punished  first  by  imprisonment,  and  then  by  banish- 
ment from  Madrid.  Mendoza,  who  was  sixty-five  years  of  age  at  this 
time,  withdrew  to  Granada,  his  native  place.  But  he  had  passed  too 
much  of  his  life  in  the  atmosphere  of  a  court  to  be  content  with  a  pro- 
vincial residence.  He  accordingly  made  repeated  efforts  to  soften  his 
sovereign's  displeasure,  and  to  obtain  some  mitigation  of  his  sentence. 
These  efforts,  as  may  be  believed,  were  unavailing ;  and  the  illustrious 
exile  took  at  length  the  wiser  course  of  submitting  to  his  fate  and  seeking 
consolation  in  the  companionship  of  his  books,  —  steady  friends,  whose 
worth  he  now  fully  proved  in  the  hour  of  adversity.  He  devoted  himself 
to  the  study  of  Arabic,  to  which  he  was  naturally  led  by  his  residence  in 
a  capital  filled  with  the  monuments  of  Arabian  art.  He  also  amused 
his  leisure  by  writing  verses;  and  his  labors  combined  with  those  of 
Boscan  and  Garcilasso  de  la  Vega  to  naturalize  in  Castile  those  more 
refined  forms  of  Italian  versification  that  made  an  important  epoch  in 
the  national  literature.  / 

VOL.  in.  26 


202  REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES.         [Boon  V. 

But  the  great  work  to  which  he  devoted  himself  was  the  history  of 
the  insurrection  of  the  Moriscoes,  which,  occurring  during  his  residence 
in  Granada,  may  be  said  to  have  passed  before  his  eyes.  For  this  he 
had,  moreover,  obvious  facilities,  for  he  was  the  near  kinsman  of  the 
captain-general,  and  was  personally  acquainted  with  those  who  had  the 
direction  of  affairs.  The  result  of  his  labors  was  a  work  of  inestimable 
value,  though  of  no  great  bulk,  —  being  less  a  history  of  events  than  a 
commentary  on  such  a  history.  The  author  explores  the  causes  of  these 
events.  He  introduces  the  reader  into  the  cabinet  of  Madrid,  makes 
him  acquainted  with  the  intrigues  of  the  different  factions,  both  in  the 
court  and  in  the  camp,  unfolds  the  policy  of  the  government  and  the 
plans  of  the  campaigns,  —  in  short,  enables  him  to  penetrate  into  the  in- 
terior, and  see  the  secret  working  of  the  machinery,  so  carefully  shroud- 
ed from  the  vulgar  eye. 

The  value  which  the  work  derived  from  the  author's  access  to  these' 
recondite  sources  of  information  is  much  enhanced  by  its  independent 
spirit.  In  a  country  where  few  dared  even  think  for  themselves, 
Mendoza  both  thought  with  freedom  and  freely  expressed  his  thoughts. 
Proof  of  this  is  afforded  by  the  caustic  tone  of  his  criticism  on  the  con- 
duct of  the  government,  and  by  the  candor  which  he  sometimes  ventures 
to  display  when  noticing  the  wrongs  of  the  Moriscoes.  This  indepen- 
dence of  the  historian,  we  may  well  believe,  could  have  found  little  favor 
with  the  administration.  It  may  have  been  the  cause  that  the  book 
was  not  published  till  after  the  reign  of  Philip  the  Second,  and  many 
years  after  its  author's  death. 

The  literary  execution  of  the  work  is  not  its  least  remarkable  fea- 
ture. Instead  of  the  desultory  and  gossiping  style  of  the  Castilian 
chronicler,  every  page  is  instinct  with  the  spirit  of  the  ancient  classics. 
Indeed  Mendoza  is  commonly  thought  to  have  deliberately  formed  his 
style  on  that  of  Sallust ;  but  I  agree  with  my  friend  Mr.  Ticknor,  who, 
in  a  luminous  criticism  on  Mendoza,  in  his  great  work  on  Spanish 
Literature,  expresses  the  opinion  that  the  Castilian  historian  formed  his 
style  quite  as  much  on  that  of  Tacitus  as  of  Sallust.  Indeed,  some 
of  Mendoza's  most  celebrated  passages  are  obvious  imitations  of  the 
former  historian,  of  whom  he  constantly  reminds  us  by  the  singular 
compactness  and  energy  of  his  diction,  by  his  power  of  delineating  a 
portrait  by  a  single  stroke  of  the  pencil,  and  by  his  free  criticism  on  the 
chief  actors  of  the  drama,  conveyed  in  language  full  of  that  practical 
wisdom  which,  in  Mendoza's  case,  was  the  result  of  a  large  acquaintance 
with  public  affairs.  We  recognize  also  the  defects  incident  to  the  style 
he  has  chosen,  —  rigidity  and  constraint,  with  a  frequent  use  of  ellipsis, 


Cu.  VI.]  MENDOZA.  203 

in  a  way  that  does  violence  to  the  national  idiom,  and,  worst  of  all,  that 
obscurity  which  arises  from  the  effort  to  be  brief.  Mendoza  hurts  his 
book,  moreover,  by  an  unseasonable  display  of  learning,  which,  how- 
ever it  may  be  pardoned  by  the  antiquary,  comes  like  an  impertinent 
episode  to  break  the  thread  of  the  narrative.  But,  with  all  its  defects, 
the  work  is  a  remarkable  production  for  the  time,  and,  appearing  in  the 
midst  of  the  romantic  literature  of  Spain,  we  regard  it  with  the  same 
feeling  of  surprise  which  the  traveller  might  experience  who  should 
meet  with  a  classic  Doric  temple  in  the  midst  of  the  fantastic  structures 
of  China  or  Ilindostan. 

Not  long  after  Mendoza  had  completed  his  history,  he  obtained  per- 
mission to  visit  Madrid,  not  to  reside  there,  but  to  attend  to  some  per- 
sonal affairs.  He  had  hardly  reached  the  capital  when  he  was  attacked 
by  a  mortal  illness,  which  carried  him  off  in  April,  1575,  in  the  seventy- 
third  year  of  his  age.  Shortly  before  his  death  he  gave  his  rich  collec- 
tion of  books  and  manuscripts  to  his  obdurate  master,  who  placed  them, 
agreeably  to  the  donor's  desire,  in  the  Escorial,  where  they  still  form  an 
interesting  portion  of  a  library  of  which  so  much  has  been  said,  and  so 
little  is  really  known  by  the  world. 

The  most  copious  notice,  with  which  I  am  acquainted,  of  the  life  of 
Mendoza,  is  that  attributed  to  the  pen  of  Inigo  Lopez  de  Avila,  and 
prefixed  to  the  Valencian  edition  of  the  "  Guerra  de  Granada,"  pub- 
lished in  1776.  But  his  countrymen  have  been  ever  ready  to  do  honor 
to  the  memory  of  one  who,  by  the  brilliant  success  which  he  achieved 
as  a  statesman,  a  diplomatist,  a  novelist,  a  poet,  and  an  historian,  has 
established  a  reputation  for  versatility  of  genius  second  to  none  in  the 
literature  of  Spain. 


CHAPTER    VII. 

REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES. 

Don  John  takes  the  Field.  —  Investment  of  Galera.  —  Fierce  Assaults. 
—  Preparations  for  a  last  Attack.  —  Explosion  of  the  Mines.  —  Des- 
peration of  the  Moriscoes.  —  Cruel  Massacre.  —  Galera  demolished. 

1570. 

DON  JOHN  lost  no  time  in  completing  the  ar- 
rangements for  his  expedition.  The  troops,  as 
they  reached  Granada,  were  for  the  most  part  sent 
forward  to  join  the  army  under  Los  Velez,  on  the 
east  of  the  Alpujarras,  where  that  commander  was 
occupied  with  the  siege  of  Galera,  though  with  but 
little  prospect  of  reducing  the  place.  He  was  soon, 
however,  to  be  superseded  by  Don  John. 

Philip,  unable  to  close  his  ears  against  the  rep- 
resentations of  his  brother,  as  well  as  those  of  more 
experienced  captains  in  the  service,  had  at  length 
reluctantly  come  to  a  conviction  of  the  unfitness  of 
Los  Velez  for  the  command.  Yet  he  had  a  par- 
tiality for  the  veteran ;  and  he  was  willing  to  spare 
him,  as  far  as  possible,  the  mortification  of  seeing 
himself  supplanted  by  his  young  rival.  In  his  let- 
ters, the  king  repeatedly  enjoined  it  on  his  brother 
to  treat  the  marquis  with  the  utmost  deference,  and 


CH.  VII.]  DON  JOHN  TAKES  THE  FIELD.  205 

to  countenance  no  reports  circulated  to  his  preju- 
dice. In  an  epistle  filled  with  instructions  for  the 
campaign,  dated  the  twenty-sixth  of  November,  the 
king  told  Don  John  to  be  directed  on  all  occa- 
sions by  the  counsels  of  Quixada  and  Hequesens. 
He  was  to  show  the  greatest  respect  for  the  mar- 
quis, and  to  give  him  to  understand  that  he  should 
be  governed  by  his  opinions.  "  But  in  point  of 
fact,"  said  Philip,  "  should  his  opinion  clash  at 
any  time  with  that  of  the  two  other  counsellors, 
you  are  to  be  governed  by  theirs."1 

On  Quixada  and  Requesens  he  was  indeed  al- 
ways to  rely,  never  setting  up  his  own  judgment  in 
opposition  to  theirs.  He  was  to  move  with  caution, 
and,  instead  of  the  impatient  spirit  of  a  boy,  to 
show  the  circumspection  of  one  possessed  of  mili- 
tary experience.  "  In  this  way,"  concluded  his 
royal  monitor,  "  you  will  not  only  secure  the  favor 
of  your  sovereign,  but  establish  your  reputation 
with  the  world."2  —  It  is  evident  that  Philip  had 
discerned  traits  in  the  character  of  Don  John 
which  led  him  to  distrust  somewhat  his  capacity 
for  the  high  station  in  which  he  was  placed.  Per- 

1  "  Y  porque  podria  ser  que  or-  Juan  de  Austria,  26  de  Noviembre, 

denase  al  marques  de   los  Velez  1569,  MS. 

que  quedase  con  vos  y  os  aconse-  a  "  Y  que  os  goberneis  como  si 

jase,  convendrd  en  este  caso  que  hubiesedes  visto  mucha  guerra  y 

vos  le  mostreis  muy  buena  cara  y  hallddoos  en  ella,  que  os  digo  que 

le  trateis  muy  bien  y  le  dels  &  en-  comigo  y  con  todos  ganeis  harta 

tender  que  tomais  su  parecer,  mas  mas  reputacion  en  gobernaros  desta 

que  en  efecto  tomeis  el  de  los  que  manera,  que  no  haciendo  alguna 

he  dicho  cuando  fuesen  diferentes  mocedad  que  &  todos  nos  costare 

del  suyo."     Carta  del  Key  &  D.  caro."    Ibid.,  MS. 


206  REBELLION  OF  THE  MOKISCOES.         [BOOK  V. 

haps  it  may  be  thought  that  the  hesitating  and 
timid  policy  of  Philip  was  less  favorable  to  success 
in  military  operations,  than  the  bold  spirit  of  enter- 
prise which  belonged  to  his  brother.  However  this 
may  be,  Don  John,  notwithstanding  his  repeated 
protestations  to  the  contrary,  was  of  too  ardent  a 
temperament  to  be  readily  affected  by  these  admo- 
nitions of  his  prudent  adviser. 

The  military  command  in  Granada  was  lodged  by 
the  prince  in  the  hands  of  the  duke  of  Sesa,  who, 
as  soon  as  he  had  gathered  a  sufficient  force,  was  to 
march  into  the  western  district  of  the  Alpuj arras, 
and  there  create  a  diversion  in  favor  of  Don  John. 
A  body  of  four  thousand  troops  was  to  remain  in 
Granada  ;  and  the  commander-in-chief,  having  thus 
completed  his  dispositions  for  the  protection  of  the 
capital,  set  forth  on  his  expedition  on  the  twenty- 
ninth  of  December,  at  the  head  of  a  force  amount- 
ing only  to  three  thousand  foot  and  four  hundred 
horse.  With  these  troops  went  a  numerous  body 
of  volunteers,  the  flower  of  the  Andalusian  chival- 
ry, who  had  come  to  win  renown  under  the  banner 
of  the  young  leader. 

He  took  the  route  through  Guadix,  and  on  the 
third  day  reached  the  ancient  city  of  Baza,  mem- 
orable for  the  siege  it  had  sustained  under  his'vic- 
torious  ancestors,  Ferdinand  and  Isabella.  Here 
he  was  met  by  Requesens,  who,  besides  a  reinforce- 
ment of  troops,  brought  with  him  a  train  of  heavy 
ordnance  and  a  large  supply  of  ammunition.  The 
guns  were  sent  forward,  under  a  strong  escort,  to 


CH.  VII. J  DON  JOHN   TAKES   THE  FIELD.  207 

Galem, ;  but,  on  leaving  Baza,  Don  John  received 
the  astounding  tidings  that  the  marquis  of  Los 
Velez  had  already  abandoned  the  siege,  and  drawn 
off  his  whole  force  to  the  neighboring  town  of 
Guescar. 

In  fact,  the  rumor  had  no  sooner  reached  the  ears 
of  the  testy  old  chief,  that  Don  John  was  speedily 
coming  to  take  charge  of  the  war,  than  he  swore 
in  his  wrath,  that,  if  the  report  were  true,  he  would 
abandon  the  siege  and  throw  up  his  command. 
Yet  those  who  knew  him  best  did  not  think  him 
capable  of  so  mad  an  act.  He  kept  his  word, 
however ;  and  when  he  learned  that  Don  John  was 
on  the  way,  he  broke  up  his  encampment,  and 
withdrew,  as  above  stated,  to  Guescar.  By  this 
course  he  left  the  adjacent  country  open  to  the 
incursions  of  the  Moriscoes  of  Galera;  while  no 
care  was  taken  to  provide  even  for  the  safety  of 
the  convoys  which,  from  time  to  time,  came  laden 
with  supplies  for  the  besieging  army. 

This  extraordinary  conduct  gave  no  dissatisfac- 
tion to  his  troops,  who,  long  since  disgusted  with 
the  fiery  yet  imbecile  character  of  their  general, 
looked  with  pleasure  to  the  prospect  of  joining 
the  standard  of  so  popular  a  chieftain  as  John  of 
Austria.  Even  the  indignation  felt  by  the  latter  at 
the  senseless  proceeding  of  the  marquis  was  for- 
gotten in  the  satisfaction  he  experienced  at  be- 
ing thus  relieved  from  the  embarrassments  which 
his  rival's  overweening  pretensions  could  not  have 
failed  to  cause  him  in  the  campaign.  Don  John 


208  REBELLION  OF   THE   MORISCOES.         [BOOK  V. 

might  now,  with,  a  good  grace,  and  without  any 
cost  to  himself,  make  all  the  concessions  to  the 
veteran  so  strenuously  demanded  by  Philip.  —  It 
was  in  this  amiable  mood  that  the  prince  pushed 
forward  his  march,  eager  to  prevent  the  disastrous 
consequences  which  might  arise  from  the  marquis's 
abandonment  of  his  post. 

As  he  drew  near  to  Guescar,  he  beheld  the  old 
nobleman  riding  towards  him  at  the  head  of  his 
retainers,  with  a  stiff  and  stately  port,  like  one 
who  had  no  concessions  or  explanations  to  make 
for  himself.  Without  alighting  from  his  horse, 
as  he  drew  near  the  prince,  he  tendered  him 
obeisance  by  kissing  the  hand  which  the  latter 
graciously  extended  towards  him.  "  Noble  mar- 
quis," said  Don  John,  "  your  great  deeds  have  shed 
a  lustre  over  your  name.  I  consider  myself  fortu- 
nate in  having  the  opportunity  of  becoming  per- 
sonally acquainted  with  you.  Fear  not  that  your 
authority  will  be  in  the  least  abridged  by  mine. 
The  soldiers  under  my  command  will  obey  you  as 
implicitly  as  myself.  I  pray  you  to  look  on  me  as 
a  son,  filled  with  feelings  of  reverence  for  your 
valor  and  your  experience,  and  designing  on  all 
occasions  to  lean  on  your  counsels  for  support."3 

The  courteous  and  respectful  tone  of  the  prince 
seems  to  have  had  its  effect  on  the  iron  nature  of 


3  "  I  que  seals  obedecido  de  toda  en  todas  ocasiones  de  vuestros  con- 
mi  gente,  haciendolo  yo  asimismo  sejos."    Mendoza,  Guerra  de  Gra- 
eomo  hijo  vuestro,  acatando  vue-  nada,  p.  260. 
stro  valor  i  canas,  1  amparandome 


CH.  VII.]  DON  JOIIX  TAKES   THE  FIELD. 


the  marquis,  as  he  replied :  "  There  is  no  Span- 
iard living  who  has  a  stronger  desire  than  I  have 
to  be  personally  acquainted  with  the  distinguished 
brother  of  my  sovereign,  or  who  would  probably 
be  a  greater  gainer  by  serving  under  his  banner. 
But  to  speak  with  my  usual  plainness,  I  wish 
to  withdraw  to  my  own  house ;  for  it  would  never 
do  for  me,  old  as  I  am,  to  hold  the  post  of  a 
subaltern." 4  He  then  accompanied  Don  John 
back  to  the  town,  giving  him,  as  they  rode  along, 
some  account  of  the  siege  and  of  the  strength 
of  the  place.  On  reaching  the  quarters  reserved 
for  the  commander-in-chief,  Los  Velez  took  leave 
of  the  prince  ;  and,  without  further  ceremony, 
gathering  his  knights  and  followers  about  him,  and 
escorted  by  a  company  of  horse,  he  rode  off  in 
the  direction  of  his  town  of  Velez  Blanco,  which 
was  situated  at  no  great  distance,  amidst  the  wild 
scenery  stretching  toward  the  frontiers  of  Mur- 
cia.  Here  among  the  mountains  he  lived  in  a 
retirement  that  would  have  been  more  honorable 
had  it  not  been  purchased  by  so  flagrant  a  breach 
of  duty.5 

The  whole  story  is  singularly  characteristic,  not 

4  "  Pues  no  conviene  a  mi  edad        For  the  preceding  pages  consult 
anciana  haver  de  ser  cabo  de  es-  Marmot,    Rebelion    de    Granada, 
quadra."    Ibid.,  toe.  cit.  torn.  II.  pp.  229  -  232  ;  Mendoza, 

5  The  marquis  of  Los  Velez  vras  Guerra  de  Granada,  pp.  257  -  260  ; 
afterwards  summoned   to  Madrid,  Herrera,    Hist.    General,  torn.   I. 
where  he  long  continued  to  occupy  pp.  777,  778  ;  Bleda,  Cronica,  pp. 
an  important  place  in  the  council  733,  734. 0 

of  state,   apparently  without  any 
diminution  of  the  royal  favor. 
VOL.  in.  27 


210  REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES.          [BOOK  V. 

merely  of  the  man,  but  of  the  times  in  which  he 
lived.  Had  so  high-handed  and  audacious  a  pro- 
ceeding occurred  in  our  day,  no  rank,  however 
exalted,  could  have  screened  the  offender  from 
punishment.  As  it  was,  it  does  not  appear  that 
any  attempt  was  made  at  an  inquiry  into  the  mar- 
quis's conduct.  This  is  the  more  remarkable,  con- 
sidering that  it  involved  such  disrespect  to  a  sov- 
ereign little  disposed  to  treat  with  lenity  any  want 
of  deference  to  himself.  —  The  explanation  of  the 
lenity  shown  by  him  on  the  present  occasion  may 
perhaps  be  found,  not  in  any  tenderness  for  the 
reputation  of  his  favorite,  but  in  Philip's  per- 
ceiving that  the  further  prosecution  of  the  affair 
would  only  serve  to  give  greater  publicity  to  his 
own  egregious  error  in  retaining  Los  Velcz  in  the 
command,  when  his  conduct  and  the  warnings  of 
others  should  long  ago  have  been  regarded  as 
proof  of  his  incapacity. 

On  the  marquis's  departure  Don  John  lost  no 
time  in  resuming  his  march,  at  the  head  of  a  force 
which  now  amounted  to  twelve  thousand  foot  and 
eight  hundred  horse,  besides  a  brilliant  array  of 
chivalry,  who,  as  we  have  seen,  had  come  to  seek 
their  fortunes  in  the  war.  A  few  hours  brought 
the  troops  before  Galera ;  and  Don  John  proceeded 
at  once  to  reconnoitre  the  ground.  In  this  survey 
he  was  attended  by  Quixada,  Requesens,  and  the 
greater  part  of  the  cavalry.  Having  completed 
his  observations,  he  made  his  arrangements  for 
investing  the  place. 


CH.  VII]  INVESTMENT  OF  GALERA.  211 

The  town  of  Galera  occupied  a  site  singularly 
picturesque.  This,  however,  had  been  selected, 
certainly  not  from  any  regard  to  its  romantic 
beauty,  still  less  for  purposes  of  convenience,  but 
for  those  of  defence  against  an  enemy,  —  a  cir- 
cumstance of  the  first  importance  in  a  mountain 
country  so  wild  and  warlike  as  that  in  which  Ga- 
lera stood.  The  singular  shape  of  the  rocky  emi- 
nence which  it  covered  was  supposed,  with  its 
convex  summit,  to  bear  some  resemblance  to  that 
of  a  galley  with  its  keel  uppermost.  From  this 
resemblance  the  town  had  derived  its  name.6 

The  summit  was  crowned  by  a  castle,  which  in 
the  style  of  its  architecture  bore  evident  marks  of 
antiquity.  It  was  defended  by  a  wall,  much  of  it 
in  so  ruinous  a  condition  as  to  be  little  better  than 
a  mass  of  stones  loosely  put  together.  At  a  few 
paces  from  the  fortress  stood  a  ravelin.  But  nei- 
ther this  outwork  nor  the  castle  itself  could  boast 
of  any  other  piece  of  artillery  than  two  falconets, 
captured  from  Los  Velez  during  his  recent  siege  of 
the  place,  and  now  mounted  on  the  principal  edi- 
fice. Even  these  had  been  so  injudiciously  placed 
as  to  give  little  annoyance  to  an  enemy. 

The  houses  of  the  inhabitants  stretched   along 

6  The    punning     attractions    of  "  Mastredages  marineros 

.,  i  de  Huescar  y  otro  lugar 

the   name  were  too  strong  to  be  han  amadoVna  Galera 

resisted  by  the    ballad-makers   of  qiie  no  Ja  |iay  tai  en  )a  mar. 

the   day.      See    in     particular    the  No  tiene  velas,  ni  remoa, 

romance  (one  of  the  best,  it  may  *  nave*ar'  *  hace  vM"~ 

be  added,  — and  no  great  praise,—  aud  so  on>  for  more  stanzas  than 

in  Hita's   second  volume)  begin-  the  reader  will  care  to  see.    Guer- 

ras  de  Granada,  torn.  II.  p.  469. 


212  REBELLION  OF  TIIE   MORISCOES.         [Booic  V. 

the  remainder  of  the  summit,  and  descended  by  a 
bold  declivity  the  northwestern  side  of  the  hill  to 
a  broad  plain  known  as  the  Eras,  or  "  Gardens." 
Through  this  plain  flowed  a  stream  of  considerable 
depth,  which,  as  it  washed  the  base  of  the  town  on 
its  northern  side,  formed  a  sort  of  moat  for  its 
protection  on  that  quarter.  On  the  side  towards 
the  Gardens,  the  town  was  defended  by  a  ditch  and 
a  wall  now  somewhat  dilapidated.  The  most  re- 
markable feature  of  this  quarter  was  a  church  with 
its  belfry  or  tower,  now  converted  into  a  fortress, 
which,  in  default  of  cannon,  had  been  pierced  with 
loopholes  and  filled  with  musketeers,  —  forming 
altogether  an  outwork  of  considerable  strength, 
and  commanding  the  approaches  to  the  town. 

On  two  of  its  sides,  the  rock  on  which  Galera 
rested  descended  almost  perpendicularly,  forming 
the  walls  of  a  ravine  fenced  in  on  the  opposite 
quarter  by  precipitous  hills,  and  thus  presenting  a 
sort  of  natural  ditch  on  a  gigantic  scale  for  the  pro- 
tection of  the  place.  The  houses  rose  one  above 
another,  on  a  succession  of  terraces,  so  steep  that  in 
many  instances  the  roof  of  one  building  scarcely 
reached  the  foundation  of  the  one  above  it.  The 
houses  which  occupied  the  same  terrace,  and  stood 
therefore  on  the  same  level,  might  be  regarded  as 
so  many  fortresses.  Their  walls,  which,  after  the 
Moorish  fashion,  were  ill  provided  with  lattices, 
were  pierced  with  loopholes,  that  gave  the  marks- 
men within  the  command  of  the  streets  on  which 
they  fronted ;  and  these  streets  were  still  further 


CH.  VH.]  INVESTMENT  OF  GALERA.  213 

protected  by  barricades  thrown  across  them  at  only 
fifty  paces'  distance  from  each  other.7  Thus  the 
whole  place  bristled  over  with  fortifications,  or 
rather  seemed  like  one  great  fortification  itself, 
which  nature  had  combined  with  art  to  make  im- 
pregnable. 

It  was  well  victualled  for  a  siege,  at  least  with 
grain,  of  which  there  was  enough  in  the  maga- 
zines for  two  years'  consumption.  Water  was 
supplied  by  the  neighboring  river,  to  which  ac- 
cess had  been  obtained  by  a  subterranean  gallery, 
lately  excavated  in  the  rock.  These  necessaries  of 
life  the  Moriscoes  could  command.  But  they  were 
miserably  deficient  in  what,  in  their  condition,  was 
scarcely  less  important,  —  fire-arms  and  ammu- 
nition. They  had  no  artillery  except  the  two 
falconets  before  noticed ;  and  they  were  so  poorly 
provided  with  muskets  as  to  be  mainly  dependent 
on  arrows,  stones,  and  other  missiles,  such  as  had 
filled  the  armories  of  their  ancestors.  To  these 
might  be  added  swords  and  some  other  weapons 
for  hand-to-hand  combat.  Of  defensive  armor  they 
were  almost  wholly  destitute.  But  they  were  ani- 
mated by  an  heroic  spirit,  of  more  worth  than 
breastplate  or  helmet,  and  to  a  man  they  were  pre- 
pared to  die  rather  than  surrender. 

7  "  Las  tenian  los  Moros  barrea-  do."    Marmol,  Rebelion   de   Gra- 

das    de    cincuenta  en    cincuenta  nada,  torn.  II.  p.  234. 
pasos,  y  hechos  muchos  traveses  de        The  best  and  by  far  the  most 

una  parte  y  de  otro  en  las  puertas  minute   account    of   the    topogra- 

y  paredes  de  las  casas,  para  herir  phy   of  Galera  is  given   by   this 

;l  su  salvo  &  los  que  fuesen  pasan-  author. 


214  REBELLION  OF  THE   MORISCOES.         [BOOK  V. 

The  fighting  men  of  the  place  amounted  to  three 
thousand,  not  including  four  hundred  mercenaries, 
chiefly  Turks  and  adventurers  from  the  Barbary 
shore.  The  town  was,  moreover,  encumbered  with 
some  four  thousand  women  and  children ;  though, 
as  far  as  the  women  were  concerned,  they  should 
not  be  termed  an  encumbrance  in  a  place  where 
there  was  no  scarcity  of  food ;  for  they  showed  all 
the  constancy  and  contempt  of  danger  possessed 
by  the  men,  whom  they  aided  not  only  by  tending 
the  sick  and  wounded,  but  by  the  efficient  services 
they  rendered  them  in  action.  The  story  of  this 
siege  records  several  examples  of  these  Morisco  her- 
oines, whose  ferocious  valor  emulated  the  doughti- 
est achievements  of  the  other  sex.  It  is  not  strange 
that  a  place  so  strong  in  itself,  where  the  women 
were  animated  by  as  brave  a  spirit  as  the  men, 
should  have  bid  defiance  to  all  the  efforts  of  an 
enemy  like  Los  Velez,  though  backed  by  an  army 
in  the  outset  at  least  as  formidable  in  point  of 
numbers  as  that  which  now  sat  down  before  it 
under  the  command  of  John  of  Austria.8 

Having  concluded  his  survey  of  the  ground,  the 

8  Ibid.,  p.  233  et  seq.  —  Van-  as   a   person  well   known   for   his 

derhammen,  Don  Juan  de  Austria,  military  science.     He  says  he  has 

fol.  112,  113.  —  Hita,  Guerras  de  conformed    implicitly    to    Hevia's 

Granada,  torn.  II.  p.  877  et  seq.  journal,   which  he   commends   for 

Hita  tells  us  he  was  not  present  its  scrupulous  veracity.    According 

at  the  siege  of  Galera ;  but  he  had  to  the  judgment  of  some  critics,  the 

in  his  possession  the   diary  of  a  Murcian  officer,  if  he  merits  this 

Murcian  officer  named  Tom&s  Pe-  encomium,  may  be  thought  to  have 

rez  de  Hevia,  who  served  through  the  advantage  of  Hita  himself, 
the  siege,  and  of  whom  Hita  speaks 


Ca.  VII.]  INVESTMENT  OF  GALERA.  215 

Spanish  general  gave  orders  for  the  construction 
of  three  batteries,  to  operate  at  the  same  time  on 
diiferent  quarters  of  the  town.  The  first  and 
largest  of  these  batteries,  mounting  ten  pieces  of 
ordnance,  was  raised  on  an  eminence  on  the  eastern 
side  of  the  ravine.  Though  at  a  greater  distance 
than  was  desirable,  the  position  was  sufficiently 
elevated  to  enable  the  guns  to  command  the  castle 
and  the  highest  parts  of  the  town. 

The  second  battery,  consisting  of  six  heavy  can- 
non, was  established  lower  down  the  ravine,  towards 
the  south,  at  the  distance  of  hardly  more  than  sev- 
enty paces  from  the  perpendicular  face  of  the  rock. 
The  remaining  battery,  composed  of  only  three  guns 
of  smaller  calibre,  was  erected  in  the  Gardens,  and 
so  placed  as  to  operate  against  the  tower,  which, 
as  already  noticed,  was  attached  to  the  church. 

The  whole  number  of  pieces  of  artillery  belong- 
ing to  the  besiegers  did  not  exceed  twenty.  But 
they  were  hourly  expecting  a  reinforcement  of  thir- 
teen more  from  Cartagena.  The  great  body  of  the 
forces  was  disposed  behind  some  high  ground  on 
the  east,  which  effectually  sheltered  the  men  from 
the  fire  of  the  besieged.  The  corps  of  Italian  vet- 
erans, the  flower  of  the  army,  was  stationed  in 
the  Gardens,  under  command  of  a  gallant  officer 
named  Pedro  de  Padilla.  Thus  the  investment  of 
Galera  was  complete. 

The  first  object  of  attack  was  the  tower  in  the 
Gardens,  from  which  the  Moorish  garrison  kept  up 
a  teasing  fire  on  the  Spaniards,  as  they  were  em- 


216  REBELLION  OF  THE  MOEISCOES.          [BOOK  V. 

ployed  in  the  construction  of  the  battery,  as  well  as 
in  digging  a  trench,  in  that  quarter.  No  sooner 
were  the  guns  in  position  than  they  delivered  their 
fire,  with  such  effect  that  an  opening  was  speedily 
made  in  the  flimsy  masonry  of  the  fortress.  Pa- 
dilla,  to  whom  the  assault  was  committed,  led  for- 
ward his  men  gallantly  to  the  breach,  where  he 
was  met  by  the  defenders  with  a  spirit  equal  to  his 
own.  A  fierce  combat  ensued.  It  was  not  a  long 
one;  for  the  foremost  assailants  were  soon  rein- 
forced by  others,  until  they  overpowered  the  little 
garrison  by  numbers,  and  such  as  escaped  the 
sword  took  refuge  in  the  defences  of  the  town 
that  adjoined  the  church. 

Flushed  with  his  success  in  thus  easily  carrying 
the  tower,  which  he  garrisoned  with  a  strong  body 
of  arquebusiers,  Don  John  now  determined  to  make 
a  regular  assault  on  the  town,  and  from  this  same 
quarter  of  the  Gardens,  as  affording  the  best  point 
of  attack.  The  execution  of  the  affair  he  intrusted, 
as  before,  to  Juan  de  Padilla  and  his  Italian  regi- 
ment. The  guns  were  then  turned  against  the 
rampart  and  the  adjoining  buildings.  Don  John 
pushed  forward  the  siege  with  vigor,  stimulating 
the  men  by  his  own  example,  carrying  fagots  on 
his  shoulders  for  constructing  the  trenches,  and, 
in  short,  performing  the  labors  of  a  common  sol- 
dier.9 

9  "  Para  que  los  soldados  se  ani-  como  cada  uno,  hast  a  ponerlo  en  la 
masen  al  trabajo,  iba  delante  de  trinchea."  Marmol,  Rebelion  de 
todos  a  pie,  y  traia  su  haz  acuestas  Granada,  torn.  II.  p.  237. 


CH.  VII.]  FIERCE  ASSAULTS.  217 

By  the  twenty-fourth  of  January,  practicable 
breaches  had  been  effected  in  the  ancient  wall; 
and  at  the  appointed  signal,  Padilla  and  his  vet- 
erans moved  swiftly  forward  to  the  attack.  They 
met  with  little  difficulty  from  the  ditch  or  from  the 
wall,  which,  never  formidable  from  its  height,  now 
presented  more  than  one  opening  to  the  assailants. 
They  experienced  as  little  resistance  from  the  garri- 
son. But  they  had  not  penetrated  far  into  the  town 
before  the  aspect  of  things  changed.  Their  progress 
was  checked  by  one  of  those  barricades  already 
mentioned  as  stretched  across  the  streets,  behind 
which  a  body  of  musketeers  poured  well-directed 
volleys  into  the  ranks  of  the  Christians.  At  the 
same  time,  from  the  loopholes  in  the  walls  of  the 
buildings  came  incessant  showers  of  musket-balls, 
arrows,  stones,  and  other  missiles,  which  swept  the 
exposed  files  of  the  Spaniards,  soon  covering  the 
streets  with  the  bodies  of  the  slain  and  the  wound- 
ed. It  was  in  vain  that  the  assailants  stormed 
the  houses,  and  carried  one  intrenchment  after  an- 
other. Each  house  was  a  separate  fortress ;  and 
each  succeeding  barricade,  as  the  ascent  became 
steeper,  gave  additional  advantage  to  its  defenders, 
by  placing  them  on  a  greater  elevation  above  their 
enemy. 

Thus  beset  in  front,  flank,  and  rear,  the  soldiers 
were  completely  blinded  and  bewildered  by  the 
pitiless  storm  which  poured  on  them  from  their 
invisible  foe.  Huddled  together,  in  their  confu- 
sion they  presented  an  easy  mark  to  the  enemy, 

VOL.  in.  28 


218  REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES.         [BOOK  V. 

who  shot  at  random,  knowing  that  every  mis- 
sile would  carry  its  errand  of  death.  It  seemed 
that  the  besieged  had  purposely  drawn  their  foes 
into  the  snare,  by  allowing  them  to  enter  the  town 
without  resistance,  until,  hemmed  in  on  all  sides, 
they  were  slaughtered  like  cattle  in  the  sham- 
bles. 

The  fight  had  lasted  an  hour,  when  Padilla, 
seeing  his  best  and  bravest  falling  around  him, 
and  being  himself  nearly  disabled  by  a  wound, 
gave  the  order  to  retreat,  —  an  order  obeyed  with 
such  alacrity,  that  the  Spaniards  left  numbers  of 
their  wounded  comrades  lying  in  the  street,  vain- 
ly imploring  not  to  be  abandoned  to  the  mercy 
of  their  enemies.  A  greater  number  than  usual 
of  officers  and  men  of  rank  perished  in  the  as- 
sault, their  rich  arms  making  them  a  conspicuous 
mark  amidst  the  throng  of  assailants.  Among 
others  was  a  soldier  of  distinction  named  Juan  de 
Pacheco.  He  was  a  knight  of  the  order  of  St. 
James.  He  had  joined  the  army  only  a  few  min- 
utes before  the  attack,  having  just  crossed  the  seas 
from  Africa.  He  at  once  requested  Padilla,  who 
was  his  kinsman,  to  allow  him  to  share  in  the 
glory  of  the  day.  In  the  heat  of  the  struggle, 
Padilla  lost  sight  of  his  gallant  relative,  whose 
insignia,  proclaiming  him  a  soldier  of  the  Cross, 
made  him  a  peculiar  object  of  detestation  to  the 
Moslems ;  and  he  soon  fell,  under  a  multitude  of 
wounds.10 

10  Ibid.,  pp.    236  -  238.  —  Hevia,  ap.   Ilita,  Guerras  de    Granada, 


CH.  VII.]  FIERCE  ASSAULTS.  219 

The  disasters  of  the  day,  however  mortifying, 
were  not  a  bad  lesson  to  the  young  commander-in- 
chief,  who  saw  the  necessity  of  more  careful  prep- 
aration, before  renewing  his  attempt  on  the  place. 
He  acknowledged  the  value  of  his  brother's  coun- 
sel, to  make  free  use  of  artillery  and  mines  be- 
fore coming  to  close  quarters  with  the  enemy.11 
He  determined  to  open  a  mine  in  the  perpen- 
dicular side  of  the  rock,  towards  the  east,  and 
to  run  it  below  the  castle  and  the  neighboring 
houses  on  the  summit.  For  this  he  employed 
the  services  of  Francesco  de  Molina,  who  had  so 
stoutly  defended  Orgiba,  and  who  was  aided  in 
the  present  work  by  a  skilful  Venetian  engineer. 
The  rock,  consisting  of  a  light  and  brittle  sand- 
stone, was  worked  with  even  less  difficulty  than 
had  been  expected.  In  a  short  time  the  gallery 
was  completed,  and  forty-five  barrels  of  powder 
were  lodged  in  it.  Meanwhile  the  batteries  con- 
tinued to  play  with  great  vivacity  on  the  dif- 
ferent quarters  of  the  town  and  castle.  A  small 
breach  was  opened  in  the  latter,  and  many  build- 
ings on  the  summit  of  the  rock  were  overthrown. 
By  the  twenty-seventh  of  January  all  was  ready  for 
the  assault. 

It  was  Don  John's  purpose  to  assail  the  place 

torn.  II.  pp.  386,  387. — Vander-  todo  lo  quo   sea  posible   con  las 

hammen,   Don  Juan   de   Austria,  minas  y  artilleria,  antes  de  venir  u 

fol.    113. — Ferreras,   Hist.   d'Es-  las  manos."     Carta  del  Hey  &  D. 

pagne,  torn.  X.  p.  140.  Juan  de  Austria,   6  de   Febrero, 

11  "  Convendra  por  no  aventu-  1570,  MS. 
rar  mas  gente  buena  que  se  haga 


220  EEBELLION  OF  TIIE  MORISCOES.         [BOOK  V. 

on  opposite  quarters.  Padilla,  who  still  smart- 
ed from  his  wound,  was  to  attack  the  town,  as 
before,  on  the  side  towards  the  Gardens.  The 
chief  object  of  this  manoeuvre  was  to  create  a  di- 
version in  favor  of  the  principal  assault,  which 
was  to  be  made  on  the  other  side  of  the  rock, 
where  the  springing  of  the  mine,  it  was  expected, 
would  open  a  ready  access  to  the  castle.  The 
command  on  this  quarter  was  given  to  a  brave 
officer  named  Antonio  Moreno.  Don  John,  at 
the  head  of  four  thousand  men,  occupied  a  po- 
sition which  enabled  him  to  overlook  the  scene  of 
action. 

On  the  twenty-seventh,  at  eight  in  the  morning, 
the  signal  was  given  by  the  firing  of  a  cannon ; 
and  Padilla,  at  the  head  of  his  veterans,  moved 
forward  to  the  attack.  They  effected  their  entrance 
into  the  town,  with  even  less  opposition  than  be- 
fore; for  the  cannonade  from  the  Gardens  had 
blown  away  most  of  the  houses,  garrisoned  by  the 
Moslems,  near  the  wall.  But  as  the  assailants 
pushed  on,  they  soon  became  entangled,  as  before, 
in  the  long  and  narrow  defiles.  The  enemy,  in- 
trenched behind  their  redoubts  thrown  across  the 
streets,  poured  down  their  murderous  volleys  into 
the  close  ranks  of  the  Spaniards,  who  were  over- 
whelmed, as  on  the  former  occasion,  with  deadly 
missiles  of  all  kinds  from  the  occupants  of  the 
houses.  But  experience  had  prepared  them  for 
this ;  and  they  had  come  provided  with  mantelets, 
to  shelter  them  from  the  tempest.  Yet,  when  the 


Cu.  VIL]  FIERCE  ASSAULTS.  221 

annoyance  became  intolerable,  they  would  storm 
the  dwellings ;  and  a  bloody  struggle  usually  end- 
ed in  putting  their  inmates  to  the  sword.  Each 
barricade  too,  as  the  Spaniards  advanced,  became 
the  scene  of  a  desperate  combat,  where  the  musket 
was  cast  aside,  and  men  fought  hand  to  hand,  with 
sword  and  dagger.  Now  rose  the  fierce  battle-cries 
of  the  combatants,  one  party  calling  on  Saint  Jago, 
the  other  on  Mohammed,  thus  intimating  that  it 
was  still  the  same  war  of  the  Cross  and  the  Cres- 
cent which  had  been  carried  on  for  more  than  eight 
centuries  in  the  Peninsula.19  The  shouts  of  the 
combatants,  the  clash  of  weapons,  the  report  of 
musketry  from  the  adjoining  houses,  the  sounds  of 
falling  missiles,  filled  the  air  with  an  unearthly 
din,  that  was  reverberated  and  prolonged  in  count- 
less echoes  through  the  narrow  streets,  converting 
the  once  peaceful  city  into  a  Pandemonium.  Still 
the  Spaniards,  though  slowly  winning  their  way 
through  every  obstacle,  were  far  from  the  table- 
land on  the  summit,  where  they  hoped  to  join  their 
countrymen  from  the  other  quarter  of  the  town. 
At  this  crisis  a  sound  arose  which  overpowered 
every  other  sound  in  this  wild  uproar,  and  for  a 
few  moments  suspended  the  conflict. 

This  was  the  bursting  of  the  mine,  which  Don 
John,  seeing  Padilla  well  advanced  in  his  assault, 
had  now  given  the  order  to  fire.  In  an  instant 
came  the  terrible  explosion,  shaking  Galera  to  its 

12  "  Unos  Haman  &  Mahoma  Otros  gritan  cirrra  Espana, 

otros  dicen  Santiago,  muera  el  bando  renegade." 

Romance,  *p.  Hita,  Guerras  de  Granada,  torn.  II.  p.  456. 


222  REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES.         [Boon  V. 

centre,  rending  the  portion  of  the  rock  above  the 
gallery  into  fragments,  toppling  down  the  houses  • 
on  its  summit,  and  burying  more  than  six  hundred 
Moriscoes  in  the  ruins.  As  the  smoke  and  dust  of 
the  falling  buildings  cleared  away,  and  the  Span- 
iards from  below  beheld  the  miserable  survivors 
crawling  forth,  as  well  as  their  mangled  limbs 
would  allow,  they  set  up  a  fierce  yell  of  triumph. 
The  mine,  however,  had  done  but  half  the  mis- 
chief intended ;  for  by  a  miscalculation  in  the  di- 
rection, it  had  passed  somewhat  to  the  right  of 
the  castle,  which,  as  well  as  the  ravelin,  remained 
uninjured.  Yet  a  small  breach  had  been  opened 
by  the  artillery  in  the  former ;  and  what  was 
more  important,  through  the  shattered  sides  of 
the  rock  itself  a  passage  had  been  made,  which, 
though  strewn  with  the  fallen  rubbish,  might 
afford  a  practicable  entrance  to  the  storming 
party. 

The  soldiers,  seeing  the  chasm,  now  loudly  called 
to  be  led  to  the  assault.  Besides  the  thirst  for 
vengeance  on  the  rebels  who  had  so  long  set  them 
at  defiance,  they  were  stimulated  by  the  desire  of 
plunder;  for  Galera,  from  its  great  strength,  had 
been  selected  as  a  place  of  deposit  for  the  jewels, 
rich  stuffs,  and  other  articles  of  value  belonging  to 
the  people  in  the  neighborhood.  The  officers,  before 
making  the  attack,  were  anxious  to  examine  the 
breach  and  have  the  rubbish  cleared  away,  so  as  to 
make  the  ascent  easier  for  the  troops.  But  the 
fierce  and  ill-disciplined  levies  were  too  impatient 


CH.  VII.]  FIERCE  ASSAULTS.  223 

for  this.  "Without  heeding  the  commands  or  re- 
monstrances of  their  leaders,  one  after  another 
they  broke  their  ranks,  and,  crying  the  old  national 
war-cries,  "  San  Jago !  "  "  Cierra  Espaha ! "  "  St. 
James !  "  and  "  Close  up  Spain  ! "  they  rushed  mad- 
ly forward,  and,  springing  lightly  over  the  ruins 
in  their  pathway,  soon  planted  themselves  on  the 
summit.  The  officers,  thus  deserted,  were  not  long 
in  following,  resolved  to  avail  themselves  of  the 
enthusiasm  of  the  men. 

Fortunately  the  Moriscoes,  astounded  hy  the 
explosion,  had  taken  refuge  in  the  town,  and  thus 
left  undefended  a  position  which  might  have  giv- 
en great  annoyance  to  the  Spaniards.  Yet  the 
cry  no  sooner  rose  that  the  enemy  had  scaled  the 
heights,  than,  recovering  from  their  panic,  they 
hurried  back  to  man  the  defences.  When  the 
assailants,  therefore,  had  been  brought  into  order 
and  formed  into  column  for  the  attack,  they  were 
received  with  a  well-directed  fire  from  the  falco- 
nets, and  with  volleys  of  musketry  from  the  rave- 
lin, that  for  a  moment  checked  their  advance. 
But  then  rallying,  they  gallantly  pushed  forward 
through  the  fiery  sleet,  and  soon  found  themselves 
in  face  of  the  breach  which  had  been  made  in  the 
castle  by  their  artillery.  The  opening,  scarcely 
wide  enough  to  allow  two  to  pass  abreast,  was 
defended  by  men  as  strong  and  stout-hearted  as 
their  assailants.  A  desperate  struggle  ensued,  in 
which  the  besieged  bravely  held  their  ground, 
though  a  Castilian  ensign,  named  Zapata,  sue- 


224:  REBELLION  OF   THE  MORISCOES.          [BOOK  V. 

ceeded  in  forcing  his  way  into  the  place,  and  even 
in  planting  his  standard  on  the  battlements.  But 
it  was  speedily  torn  down  by  the  enemy,  while  the 
brave  cavalier,  pierced  with  wounds,  was  thrown 
headlong  on  the  rocky  ground  below,  still  clutch- 
ing the  standard  with  his  dying  grasp. 

Meanwhile  the  defenders  of  the  ravelin  kept  up 
a  plunging  fire  of  musketry  on  the  assailants ; 
while  stones,  arrows,  javelins,  fell  thick  as  rain- 
drops on  their  heads,  rattling  on  the  harness  of 
the  cavaliers,  and  inflicting  many  a  wound  on  the 
ill-protected  bodies  of  the .  soldiery.  The  Morisco 
women  bore  a  brave  part  in  the  fight,  showing 
the  same  indifference  to  danger  as  their  husbands 
and  brothers,  and  rolling  down  heavy  weights  on 
the  ranks  of  the  besiegers.  These  women  had  a 
sort  of  military  organization,  being  formed  into 
companies.  Sometimes  they  even  joined  in  hand- 
to-hand  combats  with  their  enemies,  wielding 
their  swords  and  displaying  a  prowess  worthy  of 
the  stronger  sex.  One  of  these  Amazons,  whose 
name  became  famous  in  the  siege,  was  seen  on  this 
occasion  to  kill  her  antagonist  and  bear  away  his 
armor  as  the  spoils  of  victory.  It  was  said  that, 
before  she  received  her  mortal  wound,  several  Span- 
iards fell  by  her  hand.13 

13  No  less  than  eighteen,  accord-  modonia,  era  corpulenta,  recia  de 

ing  to  Hevia.     But  this  number,  miembros,  y  alcanzaba  grandisima 

notwithstanding  Hita's  warrant  for  fuerza ;  se  averigud  quo    en   este 

the  writer's  scrupulous  accuracy,  is  dia  matd  ella  sola  por  su  mano  ii 

somewhat  too  heavy  a  tax  on  the  diez  y    ocho  soldados,  no  de  los 

credulity  of  the  reader.  — "  Esta  peores  del  cainpo."    Hita,  Guerras 

brava  inora  se  llamaba  la  Zarza-  de  Granada,  torn.  II.  p.  393. 


CH.  VII.]  FIERCE  ASSAULTS.  225 

Thus,  while  the  besieged,  secure  within  their 
defences,  suffered  comparatively  little,  the  attack- 
ing column  was  thrown  into  disorder.  Most  of  its 
leaders  were  killed  or  wounded.  Its  ranks  were 
thinned  by  the  incessant  fire  from  the  ravelin  and 
castle;  and,  though  it  still  maintained  a  brave 
spirit,  its  strength  was  fast  ebbing  away.  Don 
John,  who,  from  his  commanding  position,  had 
watched  the  field,  saw  the  necessity  of  sending 
to  the  support  of  his  troops  six  companies  of  the 
reserve,  which  were  soon  followed  by  two  others. 
Thus  reinforced,  they  were  enabled  to  keep  their 
ground. 

Meanwhile  the  Italian  regiment  under  Padilla 
had  penetrated  far  into  the  town.  But  they  had 
won  their  way  inch  by  inch,  and  it  had  cost  them 
dear.  There  was  not  an  officer,  it  was  said,  that 
had  not  been  wounded.  Four  captains  had  fallen. 
Padilla,  who  had  not  recovered  from  his  former 
wound,  had  now  received  another  still  more  se- 
vere. His  men,  though  showing  a  bold  front,  had 
been  so  roughly  handled,  that  it  was  clear  they 
could  never  fight  through  the  obstacles  in  their  way, 
and  join  their  comrades  on  the  heights.  While 
little  mindful  of  his  own  wounds,  Padilla  saw  with 
anguish  the  blood  of  his  brave  followers  thus 
poured  out  in  vain ;  and,  however  reluctantly,  he 
gave  the  order  to  retreat.  This  command  was 
the  signal  for  a  fresh  storm  of  missiles  from  the 
enemy.  But  the  veterans  of  Naples,  closing  up 
their  ranks  as  a  comrade  fell,  effected  their  retreat 

VOL.  in.  29 


226  REBELLION  OF  THE  MOEISCOES.  BOOK  V. 

in  the  same  cool  and  orderly  manner  in  which  they 
had  advanced,  and,  though  wofully  crippled,  re- 
gained their  position  in  the  trenches. 

Thus  disengaged  from  the  conflict  on  this  quar- 
ter, the  victorious  Moslems  hastened  to  the  sup- 
port of  their  countrymen  in  the  castle,  where  they 
served  to  counterbalance  the  reinforcement  received 
by  the  assailants.  They  fell  at  once  on  the  rear 
of  the  Christians,  whose  front  ranks  were  galled 
by  the  guns  from  the  enemy's  battery,  —  though 
clumsily  served,  —  while  their  flanks  were  sorely 
scathed  by  the  storm  of  musketry  that  swept  down 
from  the  ravelin.  Thus  hemmed  in  on  all  sides, 
they  were  indeed  in  a  perilous  situation.  Several 
of  the  captains  were  killed.  All  the  officers  were 
either  killed  or  wounded ;  and  the  narrow  ground 
on  which  they  struggled  for  mastery  was  heaped 
with  the  bodies  of  the  slain.  Yet  their  spirits 
were  not  broken  ;  and  the  tide  of  battle,  after  three 
hours'  duration,  still  continued  to  rage  with  impo- 
tent fury  around  the  fortress.  They  still  strove, 
with  desperate  energy,  to  scale  the  walls  of  the 
ravelin,  and  to  force  a  way  through  the  narrow 
breach  in  the  castle.  But  the  besieged  succeeded 
in  closing  up  the  opening  with  heavy  masses  of 
stone  and  timber,  which  defied  the  failing  strength 
of  the  assailants. 

Another  hour  had  now  elapsed,  and  Don  John, 
as  from  his  station  he  watched  the  current  of  the 
fight,  saw  that  to  prolong  the  contest  would  only 
be  to  bring  wider  ruin  on  his  followers.  He  ac- 


CH.  VII.]  FIERCE  ASSAULTS.  227 

cordingly  gave  the  order  to  retreat.  But  the  men 
who  had  so  impetuously  rushed  to  the  attack  in 
defiance  of  the  commands  of  their  officers,  now 
showed  the  same  spirit  of  insubordination  when 
commanded  to  leave  it ;  like  the  mastiff,  who,  mad- 
dened by  the  wounds  he  has  received  in  the  con- 
flict, refuses  to  loosen  his  hold  on  his  antagonist, 
in  spite  of  the  chiding  of  his  master.  Seeing  his 
orders  thus  unheeded,  Don  John,  accompanied  by 
his  staff,  resolved  to  go  in  person  to  the  scene  of 
action  and  enforce  obedience  by  his  presence.  But 
on  reaching  the  spot,  he  was  hit  on  his  cuirass 
by  a  musket-ball,  which,  although  it  glanced  from 
the  well-tempered  metal,  came  with  sufficient  force 
to  bring  him  to  the  ground.  The  watchful  Quixa- 
da,  not  far  distant,  sprang  to  his  aid;  but  it  ap- 
peared he  had  received  no  injury.  His  conduct, 
however,  brought  down  an  affectionate  remonstrance 
from  his  guardian,  who,  reminding  him  of  the  king's 
injunctions,  besought  him  to  retire,  and  not  thus 
expose  a  life,  so  precious  as  that  of  the  commander- 
in-chief,  to  the  hazards  of  a  common  soldier. 

The  account  of  the  accident  soon  spread,  with 
the  usual  exaggerations,  among  the  troops,  who, 
after  the  prince's  departure,  yielded  a  slow  and 
sullen  obedience  to  his  commands.  Thus  for  a 
second  time  the  field  of  battle  remained  in  posses- 
sion of  the  Moslems ;  and  the  banner  of  the  Ores- 

• 

cent  still  waved  triumphantly  from  the  battlements 
of  Galera.14 

14  For  an  account  of  the  second  assault,  see  Mendoza,  Guerra  do 


228  REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES.          [BOOK  V. 

The  loss  was  a  heavy  one  to  the  Spaniards, 
amounting,  according  to  their  own  accounts, — 
which  will  not  be  suspected  of  exaggeration,  —  to 
not  less  than  four  hundred  killed  and  five  hundred 
wounded.  That  of  the  enemy,  screened  by  his  de- 
fences, must  have  been  comparatively  light.  The 
loss  fell  most  severely  on  the  Spanish  chivalry, 
whose  showy  dress  naturally  drew  the  attention  of 
the  well-trained  Morisco  marksmen.  The  bloody 
roll  is  inscribed  with  the  names  of  many  a  noble 
house  in  both  Andalusia  and  Castile. 

This  second  reverse  of  his  arms  stung  Don  John 
to  the  quick.  The  eyes  of  his  countrymen  were 
upon  him  ;  and  he  well  knew  the  sanguine  antici- 
pations they  had  formed  of  his  campaign,  and  that 
they  would  hold  him  responsible  for  its  success. 
His  heart  was  filled  with  mourning  for  the  loss  of 
his  brave  companions  in  arms.  Yet  he  did  not 
give  vent  to  unmanly  lamentation ;  but  he  showed 
his  feelings  in  another  form,  which  did  little  hon- 
or to  his  heart.  Turning  to  his  officers,  he  ex- 
claimed :  "  The  infidels  shall  pay  dear  for  the  Chris- 
tian blood  they  have  spilt  this  day.  The  next 
assault  will  place  Galera  in  our  power ;  and  every 
soul  within  its  walls  —  man,  woman,  and  child  — 
shall  be  put  to  the  sword.  Not  one  shall  be 
spared.  The  houses  shall  be  razed  to  the  ground ; 


Granada,  pp.  264,  265 ;  Mannol,  Hevia,  ap.  Hita,  Guerras  de  Gra- 

Rebelion  de  Granada,  torn.  II.  pp.  nada,  torn.  II.  p.  389  et  seq. ;  Ca- 

240-243;   Vanderhammen,    Don  brera,    Filipe    Segundo,  pp.    629, 

Juan  de  Austria,  fol.   113,    114;  630. 


CH.  VII.]    PREPARATIONS  FOR  A  LAST  ATTACK.          229 

and  the  ground  they  covered  shall  be  sown  with 
salt."15  This  inhuman  speech  was  received  with 
general  acclamations.  As  the  event  proved,  it  was 
not  an  empty  menace. 

The  result  of  his  operations  showed  Don  John 
the  prudence  of  his  brother's  recommendation, — 
to  make  good  use  of  his  batteries  and  his  mines 
before  coming  to  close  quarters  with  the  enemy. 
Philip,  in  a  letter  written  some  time  after  this 
defeat,  alluding  to  the  low  state  of  discipline  in 
the  camp,  urged  his  brother  to  give  greater  atten- 
tion to  the  morals  of  the  soldiers,  —  to  guard 
especially  against  profanity  and  other  offences  to 
religion,  that  by  so  doing  he  might  secure  the  favor 
of  the  Almighty.16  Don  John  had  intimated  to 
Philip,  that,  under  some  circumstances,  it  might  be 
necessary  to  encourage  his  men  by  leading  them 
in  person  to  the  attack.  But  the  king  rebuked  the 
spirit  of  the  knight-errant,  as  not  suited  to  the 
commander,  and  admonished  his  brother  that  the 
place  for  him  was  in  the  rear ;  that  there  he  might 
be  of  service  in  stimulating  the  ardor  of  the  remiss ; 
adding,  that  those  who  went  forward  promptly  in 

15  "  Yo  hundire  &  Galera,  y  la  de  que  £1  no  sea  deservido  en  ese 
asolare,  y   sembrare  toda  de  sal ;  campo,  ni  haya  las  maldades  y  des- 
y  por  el  riguroso  filo  de  la  espada  drdenes  que  decis,  que  siendo  tales 
pasardn  chicos  y  grandes,  quantos  no  pueden  hacer  cosa  buena,  y  asf 
estan  dentro,  por  castigo  de  su  per-  lo  procurad,  y  que  no  haya  jura- 
tinacia,  y  en  venganza  de  la  sangre  mentos  ni  otras  ofensas  de  Dios, 
que  ban    derramado."     Marmol,  que  con  esto  el  nos  ayudard  y  todo 
llebelion  de  Granada,  torn.  II.  p.  se  hard  bien."     Carta  del  Hey  & 
244.  D.  Juan  de  Austria,  6  de  Febrero, 

16  "No  puedo  yo  dejar  de  en-  1570,  MS. 
cargaros  que  le  tengais  muy  grande 


230  liEBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES.         [BOOK  V. 

the  fight,  had  no  need  of  his  presence  to  encourage 
them.17 

Don  John  lost  no  time  in  making  his  prepara- 
tions for  a  third  and  last  assault.  He  caused  two 
new  mines  to  be  opened  in  the  rock,  on  either  side 
of  the  former  one,  and  at  some  thirty  paces'  distance 
from  it.  While  this  was  going  on,  he  directed 
that  all  the  artillery  should  play  without  intermis- 
sion on  the  town  and  castle.  His  battering-train, 
meantime,  was  reinforced  by  the  arrival  of  fourteen 
additional  pieces  of  heavy  ordnance  from  Cartagena. 

The  besieged  were  no  less  busy  in  preparing  for 
their  defence.  The  women  and  children  toiled  equal- 
ly with  the  men  in  repairing  the  damages  in  the 
works.  The  breaches  were  closed  with  heavy  stones 
and  timber.  The  old  barricades  were  strengthened, 
and  new  ones  thrown  across  the  streets.  The  mag- 
azines were  filled  with  fresh  supplies  of  stones  and 
arrows.  Long  practice  had  made  the  former  mis- 
sile a  more  formidable  weapon  than  usual  in  the 
hands  of  the  Moriscoes.  They  were  amply  pro- 
vided with  water,  and,  as  we  have  seen,  were  well 
victualled  for  a  siege  longer  than  this  was  likely  to 
prove.  But  in  one  respect,  and  that  of  the  last 
importance,  they  were  miserably  deficient.  Their 
powder  was  nearly  all  expended.  They  endeavored 
to  obtain  supplies  of  ammunition,  as  well  as  rein- 
forcements of  men,  from  Aben-Aboo.  But  the  Mo- 

17  "  Y  con  esa  gente,  segun  lo  gdndolos  que  no  dclante,  pues  para 
que  decfs,  mas  importari  estar  de-  los  que  lo  cstsin  y  hacen  lo  que 
tras  dellos  deteniendolos  y  casti-  deben  no  es  menester."  Ibid. 


CH.  VII.]    PREPARATIONS  FOR  A  LAST  ATTACK.  231 

risco  prince  was  fully  occupied  at  this  time  with 
maintaining  his  ground  against  the  duke  of  Sesa 
in  the  west.  His  general,  El  Habaqui,  who  had 
charge  of  the  eastern  army,  encouraged  the  people 
of  Galera  to  remain  firm,  assuring  them  that  before 
long  he  should  be  able  to  come  to  their  assistance. 
But  time  was  precious  to  the  besieged.18 

The  Turkish  auxiliaries  in  the  garrison  greatly 
doubted  the  possibility  of  maintaining  themselves, 
with  no  better  ammunition  than  stones  and  arrows, 
against  the  well-served  artillery  of  the  Spaniards. 
Their  leaders  accordingly,  in  a  council  of  war,  pro- 
posed that  the  troops  should  sally  forth  and  cut 
their  way  through  the  lines  of  the  besiegers,  while 
the  women  and  children  might  pass  out  by  the 
subterranean  avenue  which  conducted  to  the  river, 
the  existence  of  which,  we  are  told,  was  unknown 
to  the  Christians.  The  Turks,  mere  soldiers  of 
fortune,  had  no  local  attachment  or  patriotic  feel- 
ing to  bind  them  to  the  soil.  But  when  their 
proposal  was  laid  before  the  inhabitants,  they  all, 
women  as  well  as  men,  treated  the  proposition 
with  disdain,  showing  their  determination  to  de- 
fend the  city  to  the  last,  and  to  perish  amidst  its 
ruins  rather  than  surrender. 

Still   sustained  by  the  hope  of  succor,  the   be- 

18  It  is  singular  that  no  one  of  "  Marinero  que  la  rige 

the  Chroniclers  gives  US  the   name  Sanwinoe.  natural, 

6        ,  criado  aci  en  nuestra  Espaua 

of    the   Moorish    chief    who  com-  por  BU  roal  y  nuestro  mal : 

manded    in    Galera.      A    romance  Abenhozmin  ha  por  nombre, 

Of    the  time    Calls    him    Abenhoz-  y  os  hombre  de  gran  caudal." 

Hita,  Guerras  de  Granada,  torn.  II.  p.  470. 
min. 


REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES.          [BOOK  V. 


sieged  did  what  they  could  to  keep  off  the  day  of 
the  assault.  They  did  not,  indeed,  attempt  to  coun- 
termine ;  for,  if  they  had  possessed  the  skill  for 
this,  they  had  neither  tools  nor  powder.  But  they 
made  sorties  on  the  miners,  and,  though  always 
repulsed  with  loss,  they  contrived  to  hold  the  camp 
of  the  besiegers  in  a  constant  state  of  alarm. 

On  the  sixth  of  February  the  engineers  who  had 
charge  of  the  mines  gave  notice  that  their  work 
was  completed.  The  following  morning  was  named 
for  the  assault.  The  orders  of  the  day  prescribed 
that  a  general  cannonade  should  open  on  the  town 
at  six  in  the  morning.  It  was  to  continue  an  hour, 
when  the  mines  were  to  be  sprung.  The  artillery 
would  then  play  for  another  hour ;  after  which  the 
signal  for  the  attack  would  be  given.  The  signal 
was  to  be  the  firing  of  one  gun  from  each  of  the 
batteries,  to  be  followed  by  a  simultaneous  dis- 
charge from  all.  The  orders  directed  the  troops  to 
show  no  quarter  to  man,  woman,  or  child. 

On  the  seventh  of  February,  the  last  day  of  the 
Carnival,  the  besiegers  were  under  arms  with  the 
earliest  dawn.  Their  young  commander  attracted 
every  eye  by  the  splendor  of  his  person  and  ap- 
pointments. He  was  armed  cap-a-pie,  and  wore  a 
suit  of  burnished  steel  richly  inlaid  with  gold. 
His  casque,  overshadowed  by  brilliant  plumes, 
was  ornamented  with  a  medallion  displaying  the 
image  of  the  Virgin.19  In  his  hand  he  carried 

19  "Relumbrante     y     fortisimo    belloy  elegante,  sentado  sobreuna 
morrion  adornado  de  un  penacho    rica  medalla  de  la  imagen  de  nu- 


CH.  VII.]  EXPLOSION  OF  THE  MINES.  233 

the  baton  of  command ;  and  as  he  rode  along  the 
lines,  addressing  a  few  words  of  encouragement 
to  the  soldiers,  his  perfect  horsemanship,  his 
princely  bearing,  and  the  courtesy  of  his  man- 
ners, reminded  the  veterans  of  the  happier  days 
of  his  father,  the  emperor.  The  cavaliers  by 
whom  he  was  surrounded  emulated  their  chief  in 
the  richness  of  their  appointments ;  and  the  Mur- 
cian  chronicler,  present  on  that  day,  dwells  with 
complacency  on  the  beautiful  array  of  Southern 
chivalry  gathered  together  for  the  final  assault 
upon  Galera.20 

From  six  o'clock  till  seven,  a  furious  cannonade 
was  kept  up  from  the  whole  circle  of  batteries  on 
the  devoted  town.  Then  came  the  order  to  fire 
the  mines.  The  deafening  roar  of  ordnance  was  at 
once  hushed  into  a  silence  profound  as  that  of 
death,  while  every  soldier  in  the  trenches  waited, 
with-  nervous  suspense,  for  the  explosion.  At 
length  it  came,  overturning  houses,  shaking  down 
a  fragment  of  the  castle,  rending  wider  the  breach 
in  the  perpendicular  side  of  the  rock,  and  throw- 
ing off  the  fragments  with  the  force  of  a  volcano. 
Only  one  mine,  however,  exploded.  It  was  soon 
followed  by  the  other,  which,  though  it  did  less 
damage,  spread  such  consternation  among  the  gar- 
rison, that,  fearing  there  might  still  be  a  third  in 


estra  Senora  de  la  Concepcion."  jor  quc  pudo  toda  la  caballeria,  y 

He  via,  ap.  Hita,  Guerras  de  Gra-  era  cosa  digna  de  ver  la  elegancia 

nada,  torn.  II.  p.  429.  y  hermosura  de  un  ejercito  tan 

520  "  Igualmente  se  arred  lo  me-  lucido  y  gallardo."     Ibid.,  loc.  cit. 

VOL.  in.  30 


234  REBELLION  OF  THE  MOEISCOES.         [Boos  V. 

reserve,  the  men  abandoned  their  works,  and  took 
refuge  in  the  town. 

When  the  smoke  and  dust  had  cleared  away,  an 
officer  with  a  few  soldiers  was  sent  to  reconnoitre 
the  breach.  They  soon  returned  with  the  tidings 
that  the  garrison  had  fled,  and  left  the  works  wholly 
unprotected.  On  hearing  this,  the  troops,  with 
furious  shouts,  called  out  to  be  led  at  once  to  the 
assault.  It  was  in  vain  that  the  officers  remon- 
strated, enforcing  their  remonstrances,  in  some  in- 
stances, by  blows  with  the  flat  of  their  sabres. 
The  blood  of  the  soldiery  was  up ;  and,  like  an  ill- 
disciplined  rabble,  they  sprang  from  their  trenches 
in  wild  disorder,  as  before,  and,  hurrying  their 
officers  along  with  them,  soon  scaled  the  perilous 
ascent,  and  crowned  the  heights  without  opposi- 
tion from  the  enemy.  Hurrying  over  the  debris 
that  strewed  the  ground,  they  speedily  made  them- 
selves masters  of  the  deserted  fortress  and  its  out- 
works, —  filling  the  air  with  shouts  of  victory. 

The  fugitives  saw  their  mistake,  as  they  beheld 
the  enemy  occupying  the  position  they  had  aban- 
doned. There  was  no  more  apprehension  of  mines. 
Eager  to  retrieve  their  error,  they  rushed  back,  as 
by  a  common  impulse,  to  dispute  the  possession  of 
the  ground  with  the  Spaniards.  It  was  too  late. 
The  guns  were  turned  on  them  from  their  own 
battery.  The  arquebusiers  who  lined  the  ravelin 
showered  down  on  their  heads  missiles  more  for- 
midable than  stones  and  arrows.  But,  though  their 
powder  was  nearly  gone,  the  Moriscoes  could  still 


CH.  VII.]       DESPERATION  OF  THE  MORISCOES.  235 

make  fight  with  sword  and  dagger,  and  they  boldly 
closed,  in  a  hand-to-hand  contest  with  their  enemy. 
It  was  a  deadly  struggle,  calling  out  —  as  close  per- 
sonal contest  is  sure  to  do  —  the  fiercest  passions 
of  the  combatants.  No  quarter  was  given ;  none 
was  asked.  The  Spaniard  was  nerved  by  the  con- 
fidence of  victory,  the  Morisco  by  the  energy  of 
despair.  Both  fought  like  men  who  knew  that  on 
the  issue  of  this  conflict  depended  the  fate  of  Ga- 
lera.  Again  the  war-cries  of  the  two  religions 
rose  above  the  din  of  battle,  as  the  one  party  in- 
voked their  military  apostle,  and  the  other  called 
on  Mahomet.  It  was  the  same  war-cry  which  for 
more  than  eight  centuries  had  sounded  over  hill 
and  valley  in  unhappy  Spain.  These  were  its  dy- 
ing notes,  soon  to  expire  with  the  exile  or  extermi- 
nation of  the  conquered  race. 

The  conflict  was  at  length  terminated  by  the 
arrival  of  a  fresh  body  of  troops  on  the  field  with 
Padilla.  That  chief  had  attacked  the  town  by 
the  same  avenue  as  before ;  everywhere  he  had 
met  with  the  same  spirit  of  resistance.  But  the 
means  of  successful  resistance  were  gone.  Many 
of  the  houses  on  the  streets  had  been  laid  in 
ruins  by  the  fire  of  the  artillery.  Such  as  still 
held  out  were  defended  by  men  armed  with  no 
better  weapons  than  stones  and  arrows.  One  after 
another,  most  of  them  were  stormed  and  fired 
by  the  Spaniards ;  and  those  within  were  put  to 
the  sword,  or  perished  in  the  flames. 

It  fared   no   better  with   the   defenders  of  the 


236  KEBELLION   OF  THE  MOKISCOES.          [BOOK  V. 

barricades.  Galled  by  the  volleys  of  the  Chris- 
tians, against  whom  their  own  rude  missiles  did 
comparatively  little  execution,  they  were  driven 
from  one  position  to  another ;  as  each  redoubt 
was  successively  carried,  a  shout  of  triumph  went 
up  from  the  victors,  which  fell  cheerily  on  the 
ears  of  their  countrymen  on  the  heights ;  and  when 
Padilla  and  his  veterans  burst  on  the  scene  of 
action,  it  decided  the  fortunes  of  the  day. 

There  was  still  a  detachment  of  Turks,  wrhose 
ammunition  had  not  been  exhausted,  and  who 
were  maintaining  a  desperate  struggle  with  a  body 
of  Spanish  infantry,  in  which  the  latter  had  been 
driven  back  to  the  very  verge  of  the  precipice. 
But  the  appearance  of  their  friends  under  Pa- 
dilla gave  the  Spaniards  new  heart ;  and  Turk 
and  Morisco,  overwhelmed  alike  by  the  superior- 
ity of  the  numbers*  and  of  the  weapons  of  their 
antagonists,  gave  way  in  all  directions.  Some 
fled  down  the  long  avenues  which  led  from  the 
summit  of  the  rock.  They  were  hotly  pursued 
by  the  Spaniards.  Others  threw  themselves  into 
the  houses,  and  prepared  to  make  a  last  defence. 
The  Spaniards  scrambled  along  the  terraces,  let- 
ting themselves  down  from  one  level  to  another 
by  means  of  the  Moorish  ladders  used  for  that 
purpose.  They  hewed  openings  in  the  wooden 
roofs  of  the  buildings,  through  which  they  fired  on 
those  within.  The  helpless  Moriscoes,  driven  out 
by  the  pitiless  volleys,  sought  refuge  in  the  street. 
But  the  fierce  hunters  were  there,  waiting  for  their 


CH.  VII. J       DESPERATION  OF   THE  MOKISCOES.     '          237 

miserable  game,  which  they  shot  down  without 
mercy,  —  men,  women,  and  children  ;  none  were 
spared.  Yet  they  did  not  fall  unavenged ;  and  the 
corpse  of  many  a  Spaniard  might  be  seen  stretched 
on  the  bloody  pavement,  lying  side  by  side  with 
that  of  his  Moslem  enemy. 

More  than  one  instance  is  recorded  of  the  des- 
perate courage  to  which  the  women  as  well  as  the 
men  were  roused  in  their  extremity.  A  Morisco 
girl,  whose  father  had  perished  in  the  first  assault 
in  the  Gardens,  after  firing  her  dwelling,  is  said 
to  have  dragged  her  two  little  brothers  along  with 
one  hand,  and,  wielding  a  scymitar  with  the  other, 
to  have  rushed  against  the  foe,  by  whom  they  were 
all  speedily  cut  to  pieces.  Another  instance  is  told, 
of  a  man  who,  after  killing  his  wife  and  his  two 
daughters,  sallied  forth,  and  calling  out,  "  There  is 
nothing  more  to  lose ;  let  us  die  together !  "  threw 
himself  madly  into  the  thick  of  the  enemy.21  Some 
fell  by  their  own  weapons,  others  by  those  of  their 
friends,  preferring  to  receive  death  from  any  hands 
but  those  of  the  Spaniards. 

Some  two  thousand  Moriscoes  were  huddled  to- 
gether in  a  square  not  far  from  the  gate,  where  a 
strong  body  of  Castilian  infantry  cut  off  the  means 
of  escape.  Spent  with  toil  and  loss  of  blood,  with- 
out ammunition,  without  arms,  or  with  such  only 
as  were  too  much  battered  or  broken  for  service, 
the  wretched  fugitives  would  gladly  have  made 

21  These  anecdotes  are  given  by  Hevia,  ap.  Hita,  Guerras  de  Gra- 
nada, torn.  II.  pp.  449-451. 


238  REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES.          [BOOK  V. 

some  terms  with  their  pursuers,  who  now  closed 
darkly  around  them.  But  the  stag  at  bay  might 
as  easily  have  made  terms  with  his  hunters  and  the 
fierce  hounds  that  were  already  on  his  haunches. 
Their  prayers  were  answered  by  volley  after  volley, 
until  not  a  man  was  left  alive. 

More  than  four  hundred  women  and  children 
were  gathered  together  without  the  walls,  and  the 
soldiers,  mindful  of  the  value  of  such  a  booty, 
were  willing  to  spare  their  lives.  This  was  re- 
marked by  Don  John,  and  no  sooner  did  he  ob- 
serve the  symptoms  of  lenity  in  the  troops,  than 
the  flinty-hearted  chief  rebuked  their  remissness, 
and  sternly  reminded  them  of  the  orders  of  the 
day.  He  even  sent  the  halberdiers  of  his  guard 
and  the  cavaliers  about  his  person  to  assist  the 
soldiers  in  their  bloody  work ;  while  he  sat,  a 
calm  spectator,  on  his  horse,  as  immovable  as  a 
marble  statue,  and  as  insensible  to  the  agonizing 
screams  of  his  victims  and  their  heart-breaking 
prayers  for  mercy.22 

While  this  was  going  on  without  the  town, 
the  work  of  death  was  no  less  active  within.  Every 
square  and  enclosure  that  had  afforded  a  tempo- 
rary refuge  to  the  fugitives  was  heaped  with  the 
bodies  of  the  slain.  Blood  ran  down  the  kennels 
like  water  after  a  heavy  shower.  The  dwellings 
were  fired,  some  by  the  conquerors,  others  by 

22  "  Los  quales  mataron  mas  su  presencia  :i  los  alabarderos  de 
de  quatrocientas  mugeres  y  ninos  su  guardia."  Marmol,  Rebelion 
.  .  .  .  y  ansi  hizo  matar  muchos  en  de  Granada,  torn.  II.  p.  248. 


CH.  VII.]  CRUEL  MASSACRE.  239 

the  inmates,  who  threw  themselves  madly  into 
the  flames  rather  than  fall  into  the  hands  of  their 
enemies.  The  gathering  shadows  of  evening  — 
for  the  fight  had  lasted  nearly  nine  hours23  — 
were  dispelled  by  the  light  of  the  conflagration, 
which  threw  an  ominous  glare  for  many  a  league 
over  the  country,  proclaiming  far  and  wide  the 
downfall  of  Galera. 

At  length  Don  John  was  so  far  moved  from  his 
original  purpose  as  to  consent  that  the  women,  and 
the  children  under  twelve  years  of  age,  should  be 
spared.  This  he  did,  not  from  any  feeling  of  com- 
punction, but  from  deference  to  the  murmurs  of 
his  followers,  whose  discontent  at  seeing  their  cus- 
tomary booty  snatched  from  them  began  to  show 
itself  in  a  way  not  to  be  disregarded.24  Some  fif- 
teen hundred  women  and  children,  in  consequence 
of  this,  are  said  to  have  escaped  the  general  doom 
of  their  countrymen.25  All  the  rest,  soldiers  and 
citizens,  Turks,  Africans,  and  Moriscoes,  were  mer- 

23  "  Duro*  el  combate,  despues  K  "  Se  cautivaron  hasta  otras 
de  entrado  el  lugar,  desdc  las  ocho  mil  y  quinientas  personas  de  mu- 
de  la  manana  hasta  las  cinco  de  geres  y  ninos,  porque  ;i  hombre 
la  tarde."     Hevia,  ap.  Ilita,  Guer-  ninguno  se  tomd  con  vida,  habien- 
ras  de  Granada,  torn.  II.  p.  448.  do  muerto  todos  sin  quedar  uno  en 

24  "  Y  no  pararan  hasta  acabar-  este  dia,  y  en  los  asaltos  pasados." 
las  :i  todas,   si  las  quejas  de  los  Hevia,  ap.  Hita,  Guerras  de  Gra- 
soldados,  ;i  quien  se  quitaba  el  pre-  nada,  torn.  II.  p.  448. 

mio  de  la  vitoria,  no  le  movieran ;        Marmol,   while  he  admits  that 

mas  esto  fue  quando  se  entendid  not  a  man  was  spared,  estimates 

que  la  villa  estaba  ya  por  nosotros,  the  number  of  women  and  chil- 

y  no   quiso  que   se  perdonase  a  dren  saved   at  three   times    that 

varon  que  pasase  de  doce  anos."  given  in  the  text 
Marmol,    Rebelion    de    Granada, 
torn.  II.  p.  248. 


240  EEBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES.         [BOOK  V. 

cilessly  butchered.  Not  one  man,  if  we  may  trust 
the  Spaniards  themselves,  escaped  alive !  It  would 
not  be  easy,  even  in  that  age  of  blood,  to  find  a 
parallel  to  so  wholesale  and  indiscriminate  a  mas- 
sacre. 

Yet,  to  borrow  the  words  of  the  Castilian  prov- 
erb, "  If  Africa  had  cause  to  weep,  Spain  had  little 
reason  to  rejoice."26  No  success  during  the  war 
was  purchased  at  so  high  a  price  as  the  capture  of 
Galera.  The  loss  fell  as  heavily  on  the  officers 
and  men  of  rank  as  on  the  common  file.  We 
have  seen  the  eagerness  with  which  they  had 
flocked  to  the  standard  of  John  of  Austria.  They 
showed  the  same  eagerness  to  distinguish  them- 
selves under  the  eye  of  their  leader.  The  Spanish 
chivalry  were  sure  to  be  found  in  the  post  of  dan- 
ger. Dearly  did  they  pay  for  that  pre-eminence ; 
and  many  a  noble  house  in  Spain  wept  bitter  tears 
when  the  tidings  came  of  the  conquest  of  Galera.27 

Don  John  himself  was  so  much  exasperated, 
says  the  chronicler,  by  the  thought  of  the  grievous 
loss  which  he  had  sustained  through  the  obstinate 
resistance  of  the  heretics,28  that  he  resolved  to 

w  "  Si  Africa  Ilora,  Espana  no  Guerras  de  Granada,  torn.  II.  p. 

rie."  42D  et  seq. ;  Cabrera,  Filipe  Sc- 

27  For  the  account  of  the  final  gundo,  pp.  C30,  631  ;  Bleda,  Cro- 

assault,  as  told  by  the  various  writ-  nica,  p.  734 ;  Ferreras,  Hist.  d'Es- 

crs,  with  sufficient  inconsistency  in  pagne,  torn.  X.  pp.  143,  144. 
the  details,  compare  Marmol,  Re-        &  "  Tanto  le  crecia  la  ira,  pen- 

belion  de  Granada,  torn.   II.  pp.  sando  en  el  dano  que  aquellos  he- 

244-249;    Mendoza,    Guerra    de  reges    habian    hecho."      Marmol, 

Granada,  pp.  266  -  268  ;  Vander-  Rebelion  de  Granada,  torn.  II.  p. 

hammen,  Don   Juan   de   Austria,  248. 
fol.    114,   115;  Hevia,  ap.   Hita, 


Cu.  VII.]  GALERA  DEMOLISHED  241 

carry  at  once  into  effect  his  menace  of  demolish- 
ing the  town,  so  that  not  one  stone  should  be  left 
on  another.  Every  house  was  accordingly  burnt 
or  levelled  to  the  ground,  which  was  then  strewed 
with  salt,  as  an  accursed  spot,  on  which  no  man 
was  to  build  thereafter.  A  royal  decree  to  that 
effect  was  soon  afterwards  published ;  and  the  vil- 
lage of  straggling  houses,  which,  undefended  by 
a  wall,  still  clusters  round  the  base  of  the  hill, 
in  the  Gardens  occupied  by  Padilla,  is  all  that 
now  serves  to  remind  the  traveller  of  the  once 
flourishing  and  strongly  fortified  city  of  Galera. 

In  the  work  of  demolition  Don  John  was  some- 
what retarded  by  a  furious  tempest  of  sleet  and 
rain,  which  set  in  the  day  after  the  place  was 
taken.  It  was  no  uncommon  thing  at  that  season 
of  the  year.  Had  it  come  on  a  few  days  earlier, 
the  mountain  torrents  would  infallibly  have  broken 
up  the  camp  of  the  besiegers,  and  compelled  them 
to  suspend  operations.  That  the  storm  was  so  long 
delayed,  was  regarded  by  the  Spaniards  as  a  special 
interposition  of  Heaven 

The  booty  was  great  which  fell  into  the  hands 
of  the  victors  ;  for  Galera,  from  its  great  strength, 
had  been  selected  by  the  inhabitants  of  the  neigh- 
boring country  as  a  safe  place  of  deposit  for  their 
effects,  —  especially  their  more  valuable  treasures  of 
gold,  pearls,  jewels,  and  precious  stuffs.  Besides 
these  there  was  a  great  quantity  of  wheat,  barley, 
and  other  grain  stored  in  the  magazines,  which 
afforded  a  seasonable  supply  to  the  army. 

VOL.   III.  31 


242  REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES.         [BOOK  V. 

No  sooner  was  Don  John  master  of  Galera,  than 
he  sent  tidings  of  his  success  to  his  brother.  The 
king  was  at  that  time  paying  his  devotions  at  the 
shrine  of  Our  Lady  of  Guadalupe.  The  tidings 
were  received  with  exultation  by  the  court,  —  by 
Philip  with  the  stolid  composure  with  which  he 
usually  received  accounts  either  of  the  success  or 
the  discomfiture  of  his  arms.  He  would  allow 
no  public  rejoicings  of  any  kind.  The  only  way 
in  which  he  testified  his  satisfaction  was  by  offer- 
ing up  thanks  to  God  and  the  Blessed  Virgin,  "  to 
whom,"  says  the  chronicler,  "  he  thought  the  cause 
should  be  especially  commended,  as  one  in  which 
more  glory  was  to  be  derived  from  peace  than 
from  a  bloody  victor}7."29  With  such  humane  and 
rational  sentiments,  it  is  marvellous  that  he  did 
not  communicate  them  to  his  brother,  and  thus 
spare  the  atrocious  massacre  of  his  Morisco  vassals 
at  Galera. 

But,  however  revolting  this  massacre  may  ap- 
pear in  our  eyes,  it  seems  to  have  left  no  stain 
on  the  reputation  of  John  of  Austria  in  the  eyes 
of  his  contemporaries.  In  reviewing  this  cam- 
paign, we  cannot  too  often  call  to  mind  that  it 
was  regarded  not  so  much  as  a  war  with  rebel- 
lious vassals,  as  a  war  with  the  enemies  of  the 
Faith.  It  was  the  last  link  in  that  long  chain  of 


29  "  Solo  clar  gracias  &.  Dios  j  a  deseaba  mas  gloria  de  la  concordia 

la  gloriosa  virgen  Maria,  encomen-  y  paz,  que  de  la  vitoria  sangrien- 

dandoles  el  Catholico  Rey   aquel  ta."     Marmol,  Rebelion  de  Grana- 

negocio,  por  ser  de  calidad,  que  da,  torn.  II.  p.  249. 


CH.  VII.]  GALERA  DEMOLISHED.  243 

hostilities  which  the  Spaniard  for  so  many  cen- 
turies had  been'  waging  for  the  recovery  of  his 
soil  from  the  infidel.  The  sympathies  of  Chris- 
tendom were  not  the  less  on  his  side,  that  now, 
when  the  trumpet  of  the  crusader  had  ceased  to 
send  forth  its  notes  in  other  lands,  they  should  still 
be  heard  among  the  hills  of  Granada.  The  Mo- 
riscoes  were  everywhere  regarded  as  infidels  and 
apostates ;  and  there  were  few  Christian  nations 
whose  codes  would  not  at  that  day  have  punished 
infidelity  and  apostasy  with  death.  It  was  no  hard- 
er for  them  that  they  should  be  exterminated  by 
the  sword  than  by  the  fagot.  So  far  from  the  mas- 
sacre of  the  Moriscoes  tarnishing  the  reputation 
of  their  conqueror,  it  threw  a  gloomy  eclat  over 
his  achievement,  which  may  have  rather  served  to 
add  to  its  celebrity.  His  own  countrymen,  think- 
ing only  of  the  extraordinary  difficulties  which  he 
had  overcome,  with  pride  beheld  him  entering  on  a 
splendid  career,  that  would  place  his  name  among 
those  of  the  great  paladins  of  the  nation.  In  Rome 
he  was  hailed  as  the  champion  of  Christendom; 
and  it  was  determined  to  offer  him  the  baton  of 
generalissimo  of  the  formidable  league  which  the 
pope  was  at  this  time  organizing  against  the  Ot- 
toman Empire.30 

30  "  Cela  faict,  par  sa  renommee  faict  general  de  la  saSncte  ligue." 
qui  voloit  par  le  monde,  tant  des  Brantome,  CEuvres,  torn.  I.  p. 
chrestiens  que  des  infidelles,  il  fut  326. 


CHAPTER    VIII. 

REBELLION  OF  THE   MORISCOES. 

Disaster  at  Seron.  —  Death  of  Quixada.  —  Rapid  Successes  of  Don 
John.  —  Submission  of  the  Moriscoes. —  Fate  of  El  Habaqui. — 
Stern  Temper  of  Aben- Aboo.  —  Renewal  of  the  War.  —  Expulsion 
of  the  Moors.  —  Don  John  returns  to  Madrid.  —  Murder  of  Aben- 
Aboo.  —  Fortunes  of  the  Moriscoes. 

1570-1571. 

DON  JOHN  was  detained  some  days  before  Ga- 
lera  by  the  condition  of  the  roads,  which  the  storm 
had  rendered  impassable  for  heavy  wagons  and 
artillery.  When  the  weather  improved  he  be- 
gan his  march,  moving  south  in  the  direction  of 
Baza.  Passing  through  that  ancient  town,  the 
scene  of  one  of  the  most  glorious  triumphs  of  the 
good  Queen  Isabella  the  Catholic,  he  halted  at 
Caniles.  Here  he  left  the  main  body  of  his  army, 
and,  putting  himself  at  the  head  of  a  detachment 
of  three  thousand  foot  and  two  hundred  horse, 
hastened  forward  to  reconnoitre  Seron,  which  he 
purposed  next  to  attack. 

Seron  was  a  town  of  some  strength,  situated  on 
the  slope  of  the  sierra,  and  defended  by  a  castle 
held  by  a  Morisco  garrison.  On  his  approach, 
most  of  the  inhabitants,  and  many  of  the  soldiers, 


CH.  Vm.]  DISASTER  AT  SERON.  245 

evacuated  the  place,  and  sought  refuge  among 
the  mountains.  Don  John  formed  his  force  into 
two  divisions,  one  of  which  he  placed  under  Qui- 
xada,  the  other  under  Requesens.  He  took  up  a 
position  himself,  with  a  few  cavaliers  and  a  small 
body  of  arquebusiers,  on  a  neighboring  eminence, 
which  commanded  a  view  of  the  whole  ground. 

The  two  captains  were  directed  to  reconnoitre 
the  environs  by  making  a  circuit  from  opposite 
sides  of  the  town.  Quixada,  as  he  pressed  forward 
with  his  column,  drove  the  Morisco  fugitives  before 
him,  until  they  vanished  in  the  recesses  of  the 
mountains.  In  the  mean  time  the  beacon-fires, 
which  for  some  hours  had  been  blazing  from  the  top- 
most peaks  of  the  sierra,  had  spread  intelligence  far 
and  wide  of  the  coming  of  the  enemy.  The  whole 
country  was  in  arms ;  and  it  was  not  long  before 
the  native  warriors,  mustering  to  the  number  of  six 
thousand,  under  the  Morisco  chief,  El  Habaqui, 
who  held  command  in  that  quarter,  came  pouring 
through  the  defiles  of  the  mountains,  and  fell  with 
fury  on  the  front  and  flank  of  the  astonished  Span- 
iards. The  assailants  were  soon  joined  by  the  fugi- 
tives from  Seron ;  and  the  Christians,  unable  to 
withstand  this  accumulated  force,  gave  way,  though 
slowly  and  in  good  order,  before  the  enemy. 

Meanwhile  a  detachment  of  Spanish  infantry, 
under  command  of  Lope  de  Figueroa,  maestro  del 
campo,  had  broken  into  the  town,  where  they 
were  busily  occupied  in  plundering  the  deserted 
houses.  This  was  a  part  of  the  military  profession 


24:6  REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES.          [BOOK  V. 

which  the  rude  levies  of  Andalusia  well  understood. 
While  they  were  thus  occupied,  the  advancing  Mo- 
riscoes,  burning  for  revenge,  burst  into  the  streets 
of  the  town,  and,  shouting  their  horrid  war-cries, 
set  furiously  on  the  marauders.  The  Spaniards, 
taken  by  surprise,  and  encumbered  with  their  booty, 
offered  little  resistance.  They  were  seized  with  a 
panic,  and  fled  in  all  directions.  They  were  soon 
mingled  with  their  retreating  comrades  under  Qui- 
xada,  everywhere  communicating  their  own  ter- 
ror, till  the  confusion  became  general.  It  was  in 
vain  that  Quixada  and  Figueroa,  with  the  other 
captains,  endeavored  to  restore  order.  The  panic- 
stricken  soldiers  heard  nothing,  saw  nothing,  but 
the  enemy. 

At  this  crisis  Don  John,  who  from  his  elevated 
post  had  watched  the  impending  ruin,  called  his 
handful  of  brave  followers  around  him,  and  at 
once  threw  himself  into  the  midst  of  the  tumult. 
"  What  means  this,  Spaniards  1 "  he  exclaimed  ; 
"  From  whom  are  you  flying  1  Where  is  the  honor 
of  Spain1?  Have  you  not  John  of  Austria,  your 
commander,  with  you1?  At  least,  if  you  retreat, 
do  it  like  brave  men,  with  your  front  to  the  ene- 
my."1 It  was  in  vain.  His  entreaties,  his  men- 
aces, even  his  blows,  which  he  dealt  with  the  flat 
of  his  sabre,  were  ineffectual  to  rouse  anything 


1  "  Que  es  esto,  Espanoles  ?  de  de  que  temeis  ?  Retiraos  con  or- 
que  huis  ?  ddnde  esta  la  honra  de  den  como  hombres  de  guerra  con. 
Espana  ?  No  teneis  delante  a  Don  el  rostro  al  enemigo."  Marmol,  Re- 
Juan  de  Austria,  vuestro  capitan  ?  belion  de  Granada,  torn.  II.  p.  257. 


CH.  VIII.]  DISASTER  AT  SERON.  247 

like  a  feeling  of  shame  in  the  cowardly  troops. 
The  efforts  of  his  captains  were  equally  fruitless, 
though  in  making  them  they  exposed  their  lives 
with  a  recklessness  which  cost  some  of  them  dear. 
Figueroa  was  disabled  by  a  wound  in  the  leg. 
Quixada  was  hit  by  a  musket-ball  on  the  left 
shoulder,  and  struck  from  his  saddle.  Don  John, 
who  was  near,  sprang  to  his  assistance,  and  placed 
him  in  the  hands  of  some  troopers,  with  directions 
to  bear  him  at  once  to  Caniles.  In  doing  this  the 
young  commander  himself  had  a  narrow  escape; 
for  he  was  struck  on  his  helmet  by  a  ball,  which, 
however,  fortunately  glanced  off  without  doing  him 
injury.2  He  was  now  hurried  along  by  the  tide  of 
fugitives,  who  made  no  attempt  to  rally  for  the 
distance  of  half  a  league,  when  the  enemy  ceased 
his  pursuit.  Six  hundred  Spaniards  were  left  dead 
on  the  field.  A  great  number  threw  themselves 
into  the  houses,  prepared  to  make  good  their  de- 
fence. But  they  were  speedily  enveloped  by  the 
Moriscoes,  the  houses  were  stormed  or  set  on  fire, 
and  the  inmates  perished  to  a  man.3 

Don  John,  in  a  letter  dated  the  nineteenth  of 
February,  two  days  after  this  disgraceful  affair, 
gave  an  account  of  it  to  the  king,  declaring  that 

2  "  Acudiendo   a  todas  las  ne-  al  Rey,  19  de  Febrero,  1570,  MS. 
cesidades  con  peligro  de  su  perso-  —  Marmol,  Rebelion  de  Granada, 
na,  porque  le  dieronun  escopetazo  torn.  II.  p.  253  et  seq.  — Mendoza, 
en  la  cabeza  sobre  una  celada  fu-  Guerra   de    Granada,    p.    273. — 
erte  que  llevaba,  que  d  no  ser  tan  Villafane,  Vida  de  Magdalena  de 
buena,  le  mataran."    Ibid.,  p.  258.  Ulloa.  —  Vanderhammen,  Don  Ju- 

3  Carta  de  D.  Juan  de  Austria  an  de  Austria,  fol.  116,  117. 


24:8  REBELLION   OF   THE   MORISCOES.          [Booic  V. 

the  dastardly  conduct  of  the  troops  exceeded  any- 
thing he  had  ever  witnessed,  or  indeed  could  have 
believed,  had  he  not  seen  it  with  his  own  eyes. 
"  They  have  so'  little  heart  in  the  service,"  he  adds, 
"  that  no  effort  that  I  can  make,  not  even  the  fear 
of  the  galleys  or  the  gibbet,  can  prevent  them  from 
deserting.  Would  to  Heaven  I  could  think  that 
they  are  moved  to  this  by  the  desire  to  return  to 
their  families,  and  not  by  fear  of  the  enemy."4 
He  gave  the  particulars  of  Quixada's  accident,  stat- 
ing that  the  surgeons  had  made  six  incisions  before 
they  could  ascertain  where  the  ball,  which  had 
penetrated  the  shoulder,  was  lodged ;  and  that,  with 
all  their  efforts,  they  had  as  yet  been  unable  to  ex- 
tract it.  "  I  now  deeply  feel,"  he  says,  "  how  much 
I  have  been  indebted  to  his  military  experience,  his 
diligence  and  care,  and  how  important  his  preser- 
vation is  to  the  service  of  your  majesty.  I  trust  in 
God  he  may  be  permitted  to  regain  his  health, 
which  is  now  in  a  critical  condition."  5 

In  his  reply  to  this  letter,  the  king  expressed 
his  sense  of  the  great  loss  which  both  he  and  his 
brother  would  sustain  by  the  death  of  Quixada. 
"  You  will  keep  me  constantly  advised  of  the  state 
of  his  health,"  he  says.  "  I  know  well,  it  is  un- 
necessary for  me  to  impress  upon  you  the  necessity 

4  "  Conforme  &  esto   entenderd  &  Dios  que  el  amor  de  los  hijos  j 

V.  M.  la  poca  costancia  y  aficion  parientcs  sea  la  causa  y  no  miedo 

que  tienen  &  la  guerra,  estos  que  la  de   log   enemigos."     Carta   de  D. 

dejan  al  mejor  tiempo  sin  poderles  Juan   de   Austria   al  Rey,  1 9   de 

reprimir  galeras,  ni  horca  ni  cuan-  Fcbrero,  1570,  MS. 

tas  diligencias  se  hacen.     Y  plega  5  Ibid. 


CK.  VIII.]  DEATH   OF   QUIXADA.  249 

of  watching  carefully  over  him."  Philip  did  not 
let  the  occasion  pass  for  administering  a  gentle 
rebuke  to  Don  John,  for  so  lightly  holding  the 
promise  he  had  made  to  him  from  Galera,  not  again 
to  expose  himself  heedlessly  to  danger.  "When 
I  think  of  your  narrow  escape  at  Seron,  I  cannot 
express  the  pain  I  have  felt  at  your  rashly  in- 
curring such  a  risk.  In  war,  every  one  should 
confine  himself  to  the  duties  of  his  own  station; 
nor  should  the  general  affect  to  play  the  part  of 
the  soldier,  any  more  than  the  soldier  that  of  the 
general."6 

It  seems  to  have  been  a  common  opinion,  that 
Don  John  was  more  fond  of  displaying  his  per- 
sonal prowess  than  became  one  of  his  high  rank ; 
in  short,  that  he  showed  more  the  qualities  of  a 
knight-errant  than  those  of  a  great  commander.7 

Meanwhile  Quixada's  wound,  which  from  the 
first  had  been  attended  with  alarming  symptoms, 
grew  so  much  worse  as  to  baffle  all  the  skill  of  th*e 
surgeons.  His  sufferings  were  great,  and  every 

6  "  Que  cada  tino  ha  de  haeer  este   estilo  y  se  deje  gobernar." 
su  oficio  y  no  el  general  de  soldado,  (Carta  de  4  de  Marzo,  1570,  MS.) 
ni  el  soldado  el  de  general."     Car-  It  is  to  Don  John's  credit  that,  in 
la  del  Rey  d  D.  Juan  de  Austria,  his  reply,  he  thanks   Ruy  Gomez 
24  de  Febrero,  1570,  MS.  warmly   for  his   admonition,    and 

7  One  evidence  of  this  is  afford-  begs  his  monitor   to  reprove  him 
ed  by  the  frankness  of  his  friend,  -without    hesitation,    whenever   he 
Ruy  Gomez  de  Silva.     "  La  pri-  deems  it  necessary,  since,  now  that 
mera,"  he   writes   to    Don   John,  his  guardian  is  gone,  there  is  no 
"  que  por  cuanto  V.  Ex.a  esta  re-  other   who   can  tike  this  liberty, 
putado  de  atrevido  y  de  hombre  Carta  de  D.  Juan  de  Austria  d.  Ruy 
que  quiere  mas  ganar  credito  de  Gomez  de  Silva,  MS. 

soldado  que  de  general,  que  mude 
VOL.  in.  32 


250  REBELLION  OF  THE  MOIUSCOES.         [BOOK  V. 

hour  he  grew  weaker.     Before  a  week  had  elapsed, 
it  became  evident  that  his  days  were  numbered. 

The  good  knight  received  the  intelligence  with 
composure,  —  for  he  did  not  fear  death.  He  had 
not  the  happiness  in  this  solemn  hour  to  have 
her  near  him.  on  whose  conjugal  love  and  tender- 
ness he  had  reposed  for  so  many  years.8  But  the 
person  whom  he  cherished  next  to  his  wife,  Don 
John  of  Austria,  was  by  his  bedside,  watching  over 
him  with  the  affectionate  solicitude  of  a  son,  and 
ministering  those  kind  offices  which  soften  the 
bitterness  of  death.  The  dying  man  retained  his 
faculties  to  the  last,  and  dictated,  though  he  had 
not  the  strength  to  sign,  a  letter  to  the  king,  re- 
questing some  favor  for  his  widow  in  consideration 
of  his  long  services.  He  then  gave  himself  up 
wholly  to  his  spiritual  concerns  ;  and  on  the  twen- 
ty-fourth of  February,  1570,  he  gently  expired,  in 
the  arms  of  his  foster-son. 

*  Quixada  received  a  soldier's  funeral.  His  obse- 
quies were  celebrated  with  the  military  pomp  suited 
to  his  station.  His  remains,  accompanied  by  the 
whole  army,  with  arms  reversed  and  banners  trail- 

8  According  to  Villafane,  Dona  lieve  that  this  could  have  allowed 

Magdalena  left  Madrid  on  learning  time  for  the  courier  who  brought 

her  husband's  illness,  and  travelled  the  tidings,  and  for  the  lady  after- 

with  such  despatch  that  she  arrived  wards,  whether   in  the   saddle  or 

in  time  to  receive  his  last  sighs,  litter,  to  have  travelled  a  distance 

Hita  also  speaks  of  her  presence  of  over  four  hundred  and  fifty  miles, 

at  his  bedside.     But  as  seven  days  along  execrable  roads,  with  much 

only  elapsed  between  the  date  of  of  the  way  lying  through  the  wild 

the  knight's  wound  and  that  of  his  passes  of  the  Alpujarras. 
death,  one  finds  it  difficult  to  be- 


CH.  VIH.]  DEATH  OF   QUIXADA.  251 

ing  in  the  dust,  were  borne  in  solemn  procession  to 
the  church  of  the  Jeronymites  in  Caniles;  and 
"  we  may  piously  trust,"  says  the  chronicler,  "  that 
the  soul  of  Don  Luis  rose  up  to  Heaven  with  the 
sweet  incense  which  burned  on  the  altars  of  St. 
Jerome ;  for  he  spent  his  life,  and  finally  lost  it,  in 
fighting  like  a  valiant  soldier  the  battles  of  the 
faith."9 

Quixada  was  austere  in  his  manners,  and  a 
martinet  in  enforcing  discipline.  He  was  loyal  in 
his  nature,  of  spotless  integrity,  and  possessed  so 
many  generous  and  knightly  qualities,  that  he  com- 
manded the  respect  of  his  comrades ;  and  the  re- 
gret for  his  loss  was  universal.  Philip,  writing 
to  Don  John,  a  few  days  after  the  event,  remarks: 
"  I  did  not  think  that  any  letter  from  you  could 
have  given  me  so  much  pain  as  that  acquainting 
me  with  the  death  of  Quixada.  I  fully  compre- 
hend the  importance  of  his  loss  both  to  myself  and 
to  you,  and  cannot  wonder  you  should  feel  it  so 
keenly.  It  is  impossible  to  allude  to  it  without 
sorrow.  Yet  we  may  be  consoled  by  the  reflection 
that,  living  and  dying  as  he  did,  he  cannot  fail  to 
have  exchanged  this  world  for  a  better." 10 

Quixada's  remains  were  removed,  the  year  fol- 
lowing, to  his  estate  at  Villagarcia,  where  his  dis- 

9  "  Creemos  piadosamente  que  nuestra  santa  fe,  y  por  ultimo  mu- 
el  alma  de  D.  Luis  subiria  al  cielo  rid  batallando  con  ellos  como  sol- 
con  el  oloroso  incienso  que  se  que-  dado  valeroso."  Hita,  Guerras  de 
mo  en  los  altares  de  S.  Gerdnimo,  Granada,  torn.  II.  p.  487. 
porque  siempre  habia  empleado  la  10  Carta  del  Rey  d.  D.  Juan  de 
vida  en  pelear  contra  enemigos  de  Austria,  3  de  Marzo,  1570,  MS. 


252  REBELLION  OF  THE   MORISCOES.         [BOOK  V. 

consolate  widow  continued  to  reside.  Immediately 
after  her  lord's  decease,  Don  John  wrote  to  Dona 
Magdalena,  from  the  camp,  a  letter  of  affectionate 
condolence,  which  came  from  the  fulness  of  his 
heart :  "  Luis  died  as  became  him,  fighting  for  the 
glory  and  safety  of  his  son,  and  covered  with  im- 
mortal honor.  Whatever  I  am,  whatever  I  shall 
be,  I  owe  to  him,  by  whom  I  was  formed,  or  rather 
begotten  in  a  nobler  birth.  Dear  sorrowing  wid- 
owed mother !  I  only  am  left  to  you  ;  and  to  you 
indeed  do  I  of  right  belong,  for  whose  sake  Luis 
died,  and  you  have  been  stricken  with  this  woe. 
Moderate  your  grief  with  your  wonted  wisdom. 
Would  that  I  were  near  you  now,  to  dry  your  tears, 
or  mingle  mine  with  them  !  Farewell,  dearest  and 
most  honored  mother !  and  pray  to  God  to  send 
back  your  son  from  these  wars  to  your  bosom."  n 

Dona  Magdalena  survived  her  husband  many 
years,  employing  her  time  in  acts  of  charity  and 
devotion.  From  Don  John  she  ever  experienced 
the  same  filial  tenderness  which  he  evinces  in  the 
letter  above  quoted.  Never  did  he  leave  the  coun- 
try or  return  to  it  without  first  paying  his  respects 
to  his  mother,  as  he  always  called  her.  She 
watched  with  maternal  pride  his  brilliant  career; 
and  when  that  was  closed  by  an  early  death, 
the  last  link  which  had  bound  her  to  this  world 


11  The  letter  is  translated    by  National  Library  at  Madrid.     See 

Stirling  from    a    manuscript,   en-  Cloister  Life  of  Charles  the  Fifth, 

tided   "  Joannis     Austriaci    Vita,  (Am.  ed.,)  p.  286. 
auctore   Antonio    Ossorio,"  in  the 


CH.  VIII.|       RAPID   SUCCESSES   OF  DON  JOHN.  253 

was  snapped  for  ever.  Yet  she  continued  to  live 
on  till  near  the  close  of  the  century,  dying  in  1598, 
and  leaving  behind  her  a  reputation  for  goodness 
and  piety  little  less  than  that  of  a  saint. 

Don  John,  having  paid  the  last  tribute  of  re- 
spect to  the  memory  of  his  guardian,  collected 
his  whole  strength,  and  marched  at  once  against 
Seron.  But  the  enemy,  shrinking  from  an  encoun- 
ter with  so  formidable  a  force,  had  abandoned  the 
place  before  the  approach  of  the  Spaniards.  Tne 
Spanish  commander  soon  after  encountered  El  Ha- 
baqui  in  the  neighborhood,  and  defeated  him.  He 
then  marched  on  Tijola,  a  town  perched  on  a  bold 
cliff,  which  a  resolute  garrison  might  have  easily 
held  against  an  enemy.  But  the  Moriscoes,  avail- 
ing themselves  of  the  darkness  of  the  night,  stole 
out  of  the  place,  and  succeeded,  without  much  loss, 
in  escaping  through  the  lines  of  the  besiegers.12 
The  fall  of  Tijola  was  followed  by  that  of  Pur- 
chena.  In  a  short  time  the  whole  Rio  de  Al- 
manzora  was  overrun,  and  the  victorious  general, 
crossing  the  southeastern  borders  of  the  Alpuj arras, 
established  his  quarters,  on  the  second  of  May,  at 
Padules,  about  two  leagues  from  Andarax. 

These  rapid  successes  are  not  to  be  explained 
simply  by  Don  John's  superiority  over  the  enemy 

12  Tyola  is  the  scene  of  the  story,  forms  a  most  pleasing  episode  in 

familiar  to  every  lover  of  Castilian  Hita's  second  volume,  (pp.  523- 

romance,  and  better  suited  to  ro-  540,)  and  is  translated  with  pathos 

mance  than  history,  of  the  Moor  and  delicacy  by  Circourt,  Hist,  des 

Tuzani  and  his  unfortunate  mis-  Arabes    d'Espagne,  torn.   III.    p. 

tress,    the    beautiful    Malcha.     It  345  et  seq. 


254  REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES.         [BOOK  V. 

in  strength  or  military  science.  Philip  had  turned 
a  favorable  ear  to  the  pope's  invitation  to  join  the 
league  against  the  Turk,  in  which  he  was  compli- 
mented by  having  the  post  of  coramander-in-chief 
offered  to  his  brother,  John  of  Austria.  But  before 
engaging  in  a  new  war,  it  was  most  desirable  for 
him  to  be  released  from  that  in  which  he  was  in- 
volved with  the  Moriscoes.  He  had  already  seen 
enough  of  the  sturdy  spirit  of  that  race  to  be  satis- 
fied that  to  accomplish  his  object  by  force  would  be 
a  work  of  greater  time  than  he  could  well  afford. 
The  only  alternative,  therefore,  was  to  have  recourse 
to  the  conciliatory  policy  which  had  been  so  much 
condemned  in  the  marquis  of  Mondejar.  Instruc- 
tions to  that  effect  were  accordingly  sent  to  Don 
John,  who,  heartily  weary  of  this  domestic  contest, 
and  longing  for  a  wider  theatre  of  action,  entered 
warmly  into  his  brother's  views.  Secret  negotia- 
tions were  soon  opened  with  El  Habaqui,  the 
Morisco  chief,  who  received  the  offer  of  such  terms 
for  himself  and  his  countrymen  as  left  him  in  no 
doubt,  at  least,  as  to  the  side  6*n  which  his  own  in- 
terest lay.  As  a  preliminary  step,  he  was  to  with- 
draw his  support  from  the  places  in  the  Rio  de 
Almanzora ;  and  thus  the  war,  brought  within  the 
narrower  range  of  the  Alpujarras,  might  be  more 
easily  disposed  of.  This  part  of  his  agreement  had 
been  faithfully  executed  ;  and  the  rebellious  district 
on  the  eastern  borders  of  the  Alpujarras  had,  as 
we  have  seen,  been  brought  into  subjection,  with 
little  cost  of  life  to  the  Spaniards. 


CH.  VIII]       RAPID   SUCCESSES   OF  DON  JOHN.  255 

Don  John  followed  this  up  by  a  royal  proclama- 
tion, promising  an  entire  amnesty  for  the  past  to 
all  who  within  twenty  days  should  tender  their 
submission.  They  were  to  be  allowed  to  state  the 
grievances  which  had  moved  them  to  take  up  arms, 
with  an  assurance  that  these  should  be  redressed. 
All  who  refused  to  profit  by  this  act  of  grace,  with 
the  exception  of  the  women,  and  of  children  under 
fourteen  years  of  age,  would  be  put  to  the  sword 
without  mercy. 

What  was  the  effect  of  the  proclamation  we  are 
not  informed.  It  was  probably  not  such  as  had 
been  anticipated.  The  Moriscoes,  distressed  as  they 
were,  did  not  trust  the  promises  of  the  Spaniards. 
At  least  we  find  Don  John,  who  had  now  received 
a  reinforcement  of  two  thousand  men,  distributing 
his  army  into  detachments,  with  orders  to  scour  the 
country  and  deal  with  the  inhabitants  in  a  way 
that  should  compel  them  to  submit.  Such  of  the 
wretched  peasantry  as  had  taken  refuge  in  their 
fastnesses  were  assailed  with  shot  and  shell,  and 
slaughtered  by  hundreds.  Some,  who  had  hidden 
with  their  families  in  the  caves  in  which  the  coun- 
try abounded,  were  hunted  out  by  their  pursuers, 
or  suffocated  by  the  smoke  of  burning  fagots  at 
the  entrance  of  their  retreats.  Everywhere  the 
land  was  laid  waste,  so  as  to  afford  sustenance 
for  no  living  thing.  Such  were  the  conciliatory 
measures  employed  by  the  government  for  the  re- 
duction of  the  rebels.13 

"  Marmol,  Rebelion  de  Granada,  torn.  II.  pp.  290  -  320,  340  -  346.  — 


256  EEBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES.         [BOOK  V. 

Meanwhile  the  duke  of  Sesa  had  taken  the  field 
on  the  northern  border  of  the  Alpuj arras,  with  an 
army  of  ten  thousand  foot  and  two  thousand  horse. 
He  was  opposed  by  Aben-Aboo  with  a  force  which 
in  point  of  numbers  was  not  inferior  to  his  own. 
The  two  commanders  adopted  the  same  policy ; 
avoiding  pitched  battles,  and  confining  themselves 
to  the  desultory  tactics  of  guerilla  warfare,  —  to 
skirmishes  and  surprises;  while  each  endeavored 
to  distress  his  adversary  by  cutting  off  his  con- 
voys and  by  wasting  the  territory  with  fire  and 
sword.  The  Morisco  chief  had  an  advantage  in 
the  familiarity  of  his  men  with  this  wild  mountain 
fighting,  and  in  their  better  knowledge  of  the 
intricacies  of  the  country.  But  this  was  far  more 
than  counterbalanced  by  the  superiority  of  the 
Spaniards  in  military  organization,  and  by  their 
possession  of  cavalry,  artillery,  and  muskets,  in 
all  of  which  the  Moslems  were  lamentably  de- 
ficient. Thus,  although  no  great  battle  was  won 
by  the  Christians,  although  they  were  sorely  an- 
noyed, and  their  convoys  of  provisions  frequently 
cut  off,  by  the  skirmishing  parties  of  the  enemy, 
they  continued  steadily  to  advance,  driving  the 
Moriscoes  before  them,  and  securing  the  perma- 
nency of  their  conquests  by  planting  a  line  of  forts, 
well  garrisoned,  along  the  wasted  territory  in  their 
rear.  By  the  beginning  of  May,  the  duke  of  Sesa 
had  reached  the  borders  of  the  Mediterranean,  and 

Vanderhammen,    Don    Juan    de    ras,  Hist.  d'Espagne,  torn.  X.  p. 
Austria,  fol.  119  et  seq.  —  Ferre-     170etseq. 


CH.  VIII.]       RAPID   SUCCESSES  OF  DON  JOHN.  257 

soon  after  united  his  forces,  greatly  diminished  by 
desertion,  to  those  of  Don  John  of  Austria  at 
Padules.14 

Negotiations  during  this  time  had  been  resumed 
with  El  Habaqui,  who  with  the  knowledge,  if  not 
the  avowed  sanction,  of  Aben-Aboo,  had  come  to 
a  place  called  Fondon  de  Andarax,  not  far  distant 
from  the  head-quarters  of  the_  Spanish  commander- 
in-chief.  He  was  accompanied  by  several  of  the 
principal  Moriscoes,  who  were  to  take  part  in  the 
discussions.  On  the  thirteenth  of  May  they  were 
met  by  the  deputies  from  the  Castilian  camp, 
and  the  conference  was  opened.  It  soon  appeared 
that  the  demands  of  the  Moriscoes  were  wholly 
inadmissible.  They  insisted,  not  only  on  a  general 
amnesty,  but  that  things  should  be  restored  to  the 
situation  in  which  they  were  before  the  edicts  of 
Philip  the  Second  had  given  rise  to  the  rebellion. 
The  Moorish  commissioners  were  made  to  under- 
stand that  they  were  to  negotiate  only  on  the  foot- 
ing of  a  conquered  race.  They  were  advised  to 
prepare  a  memorial  preferring  such  requests  as 
might  be  reasonably  granted ;  and  they  were  of- 
fered the  services  of  Juan  de  Soto,  Don  John's 

14  Mendoza,  Guerrade  Granada,  he  insists  on  starvation  as  a  much 

p.  271  et  seq.  —  Marmol,  Rebelion  more  effectual  means  of  reducing 

de  Granada,  torn.  II.  pp.  283  -  289,  the  enemy  than  the  sword.  "  Esta 

303-315,321  et  seq.  guerra  parece  que  no  puede  aca- 

In  a  letter  without  date,  of  the  barse  por  medio  mas  cierto  que  el 

duke  of  Sesa,  forming  part  of  a  de  la  hambre  que  necesitara  &  los 

mass  of  correspondence  which  I  enemigos  &  rendirse  6  perecer,  y 

was  so  fortunate  as  to  obtain  from  esta  los  acabard  primero  que  el 

the  collection  at  Holland  House,  espada."  MS. 

VOL.  in.  33 


258  REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES.          [BOOK  V. 

secretary,  to  aid  them  in  drafting  the  document. 
They  were  counselled,  moreover,  to  see  their  mas- 
ter, Aben-Aboo,  and  obtain  full  powers  from  him 
to  conclude  a  definitive  treaty. 

Aben-Aboo,  ever  since  his  elevation  to  the  stormy 
sovereignty  of  the  Alpuj arras,  had  maintained  his 
part  with  a  spirit  worthy  of  his  cause.  But  as  he 
beheld  town  after  town  fall  away  from  his  little 
empire,  his  people  butchered  or  swept  into  slavery, 
his  lands  burned  and  wasted,  until  the  fairest  por- 
tions were  converted  into  a  wilderness,  —  above  all, 
when  he  saw  that  his  cause  excited  no  sympathy  in 
the  bosoms  of  the  Moslem  princes,  on  whose  sup- 
port he  had  mainly  relied,  —  he  felt  more  and 
more  satisfied  of  the  hopelessness  of  a  contest  with 
the  Spanish  monarchy.  His  officers,  and  indeed 
the  people  at  large,  had  come  to  the  same  convic- 
tion ;  and  nothing  but  an  intense  hatred  of  the 
Spaniards,  and  a  distrust  of  their  good  faith,  had 
prevented  the  Moriscoes  from  throwing  down  their 
arms  and  accepting  the  promises  of  grace  which 
had  been  held  out  to  them.  The  disastrous  re- 
sult of  the  recent  campaign  against  the  duke  of 
Sesa  tended  still  further  to  the  discouragement 
of  the  Morisco  chief;  and  El  Habaqui  and  his  as- 
sociates returned  with  authority  from  their  mas- 
ter to  arrange  terms  of  accommodation  with  the 
Spaniards. 

On  the  nineteenth  of  May,  the  commissioners 
from  each  side  again  met  at  Fondon  de  Andarax. 
A  memorial  drafted  by  Juan  de  Soto  was  laid 


Cn.  VIII.]        SUBMISSION  OF  THE  MORISCOES.  259 

before  Don  John,  whose  quarters,  as  we  have  seen, 
were  in  the  immediate  neighborhood.  No  copy  of 
the  instrument  has  been  preserved,  or  at  least  none 
has  been  published.  From  the  gracious  answer 
returned  by  the  prince,  we  may  infer  that  it  con- 
tained nothing  deemed  objectionable  by  the  con- 
querors. 

The  deputies  were  not  long  in  agreeing  on  terms 
of  accommodation,  —  or  rather,  of  submission.  It 
was  settled  that  the  Morisco  captain  should  proceed 
to  the  Christian  camp,  and  there  presenting  himself 
before  the  commander-in-chief,  should  humbly  crave 
forgiveness  and  tender  submission  on  behalf  of  his 
nation  ;  that,  in  return  for  this  act  of  humilia- 
tion, a  general  amnesty  should  be  granted  to  his 
countrymen,  who,  though  they  were  no  longer  to 
be  allowed  to  occupy  the  Alpuj arras,  would  be 
protected  by  the  government  wherever  they  might 
be  removed.  More  important  concessions  were 
made  to  Aben-Aboo  and  El  Habaqui.  The  last- 
mentioned  chief,  as  the  chronicler  tells  us,  obtained 
all  that  he  asked  for  his  master,  as  well  as  for  him- 
self and  his  friends.15  —  Such  politic  concessions  by 
the  Spaniards  had  doubtless  their  influence  in  open- 
ing the  eyes  of  the  Morisco  leaders  to  the  folly  of 
protracting  the  war  in  their  present  desperate  cir- 
cumstances. 

The  same  evening  on  which   the   arrangement 

15  "  Con  estas  cosas  y  otras  par-  gos,  y  para  si  mismo,  que  todas  se 
ticulares  que  El  Habaqui  pidid  le  concedieron."  Marmol,  Rebe- 
para  Aben  Aboo,  y  para  los  ami-  lion  de  Granada,  torn.  II.  p.  3(30. 


260  KEBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES.         [Booic  V. 

was  concluded,  El  Habaqui  proceeded  to  his  inter- 
view with  the  Spanish  commander.  He  was  ac- 
companied by  one  only  of  the  Morisco  deputies. 
The  others  declined  to  witness  the  spectacle  of  their 
nation's  humiliation.  He  was  attended,  however, 
by  a  body  of  three  hundred  arquebusiers.  On 
entering  the  Christian  lines,  his  little  company  was 
surrounded  by  four  regiments  of  Castilian  infantry 
and  escorted  to  the  presence  of  John  of  Austria, 
who  stood  before  his  tent,  attended  by  his  officers, 
from  whom  his  princely  bearing  made  him  easily 
distinguished. 

El  Habaqui,  alighting  from  his  horse,  and  pros- 
trating himself  before  the  prince,  exclaimed :  "  Mer- 
cy !  We  implore  your  highness,  in  the  name  of 
his  majesty,  to  show  us  mercy,  and  to  pardon  our 
transgressions,  which  we  acknowledge  have  been 
great ! " 16  Then  unsheathing  his  scymitar,  he  pre- 
sented it  to  Don  John,  saying  that  he  surrendered 
his  arms  to  his  majesty  in  the  name  of  Aben-Aboo 
and  the  rebel  chiefs  for  whom  he  was  empowered  to 
act.  At  the  same  time  the  secretary,  Juan  de  Soto, 
who  had  borne  the  Moorish  banner,  given  him  by 
El  Habaqui,  on  the  point  of  his  lance,  cast  it  on 
the  ground  before  the  feet  of  the  prince.  The 
whole  scene  made  a  striking  picture,  in  which  the 
proud  conqueror,  standing  with  the  trophies  of 
victory  around  him,  looked  down  on  the  repre- 

16  "  Misericordia,  Senor,  miseri-  don  de  nuestras  culpas,  que  cono- 
cordia  nos  conceda  vuestra  Alteza  cemos  haber  sido  graves."  Ibid., 
en  nombre  de  su  Magestad,  y  per-  p.  361. 


CH.  Yin.]       SUBMISSION  OF  THE  MORISCOES.  261 

sentative  of  the  conquered  race,  as  he  crouched 
in  abject  submission  at  his  feet.  Don  John,  the 
predominant  figure  in  the  tableau,  by  his  stately 
demeanor  tempered  with  a  truly  royal  courtesy, 
reminded  the  old  soldiers  of  his  father  the  emperor, 
and  they  exclaimed :  "  This  is  the  true  son  of 
Charles  the  Fifth!" 

Stooping  forward,  he  graciously  raised  the  Mo- 
risco  chief  from  the  ground,  and,  returning  him 
his  sword,  bade  him  employ  it  henceforth  in  the 
service  of  the  king.  The  ceremony  was  closed  by 
flourishes  of  trumpets  and  salvoes  of  musketry,  as 
if  in  honor  of  some  great  victory. 

El  Habaqui  remained  some  time  after  his  follow- 
ers had  left  the  camp,  where  he  met  with  every 
attention,  was  feasted  and  caressed  by  the  princi- 
pal officers,  and  was  even  entertained  at  a  banquet 
by  the  bishop  of  Guadix.  lie  received,  however, 
as  we  have  seen,  something  more  substantial  than 
compliments.  Under  these  circumstances  it  was 
natural  that  he  should  become  an  object  of  jealousy 
and  suspicion  to  the  Moriscoes.  It  was  soon  whis- 
pered that  El  Habaqui,  in  his  negotiations  with 
the  Christians,  had  been  more  mindful  of  his  own 
interests  than  of  those  of  his  countrymen.17 

Indeed,  the  Moriscoes  had  little  reason  to  con- 
gratulate themselves  on  the  result  of  a  treaty, 
which  left  them  in  the  same  forlorn  and  degraded 
condition  as  before  the  breaking  out  of  the  rebel- 

17  The  fullest  account  of  these  Marmol,  Rebelion  de  Granada, 
proceedings  is  to  be  found  in  torn.  II.  pp.  355-362. 


262  REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES.         [BOOK  V. 

lion,  —  which,  in  one  important  respect,  indeed,  left 
them  in  a  worse  condition,  since  they  were  hence- 
forth to  become  exiles  from  the  homes  of  their 
fathers.  Yet  cruel  and  pitiable  in  the  extreme  as 
was  the  situation  of  the  Moriscoes,  the  Spanish 
monks,  as  Don  John  complains  to  his  brother, 
inveighed  openly  in  their  pulpits  against  the  be- 
nignity and  mercy  of  the  king ;  18  and  this  too,  he 
adds,  when  it  should  rather  have  been  their  duty 
to  intercede  for  poor  wretches,  who  for  the  most 
part  had  sinned  through  ignorance.19  The  eccle- 
siastic on  whom  his  censure  most  heavily  falls,  is 
the  President  Deza,  —  a  man  held  in  such  ab- 
horrence by  the  Moriscoes  as  to  have  been  one 
principal  cause  of  their  insurrection;  and  he  be- 
seeches the  king  to  consult  the  interests  of  Gra- 
nada, by  bestowing  on  him  a  bishopric,  or  some 
other  dignity,  which  may  remove  him  from  the 
present  scene  of  his  labors.20 

Among  those  disappointed  at  the  terms  of  the 
treaty,  as  it  soon  appeared,  was  Aben-Aboo  him- 
self. At  first  he  affected  to  sanction  it,  and  prom- 

18  « Predicando  en  los  piilpitos        2°  "  The  wise  king,"  as   Bleda 
publicamente  contra  la  benignidad  tells  us,  "  did  not  forget  Deza's  emi- 
y  clemencia  que  V.  M.  ha  man-  nent  services.     He  became  one  of 
dado  usar  con  esta  gente."     Carta  the  richest  cardinals,  passing  the  re- 
de D.  Juan  de  Austria  al  Key,  7  de  mainder  of  his  days  in  Rome,  where 
Junio,  1570,  MS.  he  built  a  sumptuous  palace  for  his 

19  "  Quo  los  religiosos  que  ha-  residence."     (Cronica  de  Espana, 
brian  de  interceder  con  V.  M.  por  p.  753.)    Unfortunately  this  happy 
estos  iniserables,  que  cierto  la  ma-  preferment  did  not  take  place  till 
yor  parte  ha  pecado  con  ignorancia,  some  time  later,  —  too  late  for  the 
hagan  su  esfuerzo  en  reprender  la  poor  Moriscoes  to  profit  by  it. 
clemencia."     Ibid. 


CH.  VIII]       SUBMISSION  OF  THE  MORISCOES.  263 

ised  to  do  all  he  could  to  enforce  its  execution. 
But  he  soon  cooled,  and,  throwing  the  blame 
on  El  Habaqui,  declared  that  this  officer  had  ex- 
ceeded his  powers,  made  a  false  report  to  him  of 
his  negotiations,  and  sacrificed  the  interests  of  the 
nation  to  his  own  ambition.21  The  attentions 
lavished  on  that  chief  by  the  Spaniards,  his  early 
correspondence  with  them,  and  the  liberal  conces- 
sions secured  to  him  by  the  treaty,  furnished  plau- 
sible grounds  for  such  an  accusation. 

According  to  the  Spanish  accounts,  however, 
Aben-Aboo  at  this  time  received  a  reinforcement 
of  two  hundred  soldiers  from  Barbary,  with  the 
assurance  that  he  would  soon  have  more  effectual 
aid  from  Africa.  This,  we  are  told,  changed  his 
views.  Nor  is  it  impossible  that  the  Morisco  chief, 
as  the  hour  approached,  found  it  a  more  difficult 
matter  than  he  had  anticipated  to  resign  his  royal 
state  and  descend  into  the  common  rank  and  file 
of  the  vassals  of  Castile,  —  the  degraded  caste  of 
Moorish  vassals,  whose  condition  was  little  above 
that  of  serfs. 

However  this  may  be,  the  Spanish  camp  was 
much  disquieted  by  the  rumors  which  came  in 
of  Aben-Aboo's  vacillation.  It  was  even  reported 
that,  far  from  endeavoring  to  enforce  the  execution 
of  the  treaty,  he  was  secretly  encouraging  his  peo- 


21  "  Que  el  Habaqui  habia  mira-  conceder,  y  procurando  el  bien  j 

do  mal  por  el  bien  comun,  conten-  provecho  para  si  y  para  sus  deu- 

tandose  con  lo  que  solamente  Don  dos."    Mannol,  Rebelion  de  Gra- 

Juan  de  Austria  le  habia  querido  nada,  torn.  II.  p.  390. 


REBELLION  OF   THE  M01USCOES.          [BOOK  V. 

pie  to  further  resistance.  No  one  felt  more  in- 
dignant at  his  conduct  than  El  Habaqui,  who  had 
now  become  as  loyal  a  subject  as  any  other  in 
Philip's  dominions.  Not  a  little  personal  resent- 
ment was  mingled  with  his  feeling  towards  Aben- 
Aboo;  and  he  offered,  if  Don  John  would  place 
him  at  the  head  of  a  detachment,  to  go  himself, 
brave  the  Morisco  prince  in  his  own  quarters,  and 
bring  him  as  a  prisoner  to  the  camp.  Don  John, 
though  putting  entire  confidence  in  El  Habaqui's 
fidelity,22  preferred,  instead  of  men,  to  give  him 
money ;  and  he  placed  eight  hundred  gold  ducats 
in  his  hands,  to  enable  him  to  raise  the  necessary 
levies  among  his  countrymen. 

Thus  fortified,  El  Habaqui  set  out  for  the 
head-quarters  of  Aben-Aboo,  at  his  ancient  resi- 
dence in  Mecina  de  Bombaron.  On  the  second 
day  the  Morisco  captain  fell  in  with  a  party  of  his 
countrymen  lingering  idly  by  the  way,  and  he  in- 
quired, with  an  air  of  authority,  why  they  did  not 
go  and  tender  their  submission  to  the  Spanish 
authorities,  as  others  had  done.  They  replied, 
they  were  waiting  for  their  master's  orders.  To 
this  El  Habaqui  rejoined,  "  All  are  bound  to  sub- 
mit ;  and  if  Aben-Aboo,  on  his  part,  shows  unwill- 
ingness to  do  so,  I  will  arrest  him  at  once,  and 
drag  him  at  my  horse's  tail  to  the  Christian 

22  "  En  lo  que  &  esto  toca,  no  resce  hombre  que  tracta  verdad,  y 

tengo  mas  prendas  que  la  palabra  tal  fama  tiene."    Carta  de  D.  Juan 

del  Habaqui,  el  cual  me  podria  en-  de  Austria  al  Rey,  21  de  Mayo, 

gafiar;  pero  certifico  &  V.  M.  que  1570,  MS. 
en  su  manera  de  proceder  me  pa- 


CH.  VIII.]  FATE  OF  EL  HABAQUL  265 

camp."23  —  This   foolish  vaunt  cost   the   braggart 
his  life. 

One  of  the  party  instantly  repaired  to  Mecina 
and  reported  the  words  to  Aben-Aboo.  The  Mo- 
risco  prince,  overjoyed  at  the  prospect  of  having 
his  enemy  in  his  power,  immediately  sent  a  de- 
tachment of  a  hundred  and  fifty  Turks  to  seize  the 
offender  and  bring  him  to  Mecina.  They  found 
El  Habaqui  at  Burchal,  where  his  family  were 
living.  The  night  had  set  in,  when  the  chief- 
tain received  tidings  of  the  approach  of  the  Turks ; 
and  under  cover  of  the  darkness  he  succeeded  in 
making  his  escape  into  the  neighboring  mountains. 
The  ensuing  morning  the  soldiers  followed  closely 
on  his  track ;  and  it  was  not  long  before  they  de- 
scried a  person  skulking  among  the  rocks,  whose 
white  mantle  and  crimson  turban  proved  him  to 
be  the  object  of  their  pursuit.  He  was  immediate- 
ly arrested  and  carried  to  Mecina.  His  sentence 
was  already  passed.  Aben-Aboo,  upbraiding  him 
with  his  treachery,  ordered  him  to  be  removed  to 
an  adjoining  room,  where  he  was  soon  after  stran- 
gled. His  corpse,  denied  the  rights  of  burial,  hav- 
ing been  first  rolled  in  a  mat  of  reeds,  was  igno- 
miniously  thrown  into  a  sewer;  and  the  fate  of 
the  unhappy  man  was  kept  a  secret  for  more  than 
a  month.24 

23  "  Que  quando  Aben  Aboo  de  te,  y  mandd  echar  el  cuerpo  en  un 
su  voluntad  no  lo  hiciese,  le  lleva-  inuladar  envuelto  en  un  zarzo  de 
ria  el  atado  &  la  cola  de  su  cabal-  canas,  donde  estuvo  mas  de  treinta 
lo."     Marmol,  Rebelion  de  Grana-  dias   sin    saberse   de   su  muerte." 
da,  torn.  II.  p.  392.  Ibid.,  p.  393. 

24  "  Lo  hizo  ahogar  secretamen- 
VOL.  in.  34 


266  REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES.          [BOOK  V. 

His  absence,  after  some  time,  naturally  excited 
suspicions  in  the  Spanish  camp.  A  cavalier,  known 
to  Aben-Aboo,  wrote  to  him  to  obtain  information 
respecting  El  Habaqui,  and  was  told  in  answer, 
by  the  wily  prince,  that  he  had  been  arrested  and 
placed  in  custody  for  his  treacherous  conduct,  but 
that  his  family  and  friends  need  be  under  no  alarm, 
as  he  was  perfectly  safe.  Aben-Aboo  hinted,  more- 
over, that  it  would  be  well  to  send  to  him  some  con- 
fidential person  with  whom  he  might  arrange  the 
particulars  of  the  treaty,  —  as  if  these  had  not 
been  already  settled.  After  some  further  delay,  Don 
John  resolved  to  despatch  an  agent  to  ascertain 
the  real  dispositions  of  the  Moriscoes  towards  the 
Christians,  and  to  penetrate,  if  possible,  the  mys- 
tery that  hung  round  the  fate  of  El  Habaqui. 

The  envoy  selected  was  Hcrnan  Valle  de  Pala- 
cios,  a  cavalier  possessed  of  a  courageous  heart, 
yet  tempered  by  a  caution  that  well  fitted  him 
for  the  delicate  and  perilous  office.  On  the  thir- 
teenth of  July  he  set  out  on  his  mission.  On  the 
way  he  encountered  a  Morisco,  a  kinsman  of  the 
late  monarch,  Aben-Humeya,  and  naturally  no 
friend  to  Aben-Aboo.  He  was  acquainted  with 
the  particulars  of  El  Habaqui's  murder,  of  which 
he  gave  full  details  to  Palacios.  He  added,  that 
the  Morisco  prince,  far  from  acquiescing  in  the  re- 
cent treaty,  was  doing  all  in  his  power  to  prevent 
its  execution.  He  could  readily  muster,  at  short 
notice,  said  the  informer,  a  force  of  five  thousand 
men,  well  armed,  and  provisioned  for  three  months ; 


CH.  VIII.]         STERN  TEMPER  OF  ABEX-ABOO.  267 

and  he  was  using  all  his  efforts  to  obtain  further 
reinforcements  from  Algiers. 

Instructed  in  these  particulars,  the  envoy  re- 
sumed his  journey.  He  was  careful,  however,  first 
to  obtain  a  safe-conduct  from  Aben-Aboo,  which 
was  promptly  sent  to  him.  On  reaching  Mecina, 
he  found  the  place  occupied  by  a  body  of  five  hun- 
dred arquebusiers ;  but  by  the  royal  order  he  was 
allowed  to  pass  unmolested.  Before  entering  the 
presence  of  "  the  little  king  of  the  Alpujarras,"  as 
Aben-Aboo,  like  his  predecessor,  was  familiarly 
styled  by  the  Spaniards,  Palacios  was  carefully 
searched,  and  such  weapons  as  he  carried  about 
him  were  taken  away. 

He  found  Aben-Aboo  stretched  on  a  divan,  and 
three  or  four  Moorish  girls  entertaining  him  with 
their  national  songs  and  dances.  He  did  not  rise, 
or  indeed  change  his  position,  at  the  approach  of 
the  envoy,  but  gave  him  audience  with  the  lofty 
bearing  of  an  independent  sovereign. 

Palacios  did  not  think  it  prudent  to  touch  on 
the  fate  of  El  Habaqui.  After  expatiating  on  the 
liberal  promises  which  he  was  empowered  by  Don 
John  of  Austria  to  make,  he  expressed  the  hope 
that  Aben-Aboo  would  execute  the  treaty,  and  not 
rekindle  a  war  which  must  lead  to  the  total  de- 
struction of  his  country.  The  chief  listened  in 
silence ;  and  it  was  not  till  he  had  called  some  of 
his  principal  captains  around  him,  that  he  con- 
descended to  reply.  He  then  said,  that  God  and 
the  whole  world  knew  it  was  not  by  his  own 


268  REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES.         [BOOK  V. 

desire,  but  by  the  will  of  the  people,  that  he  had 
been  placed  on  the  throne.  "  I  shall  not  attempt," 
he  said,  "  to  prevent  any  of  my  subjects  from  sub- 
mitting that  prefer  to  do  so.  But  tell  your  master," 
he  added.  "  that,  while  I  have  a  single  shirt  to  my 
back,  I  shall  not  follow  their  example.  Though  no 
other  man  should  hold  out  in  the  Alpuj  arras,  I 
would  rather  live  and  die  a  Mussulman  than  possess 
all  the  favors  which  King  Philip  can  heap  on  me. 
At  no  time,  and  in  no  manner,  will  I  ever  consent 
to  place  myself  in  his  power."25  He  concluded  this 
spirited  declaration  by  adding,  that,  if  driven  to  it 
by  necessity,  he  could  bury  himself  in  a  cavern, 
which  he  had  stowed  with  supplies  for  six  years  to 
come,  during  which  it  would  go  hard  but  he  would 
find  some  means  of  making  his  way  to  Barbary. 
The  desperate  tone  of  these  remarks  effectually 
closed  the  audience.  Palacios  was  permitted  to 
return  unmolested,  and  to  report  to  his  commander 
the  failure  of  his  mission. 

The  war,  which  Don  John  had  flattered  himself 
he  had  so  happily  brought  to  a  close,  now,  like  a 
fire  smothered,  but  not  quenched,  burst  forth  again 
with  redoubled  fury.  The  note  of  defiance  was 
heard  loudest  among  the  hills  of  Honda,  a  wild 
sierra  on  the  western  skirts  of  the  Alpuj  arras, 
inhabited  by  a  bold  and  untamed  race,  more  for- 

25  "  Que  quando    no   quedase  Filipe  le  podia  hacer ;  y  que  fuese 

otro  sino  el  en  la  Alpuxarra  con  cierto,  que  en  ningun  tiempo,  ni 

sola  la  camisa  que  tenia  vestida,  por  ninguna  manera,  se   pondria 

estimaba  mas  A'ivir  y  morir  Moro,  en  su  poder."     Marmol,  Rebelion 

que  todas  quantas  rnercedesel  Rey  de  Granada,  torn.  II.  p.  410. 


Cu.  VIII.]  .     RENEWAL  OF  THE  WAR.  269 

midable  than  the  mountaineers  of  any  other  dis- 
trict of  Granada.  Aben-Aboo  did  all  he  could  to 
fan  the  flame  of  insurrection  in  this  quarter,  and 
sent  his  own  brother,  El  Galipe,  to  take  the  com- 
mand. 

The  Spanish  government,  now  fully  aroused, 
made  more  vigorous  efforts  to  crush  the  spirit 
of  rebellion  than  at  any  time  during  the  war. 
Don  John  was  ordered  to  occupy  Guadix,  and 
thence  to  scour  the  country  in  a  northerly  di- 
rection. Another  army,  under  the  Grand-Com- 
mander Requesens,  marching  from  Granada,  was  to 
enter  the  Alpujarras  from  the  north,  and,  taking 
a  route  different  from  that  of  the  duke  of  Sesa 
in  the  previous  campaign,  was  to  carry  a  war  of 
extermination  into  the  heart  of  the  mountains. 
Finally,  the  duke  of  Arcos,  the  worthy  descendant 
of  the  great  marquis  of  Cadiz,  whose  name  was 
so  famous  in  the  first  war  of  Granada,  and  whose 
large  estates  in  this  quarter  he  had  inherited,  was 
intrusted  with  the  operations  against  the  rebels  of 
the  Serrania  de  Honda. 

The  grand-commander  executed  his  commission 
in  the  same  remorseless  spirit  in  which  it  had  been 
dictated.  Early  in  September,  quitting  Granada, 
he  took  the  field  at  the  head  of  five  thousand  men. 
He  struck  at  once  into  the  heart  of  the  country. 
All  the  evils  of  war  in  its  most  horrid  form  fol- 
lowed in  his  train.  All  along  his  track,  it  seemed 
as  if  the  land  had  been  swept  by  a  conflagration. 
The  dwellings  were  sacked  and  burned  to  f  the 


270  REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES.         [BOOK  V. 

ground.  The  mulberry  and  olive  groves  were  cut 
down;  the  vines  were  torn  up  by  the  roots;  and 
the  ripening  harvests  were  trampled  in  the  dust. 
The  country  was  converted  into  a  wilderness.  Oc- 
casionally small  bodies  of  the  Moriscoes  made  a 
desperate  stand.  But  for  the  most  part,  without 
homes  to  shelter  or  food  to  nourish  them,  they 
were  driven,  like  unresisting  cattle,  to  seek  a 
refuge  in  the  depths  of  the  mountains,  and  in  the 
caves  in  which  this  part  of  the  country  abounded. 
Their  pursuers  followed  up  the  chase  with  the 
fierce  glee  with  which  the  hunter  tracks  the  wild 
animal  of  the  forest  to  his  lair.  There  they  were 
huddled  together,  one  or  two  hundred  frequently 
in  the  same  cavern.  It  was  not  easy  to  detect  the 
hiding-place  amidst  the  rocks  and  thickets  which 
covered  up  and  concealed  the  entrance.  But  when 
it  was  detected,  it  was  no  difficult  matter  to  de- 
stroy the  inmates.  The  green  bushes  furnished 
the  materials  for  a  smouldering  fire,  and  those 
within  were  soon  suffocated  by  the  smoke,  or, 
rushing  out,  threw  themselves  on  the  mercy  of- 
their  pursuers.  Some  were  butchered  on  the  spot  ; 
others  were  sent  to  the  gibbet  or  the  galleys ; 
while  the  greater  part,  with  a  fate  scarcely  less 
terrible,  were  given  up  as  the  booty  of  the  soldiers, 
and  sold  into  slavery.26 

26  It  is  the  language  of  Marmol,  to  regard  them  as  cruelties.  "  Unos 

•who  will  not  be  suspected  of  exag-  enviaba  el  Comendador  mayor  ;i 

gerating  the  cruelties  of  his  coun-  las  galeras,  otros  hacia  justicia  de 

trymen.  He  does  not  seem,  indeed,  ellos,  y  los  mas  consentia  que  los 


CH.  VIJI.  RENEWAL  OF  THE  WAR.  271 

Aben-Aboo  had  a  narrow  escape  in  one  of  these 
caverns,  not  far  from  Berchul,  where  he  had  se- 
creted himself  with  a  wife  and  two  of  his  daugh- 
ters. The  women  were  suffocated,  with  about 
seventy  other  persons.  The  Morisco  chief  suc- 
ceeded in  making  his  escape  through  an  aperture 
at  the  farther  end,  which  was  unknown  to  his 
enemies.27 

Small  forts  were  erected  at  short  intervals  along 
the  ruined  country.  No  less  than  eighty-four  of 
these  towers  were  raised  in  different  parts  of  the 
land,  twenty-nine  of  which  were  to  be  seen  in  the 
Alpuj arras  and  the  vale  of  Lecrin  alone.28  There 
they  stood,  crowning  every  peak  and  eminence  in 
the  sierra,  frowning  over  the  horrid  waste,  the  sad 
memorials  of  the  conquest.  This  was  the  stern 
policy  of  the  victors.  Within  this  rocky  girdle, 
long  held  as  it  was  by  the  iron  soldiery  of  Castile, 
it  was  impossible  that  rebellion  should  again  gather 
to  a  head. 

The  months  of  September  and  October  were 
consumed  in  these  operations.  Meanwhile  the 
duke  of  Arcos  had  mustered  his  Andalusian  levies, 
to  the  number  of  four  thousand  men,  including  a 
thousand  of  his  own  vassals.  He  took  with  him 
his  son,  a  boy  of  not  more  than  thirteen  years  of 


vendiesen  los  soldados    para  que  meration  of  the  fortresses  in  differ- 

fiiesen    aprovechados."     Rebelion  ent  districts  of  the  country.     Hist, 

de  Granada,  torn.  II.  p.  436.  des  Arabes  d'Espagne,  torn.  IIL 

27  Ibid.,  p.  433.  pp.  135,  136. 

28  Circourt  gives  a  precise  enu- 


272  REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES.         [BOOK  V. 

age,  —  following  in  this,  says  the  chronicler,  the 
ancient  usage  of  the  valiant  house  of  Ponce  de 
Leon.29  About  the  middle  of  September  he  be- 
gan his  expedition  into  the  Sierra  Vermeja,  or 
Red  Sierra.  It  was  a  spot  memorable  in  Spanish 
history  for  the  defeat  and  death  of  Alonso  de 
Aguilar,  in  the  time  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella, 
and  has  furnished  the  theme  of  many  a  plaintive 
romance  in  the  beautiful  minstrelsy  of  the  South. 
The  wife  of  the  duke  of  Arcos  was  descended  from 
Alonso  de  Aguilar,  as  he  himself  was  the  grandson 
of  the  good  count  of  Urefia,  who,  with  better  for- 
tune than  his  friend,  survived  the  disasters  of  that 
day.  The  route  of  the  army  led  directly  across  the 
fatal  field.  As  they  traversed  the  elevated  plain 
of  Calaluz,  the  soldiers  saw  every  where  around 
the  traces  of  the  fight.  The  ground  was  still  cov- 
ered with  fragments  of  rusty  armor,  bits  of  broken 
sword-blades,  and  heads  of  spears.  More  touching 
evidence  was  afforded  by  the  bones  of  men  and 
horses,  which,  in  this  solitary  region,  had  been 
whitening  in  the  blasts  of  seventy  winters.  The 
Spaniards  knew  well  the  localities,  with  which  they 
had  become  familiar  from  boyhood  in  the  legends 
and  traditions  of  the  country.  Here  was  the  spot 
where  the  vanguard,  under  its  brave  commander, 
had  made  its  halt  in  the  obscurity  of  the  night. 

29  "  Llevando  cerca  de  si  a  su  muchachos  pelcando  con  los  Moros, 

hijo,  mozo  quasi  de  trece  anos  Don  i  tener  a  sus  padres  por  maestros  " 

Luis  Ponce  de  Leon,  cosa  usada  Mendoza,  Guerra  de  Granada,  p. 

en  otra  edad  en  aquella  Casa  de  318. 
los  Ponces  de    Leon,   criarse  los 


CH.  VIIL]  RENEWAL  OF  THE  WAK.  273 

There  were  the  faint  remains  of  the  enemy's  in- 
trenchments,  which  time  had  nearly  levelled  with 
the  dust ;  and  there,  too,  the  rocks  still  threw  their 
dark  shadows  over  the  plain,  as  on  the  day  when 
the  valiant  Alonso  de  Aguilar  fell  at  their  base  in 
combat  with  the  renowned  Feri  de  Ben  Estepar. 
The  whole  scene  was  brought  home  to  the  hearts 
of  the  Spaniards.  As  they  gazed  on  the  unburied 
relics  lying  around  them,  the  tears,  says  the  elo- 
quent historian  who  records  the  incident,  fell  fast 
down  their  iron* cheeks;  and  they  breathed  a  sol- 
dier's prayer  for  the  repose  of  the  noble  dead.  But 
these  holier  feelings  were  soon  succeeded  by  others 
of  a  fierce  nature,  and  they  loudly  clamored  to  be 
led  against  the  enemy.30 

The  duke  of  Arcos,  profiting  by  the  errors  of 
Alonso  de  Aguilar,  had  made  his  arrangements 
with  great  circumspection.  He  soon  came  in  sight 
of  the  Moriscoes,  full  three  thousand  strong.  But, 
though  well  posted,  they  made  a  defence  little  wor- 
thy of  their  ancient  reputation,  or  of  the  notes  of 
defiance  which  they  had  so  boldly  sounded  at  the 
opening  of  the  campaign.  They  indeed  showed  met- 
tle at  first,  and  inflicted  some  loss  on  the  Christians. 
But  the  frequent  reverses  of  their  countrymen 

30  For  the  celebrated  descrip-  summate  art  that  raises  him  from 

tion  of  this  event  by  Mendoza,  see  the  rank  of  an  imitator  to  that  of  a 

Guerra  de  Granada,  pp.  301,  302.  rival.  The  reader  may  find  a  cir- 

The  Castilian  historian,  who  prob-  cumstantial  account  of  Alonso  de 

ably  borrowed  the  hint  of  it  from  Aguilar's  disastrous  expedition,  in 

Tacitus,  (Annales,  lib.  I.  sec.  31,)  1501,  in  the  History  of  Ferdinand 

has  painted  the  scene  with  a  con-  and  Isabella,  part  II.  ch.  7. 

VOL.  in.  35 


274  REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES.          [BOOK  V. 

seemed  to  have  broken  their  spirits,  and  they  were 
soon  thrown  into  disorder,  and  fled  in  various  direc- 
tions into  the  more  inaccessible  tracts  of  the  sierra. 
The  Spaniards  followed  up  the  fugitives,  who  did 
not  attempt  to  rally.  Nor  did  they  ever  again 
assemble  in  any  strength,  so  effectual  were  the 
dispositions  made  by  the  victorious  general.  The 
insurrection  of  the  Sierra  Vermeja  was  at  an  end.31 

The  rebellion,  indeed,  might  be  said  to  be  every- 
where crushed  within  the  borders  of  Granada. 
The  more  stout-hearted  of  the  insurgents  still  held 
out  among  the  caves  and  fastnesses  of  the  Alpu- 
j arras,  supporting  a  precarious  existence  until  they 
were  hunted  down  by  detachments  of  the  Span- 
iards, who  were  urged  to  the  pursuit  by  the  promise 
from  government  of  twenty  ducats  a  head  for  every 
Morisco.  But  nearly  all  felt  the  impracticability 
of  further  resistance  Some  succeeded  in  making 
their  escape  to  Barbary.  The  rest,  broken  in  spirit, 
and  driven  to  extremity  by  want  of  food  in  a  coun- 
try now  turned  into  a  desert,  consented  at  length 
to  accept  the  amnesty  offered  them,  and  tendered 
their  submission. 

On  the  twenty-eighth  of  October  Don  John  re- 
ceived advices  of  a  final  edict  of  Philip,  command- 
ing that  all  the  Moriscoes  in  the  kingdom  of  Gra- 
nada should  be  at  once  removed  into  the  interior 
of  the  country.  None  were  to  be  excepted  from 
this  decree,  not  even  the  Moriscos  de  la  Paz,  as 

31  Mendoza,  Guerra  de  Grana-    bejion   de  Granada,   torn.  II.  pp. 
da,  pp.  298-314.  — Marmol,  Re-    425-431. 


Cn.  VIII.]  EXPULSION  OF  THE  MOORS.  275 

those  were  called  who  had  loyally  refused  to  take 
part  in  the  rebellion.32  The  arrangements  for  this 
important  and  difficult  step  were  made  with  singu- 
lar prudence,  and,  under  the  general  direction  of 
Don  John  of  Austria,  the  Grand-Commander  Re- 
quesens,  and  the  dukes  of  Sesa  and  Arcos,  were 
carried  into  effect  with  promptness  and  energy. 

By  the  terms  of  the  edict,  the  lands  and  houses 
of  the  exiles  were  to  be  forfeited  to  the  crown. 
But  their  personal  effects  —  their  flocks,  their 
herds,  and  their  grain  —  would  be  taken,  if  they 
desired  it,  at  a  fixed  valuation  by  the  government. 
Every  regard  was  to  be  paid  to  their  personal  con- 
venience and  security  ;  and  it  was  forbidden,  in  the 
removal,  to  separate  parents  from  children,  hus- 
bands from  wives,  in  short,  to  divide  the  members 
of  a  family  from  one  another ;  —  "an  act  of  clem- 
ency," says  a  humane  chronicler,  "  which  they  little 
deserved ;  but  his  majesty  was  willing  in  this  to 
content  them."33 

The  country  was  divided  into  districts,  the  inhab- 

32  Circourt  quotes  a  remarkable  attempt  to   separate  the  innocent 

passage  from  the    Ordenanzas  de  from  the  guilty.     We  shall  indem- 

Granada,  which  well  illustrates  the  nify  them,  certainly.     Meanwhile 

conscientious  manner  in  which  the  their  estates  must  be  confiscated, 

government  dealt  with  the  Moris-  like  those  of  the  rebel  Moriscoes." 

coes.    It  forms  the  preamble  of  the  Hist,  dcs  Arabes  d'Espagne,  torn, 

law  of  February  24,  1571.     "  The  III.  p.  148. 

Moriscoes  who  took  no  part  in  the  ^  "  Que  las  casas  fuesen  y  estu- 

insurrection  ought  not  to  be  pun-  viesen  juntas ;    porque  aunque  lo 

ished.     We   should  not  desire  to  merecian  poco,  quiso  su  Magestad 

injure  them ;  but  they  cannot  here-  que  se  les  diese    este    contento." 

after    cultivate  their  lands;    and  Marmol,    Rebelion    de    Granada, 

then  it  would  be  an  endless  task  to  torn.  II.  p.  439. 


27G  REBELLION   OF  THE  MORISCOES.         [BOOK  V. 

itants  of  which  were  to  be  conducted,  under  the 
protection  of  a  strong  military  escort,  to  their  sev- 
eral places  of  destination.  These  seem  to  have  been 
the  territory  of  La  Mancha,  the  northern  borders 
of  Andalusia,  the  Castiles,  Estremadura,  and  even 
the  remote  province  of  Galicia.  Care  was  taken 
that  no  settlement  should  be  made  near  the  borders 
of  Murcia  or  Valencia,  where  large  numbers  of  the 
Moriscoes  were  living  in  comparative  quiet  on  the 
estates  of  the  great  nobles,  who  were  exceedingly 
jealous  of  any  interference  with  their  vassals. 

The  first  of  November,  All-Saints'  Day,  was  ap- 
pointed for  the  removal  of  the  Moriscoes  through- 
out Granada.  On  that  day  they  were  gathered  in 
the  principal  churches  of  their  districts,  and,  after 
being  formed  into  their  respective  divisions,  began 
their  march.  The  grand-commander  had  occupied 
the  passes  of  the  Alpujarras  with  strong  detach- 
ments of  the  military.  The  different  columns  of 
emigrants  were  placed  under  the  direction  of  per- 
sons of  authority  and  character.  The  whole  move- 
ment was  conducted  with  singular  order,  —  re- 
sistance being  attempted  in  one  or  two  places 
only,  where  the  blame,  it  may  be  added,  as  inti- 
mated by  a  Castilian  chronicler,  was  to  be  charged 
on  the  brutality  of  the  soldiers.34  Still,  the  re- 

34  "  Saquearon  los  soldados  las        The  better   feelings  of  the  old 

casas  del  lugar,  y  tomaron  todas  soldier  occasionally  —  and  it  is  no 

las  mugeres  por  esclavas  ;  cosa  que  small  praise,  considering  the  times 

did  harta  sospecha  de  que  la  desor-  —  triumph  over  his  national   an- 

den  habia  nacido  de  su  cudicia."  tipathies. 
Ibid.,  p.  444. 


CH   Vm.]  EXPULSION  OF  THE  MOORS. 


moval  of  the  Moriscoes,  on  the  present  occasion, 
was  attended  with  fewer  acts  of  violence  and  ra- 
pacity than  the  former  removal,  from  Granada.  At 
least  this  would  seem  to  be  inferred  by  the  silence 
of  the  chroniclers;  though  it  is  true  such  silence 
is  far  from  being  conclusive,  as  the  chroniclers,  for 
the  most  part,  felt  too  little  interest  in  the  suffer- 
ings of  the  Moriscoes  to  make  a  notice  of  them 
indispensable.  However  this  may  be,  it  cannot  be 
doubted  that,  whatever  precautions  may  have  been 
taken  to  spare  the  exiles  any  unnecessary  suffering, 
the  simple  fact  of  their  being  expelled  from 'their 
native  soil  is  one  that  suggests  an  amount  of  mis- 
ery not  to  be  estimated.  For  what  could  be  more 
dreadful  than  to  be  thus  torn  from  their  pleasant 
homes,  the  scenes  of  their  childhood,  where  ev- 
ery mountain,  valley,  and  stream  were  as  familiar 
friends,  —  a  part  of  their  own  existence ;  to  be 
rudely  thrust  into  a  land  of  strangers,  of  a  race  dif- 
fering from  themselves  in  faith,  language,  and  in- 
stitutions, with  no  sentiment  in  common  but  that 
of  a  deadly  hatred  ?  That  the  removal  of  a  whole 
nation  should  have  been  so  quietly  accomplished, 
proves  how  entirely  the  strength  and  spirit  of  the 
Moriscoes  must  have  been  broken  by  their  reverses.35 


35  For  the  removal  and  disper-  It  may  vrell  seem  strange  that  an 

sion  of  the  Moriscoes,  see  Marmol,  event  of  such  moment  as  the  re- 

Rebelion  de  Granada,  torn.  II.  pp.  moval  of  the  Moriscoes  should  have 

437_444;    Fen-eras,    Hist.   d'Es-  been  barely  noticed,  -when  indeed 

pagne,  torn.  X.  pp.  227,  228  ;  Van-  noticed  at  all,  by  the  general  his- 

derhammen,  Don  Juan  de  Austria,  torian.    It  is  still  more  strange  that 

fol.  126.  it  should  have  been  passed  over  in 


278  KEBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES.          [BOOK  V. 

The  war  thus  terminated,  there  seemed  no  reason 
for  John  of  Austria  to  prolong  his  stay  in  the  prov- 
ince. For  some  time  he  had  been  desirous  to 
obtain  the  king's  consent  to  his  return.  His  am- 
bitious spirit,  impatient  of  playing  a  part  on  what 
now  seemed  to  him  an  obscure  field  of  action,  pent 
up  within  the  mountain  barrier  of  the  Alpuj arras, 
longed  to  display  itself  on  a  bolder  theatre  before 
the  world.  He  aspired,  too,  to  a  more  independent 
command.  He  addressed  repeated  letters  to  the 
king's  ministers,  —  to  the  Cardinal  Espinosa  and 
Ruy  Gomez  de  Silva  in  particular,  —  to  solicit 
their  influence  in  his  behalf.  "  I  should  be  glad," 
he  wrote  to  the  latter,  "  to  serve  his  majesty,  if 
I  might  be  allowed,  on  some  business  of  impor- 
tance. I  wish  he  may  understand  that  I  am  no 
longer  a  boy.  Thank  God,  I  can  begin  to  fly 
without  the  aid  of  others'  wings,  and  it  is  full 
t;me,  as  I  believe,  that  I  was  out  of  swaddling- 
clothes."36  In  another  letter  he  expresses  his  desire 
to  have  some  place  more  fitting  the  brother  of  such 
a  monarch  as  Philip,  and  the  son  of  such  a  father 


silence  by  a  writer  like  Mendoza,  to  exhibit  the  prowess  of  his  coun- 

to   whose   narrative   it   essentially  try-men. 

belonged,  and  who  could  bestow        36  "  Querria   tambien   que   allsi 

thirty  pages  or  more  on  the  expe-  se  entendiese  que  ya  no  soy  mo- 

dition  into  the  Serrania  de  Ron-  chacho,  y  que  puedo,  a  Dios  gra- 

da.     But  this  was  a  tale  of  Span-  cias,  comenzar  en  alguna  manera 

ish  glory.     The  haughty  Castilian  a  volar  sin  alas  ajenas,  y  sospecho 

chronicler  held  the  race  of  unbe-  ques  ya  tiempo  de  salir  de  pana- 

lievers  in  too   great  contempt  to  les."     Carta  de  D.  Juan  de  Aus- 

waste  a  thought  on  their  calamities,  tria  d  Ruy  Gomez  de  Silva,  16  de 

except  so  far  as  they  enabled  him  Mayo,  1570,  MS. 


CH.  VIII.J       DON  JOHN  RETURNS   TO  MADRID.  279 

as  Charles  the  Fifth.37  On  more  than  one  occasion 
he  alludes  to  the  command  against  the  Turk  as  the 
great  object  of  his  ambition. 

His  importunity  to  be  allowed  to  resign  his 
present  office  had  continued  from  the  beginning 
of  summer,  some  months  before  the  proper  close 
of  the  campaign.  It  may  be  thought  to  argue  an 
instability  of  character,  of  which  a  more  memorable 
example  was  afforded  by  him  at  a  later  period  of 
life.  —  At  length  he  was  rejoiced  by  obtaining  the 
royal  consent  to  resign  his  command  and  return 
to  court. 

On  the  eleventh  of  November,  Don  John  re- 
paired to  Granada.  Till  the  close  of  the  month  he 
was  occupied  with  making  the  necessary  arrange- 
ments preparatory  to  his  departure.  The  greater 
part  of  the  army  was  paid  off  and  disbanded.  A 
sufficient  number  was  reserved  to  garrison  the  for- 
tresses, and  to  furnish  detachments  which  were  to 
scour  the  country  and  hunt  down  such  Moriscoes 
as  still  held  out  in  the  mountains.  As  Reque- 
sens  was  to  take  part  in  the  expedition  against  the 
Ottomans,  the  office  of  captain-general  was  placed 
in  the  hands  of  the  valiant  duke  of  Arcos.  On  the 
twenty-ninth  of  November,  Don  John,  having  com- 
pleted his  preparations,  quitted  Granada  and  set 
forth  on  his  journey  to  Madrid,  where  the  popular 
chieftain  was  welcomed  with  enthusiasm  by  the 

37  "  No  teniendo  el  lugar  y  auc-  Carta  de  D.  Juan  de  Austria  i. 
toridad  que  ha  de  tener  hijo  de  tal  Ruy  Gomez  de  Silva,  4  de  Junio, 
padre,  y  hermano  de  tal  hermano."  1570,  MS. 


280  REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES.          [BOOK  V. 

citizens,  as  a  conqueror  returned  from  a  victorious 
campaign.  By  Philip  and  his  newly-married  bride, 
Anne  of  Austria,  he  was  no  less  kindly  greeted ; 
and  it  was  not  long  before  the  king  gave  a  substan- 
tial proof  of  his  contentment  with  his  brother,  by 
placing  in  his  hands  the  baton  offered  by  the  allies 
of  generalissimo  in  the  war  against  the  Turks. 

There  was  still  one  Morisco  insurgent  who  re- 
fused to  submit,  and  who  had  hitherto  eluded  every 
attempt  to  capture  him,  but  whose  capture  was 
of  more  importance  than  that  of  any  other  of  his 
nation.  This  was  Aben-Aboo,  the  "  little  king  "  of 
the  Alpujarras.  His  force  of  five  thousand  men 
had  dwindled  to  scarcely  more  than  four  hun- 
dred. But  they  were  men  devoted  to  his  per- 
son, and  seemed  prepared  to  endure  every  ex- 
tremity rather  than  surrender.  Like  the  rest  of 
his  nation,  the  Morisco  chief  took  refuge  in  the 
mountain  caves,  in  such  remote  and  inaccessible 
districts  as  had  hitherto  baffled  every  attempt  to 
detect  his  retreat.  In  March,  1571,  an  opportu- 
nity presented  itself  for  making  the  discovery. 

Granada  was  at  this  time  the  scene  of  almost 
daily  executions.  As  the  miserable  insurgents  were 
taken,  they  were  brought  before  Deza's  tribunal, 
where  they  were  at  once  sentenced  by  the  inexo- 
rable president  to  the  galleys  or  the  gibbet,  or  the 
more  horrible  doom  of  being  torn  in  pieces  with 
red-hot  pincers.  Among  the  prisoners  sentenced  to 
death  was  one  Zatahari,  who  was  so  fortunate  as  to 
obtain  a  respite  of  his  punishment  at  the  interces- 


CH.  VIH.]  MURDER  OF  ABEN-ABOO.  281 

sion  of  a  goldsmith  named  Barredo,  a  person  of 
much  consideration  in  Granada.  From  gratitude 
for  this  service,  or  perhaps  as  the  price  of  it,  Zata- 
hari  made  some  important  revelations  to  his  bene- 
factor respecting  Aben-Aboo.  He  disclosed  the 
place  of  his  retirement  and  the  number  of  his 
followers,  adding,  that  the  two  persons  on  whom 
he  most  relied  were  his  secretary,  Abou-Amer,  and 
a  Moorish  captain  named  El  Senix.  The  former 
of  these  persons  was  known  to  Barredo,  who,  in 
the  course  of  his  business,  had  frequent  occasion  to 
make  journeys  into  the  Alpujarras.  He  resolved 
to  open  a  correspondence  with  the  secretary,  and, 
if  possible,  win  him  over  to  the  Spanish  interests. 
Zatahari  consented  to  bear  the  letter,  on  condition 
of  a  pardon.  This  was  readily  granted  by  the 
president,  who  approved  the  plan,  and  who  au- 
thorized the  most  liberal  promises  to  Abou-Amer 
in  case  of  his  co-operation  with  Barredo. 

Unfortunately,  —  or,  rather,  fortunately  for  Zata- 
hari, as  it  proved,  —  he  was  intercepted  by  El  Se- 
nix, who,  getting  possession  of  the  letter,  carried  it 
to  Abou-Amer.  The  loyal  secretary  was  outraged 
by  this  attempt  to  corrupt  him.  He  would  have 
put  the  messenger  to  death,  had  not  El  Senix  repre- 
sented that  the  poor  wretch  had  undertaken  the 
mission  only  to  save  his  life. 

Privately  the  Moorish  captain  assured  the  mes- 
senger that  Barredo  should  have  sought  a  confer- 
ence with  him,  as  he  was  ready  to  enter  into 
negotiations  with  the  Christians.  In  fact,  El  Senix 

VOL.  in.  36 


282  REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES.         [BOOK  V. 

had  a  grudge  against  his  master,  and  had  already 
made  an  attempt  to  leave  his  service  and  escape 
to  Barbary. 

A  place  of  meeting  was  accordingly  appointed  in 
the  Alpujarras,  to  which  Barredo  secretly  repaired. 
El  Senix  was  furnished  with  an  assurance,  under 
the  president's  own  hand,  of  a  pardon  for  himself 
and  his  friends,  and  of  an  annual  pension  of  a 
hundred  thousand  maravedis,  in  case  he  should 
bring  Aben-Aboo,  dead  or  alive,  to  Granada. 

The  interview  could  not  be  conducted  so  secretly 
but  that  an  intimation  of  it  reached  the  ears  of 
Aben-Aboo,  who  resolved  to  repair  at  once  to  the 
quarters  of  El  Senix,  and  ascertain  the  truth  for 
himself.  That  chief  had  secreted  himself  in  a 
cavern  in  the  neighborhood.  Aben-Aboo  took 
with  him  his  faithful  secretary  and  a  small  body 
of  soldiers.  On  reaching  the  cave,  he  left  his 
followers  without,  and,  placing  two  men  at  the  en- 
trance, he,  with  less  prudence  than  was  usual  with 
him,  passed  alone  into  the  interior. 

There  he  found  El  Senix,  surrounded  by  several 
of  his  friends  and  kinsmen.  Aben-Aboo,  in  a 
peremptory  tone,  charged  him  with  having  held  a 
secret  correspondence  with  the  enemy,  and  demand- 
ed the  object  of  his  late  interview  with  Barredo. 
Senix  did  not  attempt  to  deny  the  charge,  but  ex- 
plained his  motives  by  saying  that  he  had  been 
prompted  only  by  a  desire  to  serve  his  master. 
He  had  succeeded  so  well,  he  said,  as  to  obtain 
from  the  president  an  assurance  that,  if  the  Morisco 


CH.  VIII.]  MURDER  OF  ABEN-ABOO.  283 

would  lay  aown  his  arms,  he  should  receive  an 
amnesty  for  the  past,  and  a  liberal  provision  for 
the  future. 

Aben-Aboo  listened  scornfully  to  this  explana- 
tion ;  then,  muttering  the  word  "  Treachery ! "  he 
turned  on  his  heel,  and  moved  towards  the  mouth 
of  the  cave,  where  he  had  left  his  soldiers,  intend- 
ing probably  to  command  the  arrest  of  his  per- 
fidious officer.  But  he  had  not  given  them,  it 
appears,  any  intimation  of  the  hostile  object  of  his 
visit  to  El  Senix ;  and  the  men,  supposing  it  to  be 
on  some  matter  of  ordinary  business,  had  left  the 
spot  to  see  some  of  their  friends  in  the  neighbor- 
hood. El  Senix  saw  that  no  time  was  to  be  lost. 
On  a  signal  which  he  gave,  his  followers  attacked 
the  two  guards  at  the  door,  one  of  whom  was  killed 
on  the  spot,  while  the  other  made  his  escape.  They 
then  all  fell  upon  the  unfortunate  Aben-Aboo.  He 
made  a  desperate  defence.  But  though  the  strug- 
gle was  fierce,  the  odds  were  too  great  for  it  to  be 
long.  It  was  soon  terminated  by  the  dastard  Senix 
coming  behind  his  master,  and  with  the  butt-end 
of  his  musket  dealing  him  a  blow  on  the  back  of 
his  head,  that  brought  him  to  the  ground,  where 
he  was  quickly  despatched  by  a  multitude  of 
wounds.38 

The  corpse  was  thrown  out  of  the  cavern.     His 


38  Marmol,  Bebelion  de  Grana-  Espana,  p.  752.  —  Herrera,  Ills- 
da,  torn.  II.  pp.  449-454. —  Men-  toria  General,  torn.  I.  p.  781. — 
doza,  Guerra  de  Granada,  pp.  Vanderhammen,  Don  Juan  de 
324-327.— Bleda,  Cronica  de  Austria,  foi;  123. 


284:  REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES.         [Boos  v. 

followers,  soon  learning  their  master's  fate,  dis- 
persed in  different  directions.  The  faithful  secre- 
tary fell  shortly  after  into  the  hands  of  the  Span- 
iards, who,  with  their  usual  humanity  in  this  war, 
caused  him  to  be  drawn  and  quartered. 

The  body  of  Aben-Aboo  was  transported  to  the 
neighborhood  of  Granada,  where  preparations  were 
made  for  giving  the  dead  chief  a  public  entrance 
into  the  city,  as  if  he  had  been  still  alive.  The 
corpse  was  set  astride  on  a  mule,  and  supported 
erect  in  the  saddle  by  a  wooden  frame,  which  was 
concealed  beneath  ample  robes.  On  one  side  of 
the  body  rode  Barredo ;  on  the  other,  El  Senix, 
bearing  the  scymitar  and  arquebuse  of  his  mur- 
dered master.  Then  followed  the  kinsmen  and 
friends  of  the  Morisco  prince,  with  their  arms  by 
their  side.  A  regiment  of  Castilian  infantry  and 
a  troop  of  horse  brought  up  the  rear.  As  the  pro- 
cession defiled  along  the  street  of  Zacatin,  it  was 
saluted  by  salvoes  of  musketry,  accompanied  by 
peals  of  artillery  from  the  ancient  towers  of  the 
Alhambra,  while  the  population  of  Granada,  with 
eager  though  silent  curiosity,  hurried  out  to  gaze 
on  the  strange  and  ghastly  spectacle. 

In  this  way  the  company  reached  the  great 
square  of  Vivarambla,  where  were  assembled  the 
president,  the  duke  of  Arcos,  and  the  principal 
cavaliers  and  magistrates  of  the  city.  On  coming 
into  their  presence,  El  Senix  dismounted,  and, 
kneeling  before  Deza,  delivered  to  him  the  arms 
of  Aben-Aboo.  He  was  graciously  received  by  the 


CH.  VIIL]  MUKDEIi  OF  ABEN-ABOO.  285 

president,  who  confirmed  the  assurances  which  had 
been  given  him  of  the  royal  favor.  The  miserable 
ceremony  of  a  public  execution  was  then  gone 
through  with.  The  head  of  the  dead  man  was 
struck  off.  His  body  was  given  to  the  boys  of  the 
city,  who,  after  dragging  it  through  the  streets 
with  scoffs  and  imprecations,  committed  it  to  the 
flames.  Such  was  one  of  the  lessons  by  which  the 
Spaniards  early  stamped  on  the  minds  of  their  chil- 
dren an  indelible  hatred  of  the  Morisco. 

The  head  of  Aben-Aboo,  enclosed  in  a  cage,  was 
set  up  over  the  gate  which  opened  on  the  Alpu- 
j  arras.  There,  with  the  face  turned  towards  his 
native  hills,  which  he  had  loved  so  well,  and  which 
had  witnessed  his  brief  and  disastrous  reign,  it 
remained  for  many  a  year.  None  ventured,  by 
removing  it,  to  incur  the  doom  which  an  inscrip- 
tion on  the  cage  denounced  on  the  offender :  "  This 
is  the  head  of  the  traitor,  Aben-Aboo.  Let  no  one 
take  it  down,  under  penalty  of  death." 39 

Such  was  the  sad  end  of  Aben-Aboo,  the  last 
of  the  royal  line  of  the  Omeyades  who  ever  ruled 
in  the  Peninsula.  Had  he  lived  in  the  peaceful  and 
prosperous  times  of  the  Arabian  empire  in  Spain, 
he  might  have  swayed  the  sceptre  with  as  much 
renown  as  the  best  of  his  dynasty.  Though  the 
blood  of  the  Moor  flowed  in  his  veins,  he  seems  to 


39  "  Esta  es  la  cabeza  del  trai-  !Marmol,    Rebelion    de    Granada, 

dor  de  Abenabd.     Nadie  la  quite  tom.   II.   pp.  455,  456.  —  Bleda, 

so  pena  de    muerte."    Mendoza,  Cronica  de  Espana,  p.  752.  —  Mi- 

Guerra  de   Granada,   p.   329. —  niana,  Hist,  de  Espana,  p.  383. 


286  REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES.          [Booic  V. 

have  been  remarkably  free  from  some  of  the  great- 
est defects  in  the  Moorish  character.  He  was  tem- 
perate in  his  appetites,  presenting  in  this  respect  a 
contrast  to  the  gross  sensuality  of  his  predecessor. 
He  had  a  lofty  spirit,  was  cool  and  circumspect  in 
his  judgments,  and,  if  he  could  not  boast  that  fiery 
energy  of  character  which  belonged  to  some' of  his 
house,  he  had  a  firmness  of  purpose  not  to  be  intimi- 
dated by  suffering  or  danger.  Of  this  he  gave  sig- 
nal proof  when,  as  the  reader  may  remember,  the 
most  inhuman  tortures  could  not  extort  from  him 
the  disclosure  of  the  lurking-place  of  his  friends.40 
His  qualities,  as  I  have  intimated,  were  such  as 
peculiarly  adapted  him  to  a  time  of  prosperity  and 
peace.  Unhappily  he  had  fallen  upon  evil  times, 
when  his  country  lay  a  wreck  at  his  feet ;  when  the 
people,  depressed  by  long  servitude,  were  broken 
down  by  the  recent  calamities  of  war;  when,  in 
short,  it  would  not  have  been  possible  for  the  wisest 
and  most  warlike  of  his  predecessors  to  animate 
them  to  a  successful  resistance  against  odds  so 
overwhelming  as  those  presented  by  the  Spanish 
monarchy  in  the  zenith  of  its  power. 

The  Castilian  chroniclers  have  endeavored  to  fix 
a  deep  stain  on  his  memory,  by  charging  him  with 
the  murder  of  El  Habaqui,  and  with  the  refusal  to 
execute  the  treaty  to  which  he  had  given  his  sanc- 
tion. But  in  criticising  the  conduct  of  Aben-Aboo, 
we  must  not  forget  the  race  from  which  he  sprung, 
or  the  nature  of  its  institutions.  He  was  a  despot, 

*°  Ante,  p.  103. 


CH.  VIII.]  MURDER  OF  ABEN-ABOO.  287 

and  a  despot  of  the  Oriental  type.  He  was  placed 
in  a  situation  —  much  against  his  will,  it  may  be 
added  —  which  gave  him  absolute  control  over  the 
lives  and  fortunes  of  his  people.  His  word  was 
their  law.  He  passed  the  sentence,  and  enforced 
its  execution.  El  Habaqui  he  adjudged  to  be  a 
traitor;  and,  in  sentencing  him  to  the  bowstring, 
he  inflicted  on  him  only  a  traitor's  doom. 

With  regard  to  the  treaty,  he  spoke  of  himself 
as  betrayed,  saying  that  its  provisions  were  not  such 
as  he  had  intended.  And  when  we  consider  that 
the  instrument  was  written  in  the  Spanish  tongue, 
that  it  was  drafted  by  a  Spaniard,  finally,  that  the 
principal  Morisco  agent  who  subscribed  the  treaty 
was  altogether  in  the  Spanish  interest,  as  the  fa- 
vors heaped  on  him  without  measure  too  plainly 
proved,  it  can  hardly  be  doubted  that  there  were 
good  grounds  for  the  assertion  of  Aben-Aboo. 
From  the  hour  of  his  accession,  he  seems  to  have 
devoted  himself  to  the  great  work  of  securing  the 
independence  of  his  people.  He  could  scarcely 
have  agreed  to  a  treaty  which  was  to  leave  that 
people  in  even  a  worse  state  than  before  the  rebel- 
lion. From  what  we  know  of  his  character,  we 
may  more  reasonably  conclude  that  he  was  sincere 
when  he  told  the  Spanish  envoy  Palacios,  who  had 
come  to  press  the  execution  of  the  treaty,  and  to 
remind  him  of  the  royal  promises  of  grace,  that 
"  his  people  might  do  as  they  listed,  but,  for  him- 
self, he  would  rather  live  and  die  a  Mussulman 
than  possess  all  the  favors  which  the  king  of  Spain 


288  REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES.         [BOOK  V. 

could  heap  on  him."  His  deeds  corresponded  with 
his  words ;  and,  desperate  as  was  his  condition,  he 
still  continued  to  bid  defiance  to  the  Spanish  gov- 
ernment, until  he  was  cut  off  by  the  hand  of  a 
traitor. 

The  death  of  Aben-Aboo  severed  the  last  bond 
which  held  the  remnant  of  the  Moriscoes  togeth- 
er. In  a  few  years  the  sword,  famine,  and  the 
gallows  had  exterminated  the  outcasts  who  still 
lurked  in  the  fastnesses  of  the  mountains.  Their 
places  were  gradually  occupied  by  Christians,  drawn 
thither  by  the  favorable  terms  which  the  govern- 
ment offered  to  settlers.  But  it  was  long  before  the 
wasted  and  famine-stricken  territory  could  make  a 
suitable  return  to  the  labors  of  the  colonists.  They 
were  ignorant  of  the  country,  and  were  altogether 
deficient  in  the  agricultural  skill  necessary  for  turn- 
ing its  unpromising  places  to  the  best  account. 
The  Spaniard,  adventurous  as  he  was,  and  reckless 
of  danger  and  difficulty  in  the  pursuit  of  gain,  was 
impatient  of  the  humble  drudgery  required  for  the 
tillage  of  the  soil ;  and  many  a  valley  and  hill-side, 
which  under  the  Moriscoes  had  bloomed  with  all 
the  rich  embroidery  of  cultivation,  now  relapsed 
into  its  primitive  barrenness. 

The  exiles  carried  their  superior  skill  and  indus- 
try into  the  various  provinces  where  they  were 
sent.  Scattered  as  they  were,  and  wide  apart,  the 
presence  of  the  Moriscoes  was  sure  to  be  revealed 
by  the  more  minute  and  elaborate  culture  of  the 
soil,  —  as  the  secret  course  of  the  mountain  stream 


CH.  VIIL]         FORTUNES  OF  THE  MORISCOES.  289 

is  betrayed  by  the  brighter  green  of  the  meadow. 
With  their  skill  in  husbandry  they  combined  a 
familiarity  with  various  kinds  of  handicraft,  espe- 
cially those  requiring  dexterity  and  fineness  of  exe- 
cution, that  was  unknown  to  the  Spaniards.  As 
the  natural  result  of  this  superiority,  the  products 
of  their  labor  were  more  abundant,  and  could  be 
afforded  at  a  cheaper  rate  than  those  of  their 
neighbors.  Yet  this  industry  was  exerted  under 
every  disadvantage  which  a  most  cruel  legislation 
could  impose  on  it.  It  would  be  hard  to  find  in 
the  pages  of  history  a  more  flagrant  example  of 
the  oppression  of  a  conquered  race,  than  that  af- 
forded by  the  laws  of  this  period  in  reference  to 
the  Moriscoes.  The  odious  law  of  1566,  which 
led  to  the  insurrection,  was  put  in  full  force.  By 
this  the  national  songs  and  dances,  the  peculiar 
baths  of  the  Moriscoes,  the  fetes  and  ceremonies 
which  had  come  down  to  them  from  their  ances- 
tors, were  interdicted  under  heavy  penalties.  By 
another  ordinance,  dated  October  6,  1572,  still 
more  cruel  and  absurd,  they  were  forbidden  to 
speak  or  to  write  the  Arabic,  under  penalty  of 
thirty  days'  imprisonment  in  irons  for  the  first 
offence,  double  that  term  for  the  second,  and  for 
the  third  a  hundred  lashes  and  four  years'  con- 
finement in  the  galleys.  By  another  monstrous 
provision  in  the  same  edict,  whoever  read,  or  even 
had  in  his  possession,  a  work  written  or  printed 
in  the  Arabic,  was  to  be  punished  with  a  hun- 
dred stripes  and  four  years  in  the  galleys.  Any 

VOL.  in.  37 


290  REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES.          [BOOK  V. 

contract  or  public  instrument  made  in  that  tongue 
was  to  be  void,  and  the  parties  to  it  were  con- 
demned to  receive  two  hundred  lashes  and  to  tug 
at  the  oar  for  six  years.41 

But  the  most  oppressive  part  of  this  terrible 
ordinance  related  to  the  residence  of  the  Moriscoes. 
No  one  was  allowed  to  change  his  abode,  or  to  leave 
the  parish  or  district  assigned  to  him,  without  per- 
mission from  the  regular  authorities.  Whoever 
did  so,  and  was  apprehended  beyond  these  limits, 
was  to  be  punished  with  a  hundred  lashes  and  four 
years'  imprisonment  in  the  galleys.  Should  he  be 
found  within  ten  leagues  of  Granada,  he  was  con- 
demned, if  between  ten  and  seventeen  years  of  age, 
to  toil  as  a  galley-slave  the  rest  of  his  days  ;  if 
above  seventeen,  he  was  sentenced  to  death  ! 42  On 
the  escape  of  a  Morisco  from  his  limits,  the  hue 
and  cry  was  to  be  raised  as  for  the  pursuit  of  a 
criminal.  Even  his  own  family  were  required  to 
report  his  absence  to  the  magistrate ;  and  in  case 
of  their  failure  to  do  this,  although  it  should  be 
his  wife  or  his  children,  says  the  law,  they  incurred 
the  penalty  of  a  whipping  and  a  month's  imprison- 
ment in  the  common  jail.43 

Yet  in  the  face  of  these  atrocious  enactments,  we 
find  the  Moriscoes  occasionally  making  their  escape 

41  NuevaRecopilacion,lib.  VIII.  cercanas  a  el,  caygan  e  incurran 
tit.  ii.  ley  19.  en  pena  de  muerte,  que  sea  en  sus 

42  "  Si  estos  tales  que  se  huvie-  personas   executada."     Ibid.,   ubi 
ren  huydo,  y  ausentado  fueren  hal-  supra. 

lados  en  el  dicho  Reyno  de  Gra-        43  Ibid.,  loc.  cit. 
nada,    6   dentro  de    diez    leguas 


CH.  VIIL]         FORTUNES  OF  THE  MORISCOES.  291 

into  the  province  of  Valencia,  where  numbers  of 
their  countrymen  were  living  as  serfs  on  the  estates 
of  the  great  nobles,  under  whose  powerful  protec- 
tion they  enjoyed  a  degree  of  comfort,  if  not  of  in- 
dependence, unknown  to  their  race  in  other  parts 
of  the  country.  Some  few  also,  finding  their  way 
to  the  coast,  succeeded  in  crossing  the  sea  to  Bar- 
bary.  The  very  severity  of  the  law  served  in  some 
measure  to  defeat  its  execution.  Indeed,  Philip,  in 
more  than  one  instance  in  which  he  deemed  that 
the  edicts  pressed  too  heavily  on  his  Moorish  vas- 
sals, judged  it  expedient  to  mitigate  the  penalty, 
or  even  to  dispense  with  it  altogether,  —  an  act 
of  leniency  which  seems  to  have  found  little  favor 
with  his  Castilian  subjects.44 

Yet,  strange  to  say,  under  this  iron  system  the 
spirits  of  the  Moriscoes,  which  had  been  crushed 
by  their  long  sufferings  in  the  war  of  the  rebellion, 
gradually  rose  again  as  they  found  a  shelter  in  their 
new  homes,  and  resumed  their  former  habits  of 
quiet  industry.  Though  deprived  of  their  cus- 
tomary amusements,  their  fetes,  their  songs,  and 
their  dances,  — -  though  debarred  from  the  use  of 
the  language  which  they  had  lisped  from  the  cra- 
dle, which  embodied  their  national  traditions,  and 
was  associated  with  their  fondest  recollections, — 
they  were  said  to  be  cheerful,  and  even  gay.  They 
lived  to  a  good  age,  and  examples  of  longevity 
were  found  among  them  to  which  it  was  not  easy 

44  Examples  of  this  are  cited  by  Circourt,  Hist,  des  Arabes  d'Es- 
pagne,  torn.  III.  pp.  150,  151. 


292  REBELLION  OF   THE   MORISCOES.         [BOOK  V. 

to  find  a  parallel  amongst  the  Spaniards.  The  Moor- 
ish stock,  like  the  Jewish,  seems  to  have  thriven 
under  persecution.45 

One  would  be  glad  to  find  any  authentic  data 
for  an  account  of  the  actual  population  at  the 
time  of  their  expulsion  from  Granada.  But  I 
have  met  with  none.  They  must  have  been  sorely 
thinned  by  the  war  of  the  insurrection,  and  the 
countless  woes  it  brought  upon  the  country.  One 
fact  is  mentioned  by  the  chroniclers,  which  shows 
that  the  number  of  the  exiles  must  have  been  very 
considerable.  The  small  remnant  still  left  in  Gra- 
nada, with  its  lovely  vcga  and  the  valley  of  Lecrin, 
alone  furnished,  we  are  told,  over  six  thousand.46 
In  the  places  to  which  they  were  transported  they 
continued  to  multiply  to  such  an  extent,  that  the 
cortes  of  Castile,  in  the  latter  part  of  the  century, 
petitioned  the  king  not  to  allow  the  census  to 
be  taken,  lest  it  might  disclose  to  the  Moriscoes 
the  alarming  secret  of  their  increase  of  numbers.47 
Such  a  petition  shows,  as  strongly  as  language 
can  show,  the  terror  in  which  the  Spaniards  still 
stood  of  this  persecuted  race. 

Yet  the  Moriscoes  were  scattered  over  the  coun- 
try in  small  and  isolated  masses,  hemmed  in  all 

45  Ibid.,  p.  163.  47  "Ils    representerent  que   ce 
M.    de   Circourt   has   collected,    recensement  allait  leur  reveler  le 

from  some  authentic  and  not  very  secret  de  leur  nombre  effrayant ; 

accessible  sources,  much  curious  in-  qu'ils  fourmillaient."  Circourt, Hist, 

formation  relative  to  this  part  of  his  des  Arabes  d'Espagne,  torn.  III.  p. 

subject.  164. 

46  Ferreras,    Hist.     d'Espagne, 
torn.  X.  p.  227. 


CH.  VIII]        FORTUNES  OF  THE  MOEISCOES.  293 

around  by  the  Spaniards.  They  were  transplanted 
to  the  interior,  where,  at  a  distance  from  the  coast, 
they  had  no  means  of  communicating  with  their 
brethren  of  Africa.  They  were  without  weapons 
of  any  kind  ;  and,  confined  to  their  several  districts, 
they  had  not  the  power  of  acting  in  concert  to- 
gether. There  would  seem  to  have  been  little  to 
fear  from  a  people  so  situated.  But  the  weakest 
individual,  who  feels  that  his  wrongs  are  too  great 
to  be  forgiven,  may  well  become  an  object  of  dread 
to  the  person  who  has  wronged  him. 

The  course  of  the  government  in  reference  to 
the  Moriscoes  was  clearly  a  failure.  It  was  as 
impolitic  as  it  was  barbarous.  Nothing  but  the 
blindest  fanaticism  could  have  prevented  the  Span- 
iards from  perceiving  this.  The  object  of  the 
government  had  been  to  destroy  every  vestige  of 
nationality  in  the  conquered  race.  They  were 
compelled  to  repudiate  their  ancient  usages,  their 
festivals,  their  religion,  their  language,  —  all  that 
gave  them  a  separate  existence  as  a  nation.  But 
this  served  only  to  strengthen  in  secret  the  senti- 
ment of  nationality.  They  were  to  be  divorced 
for  ever  from  the  past.  But  it  was  the  mistake  of 
the  government  that  it  opened  to  them  no  future. 
Having  destroyed  their  independence  as  a  nation,  it 
should  have  offered  them  the  rights  of  citizenship, 
and  raised  them  to  an  equality  with  the  rest  of  the 
community.  Such  was  the  policy  of  ancient  Rome 
towards  the  nations  which  she  conquered ;  and 
such  has  been  that  of  our  own  country  towards  the 


294  REBELLION  OF  THE   MORISCOES.         [BOOK  V. 

countless  emigrants  who  have  thronged  to  our 
shores  from  so  many  distant  lands.  The  Moriscoes, 
on  the  contrary,  under  the  policy  of  Spain,  were  con- 
demned to  exist  as  foreigners  in  the  country,  —  as 
enemies  in  the  midst  of  the  community  into  which 
they  were  thrown.  Experience  had  taught  them 
prudence  and  dissimulation ;  and  in  all  outward 
observances  they  conformed  to  the  exactions  of  the 
law.  But  in  secret  they  were  as  much  attached  to 
their  national  institutions  as  were  their  ancestors 
Avhen  the  caliphs  of  Cordova  ruled  over  half  the 
Peninsula.  The  Inquisition  rarely  gleaned  an  apos- 
tate from  among  them  to  swell  the  horrors  of  an 
auto  de  fe  ;  but  whoever  recalls  the  facility  with 
which,  in  the  late  rebellion,  the  whole  population 
had  relapsed  into  their  ancient  faith,  will  hardly 
doubt  that  they  must  have  still  continued  to  be 
Mahometans  at  heart. 

Thus  the  gulf  which  separated  the  two  races 
grew  wider  and  wider  every  day.  The  Moriscoes 
hated  the  Spaniards  for  the  wrongs  which  they  had 
received  from  them.  The  Spaniards  hated  the 
Moriscoes  the  more,  that  they  had  themselves  in- 
flicted these  wrongs.  Their  hatred  was  further 
embittered  by  the  feeling  of  jealousy  caused  by 
the  successful  competition  of  their  rivals  in  the 
various  pursuits  of  gain,  —  a  circumstance  which 
forms  a  fruitful  theme  of  complaint  in  the  petition 
of  the  cortes  above  noticed.48  The  feeling  of  hate 

43  "  Qu'ils  accaparaient  tous  les  metiers,  tout  le  commerce."    Ibid., 
loc.  cit. 


CH.  VIIL]  MARMOL.  205 

became  in  time  mingled  with  that  of  fear,  as  the 
Moriscoes  increased  in  opulence  and  numbers ; 
and  men  are  not  apt  to  be  over  scrupulous  in 
their  policy  towards  those  whom  they  both  hate 
and  fear. 

With  these  evil  passions  rankling  in  their  bo- 
soms, the  Spaniards  were  gradually  prepared  for 
the  consummation  of  their  long  train  of  persecu- 
tions by  that  last  act,  reserved  for  the  reign  of  the 
imbecile  Philip  the  Third,  —  the  expulsion  of  the 
Moriscoes  from  the  Peninsula,  —  an  act  which  de- 
prived Spain  of  the  most  industrious  and  ingenious 
portion  of  her  population,  and  which  must  be 
regarded  as  one  of  the  principal  causes  of  the 
subsequent  decline  of  the  monarchy. 


An  historian  less  renowned  than  Mendoza,  but  of  more  importance 
to  one  who  would  acquaint  himself  with  the  story  of  the  Morisco  re- 
bellion, is  Luis  del  Marniol  Carbajal.  Little  is  known  of  him  but  what 
is  to  be  gathered  from  brief  notices  of  himself  in  his  works.  He  was 
a  native  of  Granada,  but  we  are  not  informed  of  the  date  of  his  birth. 
He  was  of  a  good  family,  and  followed  the  profession  of  arms.  When 
a  mere  youth,  as  he  tells  us,  he  was  present  at  the  famous  siege 
of  Tunis,  in  1535.  He  continued  in  the  imperial  service  two  and 
twenty  years.  Seven  years  he  was  a  captive,  and  followed  the  victori- 
ous banner  of  Mohammed,  Scherif  of  Morocco,  in  his  campaigns  in  the 
west  of  Africa.  His  various  fortunes  and  his  long  residence  in  different 
parts  of  the  African  continent,  especially  in  Barbary  and  Egypt,  sup- 
plied him  with  abundant  information  in  respect  to  the  subjects  of  %his 
historical  inquiries ;  and,  as  he  knew  the  Arabic,  he  made  himself  ac- 
quainted with  such  facts  as  were  to  be  gleaned  from  books  in  that 
language.  The  fruits  of  his  study  and  observation  he  gave  to  the  world 
in  his  " Descripclon  General  de  Africa"  a  work  in  three  volumes  folio, 
the  first  part  of  which  appeared  at  Granada,  in  1573.  The  remainder 
was  not  published  till  the  close  of  the  century. 


296  REBELLION  OF  THE  MOEISCOES.         [BOOK  V. 

The  book  obtained  a  high  reputation  for  its  author,  who  was  much 
commended  for  the  fidelity  and  diligence  with  which  he  had  pushed  his 
researches  in  a  field  of  letters  into  which  the  European  scholar  had  as 
yet  rarely  ventured  to  penetrate. 

In  the  year  1600  appeared,  at  Malaga,  his  second  work,  the  "  Hiftlo- 
ria  del  Rcbelion  y  Castigo  de  los  Morwcos  del  Reyno  de  Granada"  in 
one  volume,  folio.  For  the  composition  of  this  history  the  author  was 
admirably  qualified,  not  only  by  his  familiarity  with  all  that  related  to 
the  character  and  condition  of  the  Moriscoes,  but  by  the  part  which 
he  had  personally  taken  in  the  war  of  the  insurrection.  He  held  the 
office  of  commissary  in  the  royal  army,  and  served  in  that  capacity  from 
the  commencement  of  the  war  to  its  close.  In  the  warm  coloring  of 
the  narrative,  and  in  the  minuteness  of  its  details,  we  feel  that  we  are 
reading  the  report  of  one  who  has  himself  beheld  the  scenes  which  he 
describes.  Indeed,  the  interest  which,  as  an  actor,  he  naturally  takes 
in  the  operations  of  the  war,  leads  to  an  amount  of  detail  which  may 
well  be  condemned  as  a  blemish  by  those  who  do  not  feel  a  similar  in- 
terest in  the  particulars  of  the  straggle.  But  if  his  style  have  some- 
what of  the  rambling,  discursive  manner  of  the  old  Castilian  chroni- 
cler, it  has  a  certain  elegance  in  the  execution,  which  brings  it  much 
ijearer  to  the  standard  of  a  classic  author.  Far  from  being  chargeable 
with  the  obscurity  of  Mendoza,  Marmol  is  uncommonly  perspicuous. 
With  a  general  facility  of  expression,  his  language  takes  the  varied  char- 
acter suited  to  the  theme,  sometimes  kindled  into  eloquence  and  occa- 
sionally softened  into  pathos,  for  which  the  melancholy  character  of  his 
story  afforded  too  many  occasions.  Though  loyal  to  his  country  and  his 
faith,  yet  he  shows  but  few  gleams  of  the  fiery  intolerance  that  belonged 
to  his  nation,  and  especially  to  that  portion  of  it  which  came  into  col- 
lision with  the  Moslems.  Indeed,  in  more  than  one  passage  of  his  work 
we  may  discern  gleams  of  that  Christian  charity  which  in  Castile  was 
the  rarest,  as  it  was,  unhappily,  the  least  precious  of  virtues,  in  the 
age  in  which  he  lived. 

In  the  extensive  plan  adopted  by  Marmol,  his  history  of  the  rebellion 
embraces  a  preliminary  notice  of  the  conquest  of  Granada,  and  of  that 
cruel  policy  of  the  conquerors  which  led  to  the  insurrection.  The 
narrative,  thus  complete,  supplied  a  most  important  hiatus  in  the  annals 
of  the  country.  Yet  notwithstanding  its  importance  in  this  view,  and 
its  acknowledged  merit  as  a  literary  composition,  such  was  the  indiffer- 
ence of  the  Spaniards  to  their  national  history  that  it  was  not  till  the 
close  of  the  last  century,  in  1797,  that  a  second  edition  of  MannoPs 
work  was  permitted  to  appear.  This  was  in  two  volumes,  octavo,  from 


Cii.  VIII.]  CIRCOURT.  297 

the  press  of  Sancha,  at  Madrid,  —  the  edition  used  in  the  preparation 
of  these  pages. 

The  most  comprehensive,  and  by  far  the  most  able  history  of  the 
Moors  of  Spain  with  which  I  am  acquainted,  is  that  of  the  Count  Albert 
de  Circourt,  —  "  Hlstoire  des  Ardbes  en  Espagne."  Beginning  with  the 
beginning,  the  author  opens  his  narrative  with  the  conquest  of  the 
Peninsula  by  the  Moslems.  He  paints  in  glowing  colors  the  magnificent 
empire  of  the  Spanish  caliphs.  He  dwells  with  sufficient  minuteness  on 
those  interminable  feuds  which,  growing  out  of  a  diversity  of  races  and 
tribes,  baffled  every  attempt  at  a  permanent  consolidation  under  one 
government  Then  comes  the  famous  war  of  Granada,  with  the  con- 
quest of  the  country  by  the  "  Catholic  Kings " ;  and  the  work  closes 
with  the  sad  tale  of  the  subsequent  fortunes  of  the  conquered  races 
until  their  final  expulsion  from  the  Peninsula.  Thus  the  rapidly  shift- 
ing scenes  of  this  most  picturesque  drama,  sketched  by  a  master's 
hand,  are  brought  in  regular  succession  before  the  eye  of  the  reader. 

In  conducting  his  long  story,  the  author,  far  from  confining  himself 
to  a  dry  record  of  events,  diligently  explores  the  causes  of  these 
events.  He  scrutinizes  with  care  every  inch  of  debatable  ground 
which  lies  in  his  path.  He  enriches  his  narrative  with  copious  dis- 
quisitions on  the  condition  of  the  arts,  and  the  progress  made  by  the 
Spanish  Arabs  in  science  and  letters,  thus  presenting  a  complete 
view  of  that  peculiar  civilization  which  so  curiously  blended  together 
the  characteristic  elements  of  European  and  Oriental  culture. 

If,  in  pursuing  his  speculations,  M.  de  Circourt  may  be  sometimes 
thought  to  refine  too  much,  it  cannot  be  denied  that  they  are  dis- 
tinguished by  candor  and  by  a  philosophical  spirit.  Even  when  we 
may  differ  from  his  conclusions,  we  must  allow  that  they  are  the  re- 
sult of  careful  study,  and  display  an  independent  way  of  thinking. 
I  may  regret  that  in  one  important  instance  —  the  policy  of  the  gov- 
ernment of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella  —  he  should  have  been  led  to  dis- 
sent from  the  opinions  which  I  had  expressed  in  my  history  of  those  sov- 
ereigns. It  is  possible  that  the  predilection  which  the  writer,  whether 
historian  or  novelist,  naturally  feels  for  his  hero  when  his  conduct  affords 
any  ground  for  it,  may  have  sometimes  seduced  me  from  the  strict  line 
of  impartiality  in  my  estimate  of  character  and  motives  of  action.  I 
see,  however,  no  reason  to  change  the  conclusions  at  which  I  had  ar- 
rived after  a  careful  study  of  the  subject.  Yet  I  cannot  deny  that  the 
labors  of  the  French  historian  have  shed  a  light  upon  more  than  one 
obscure  passage  in  the  administration  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  for 
which  the  student  of  Spanish  history  owes  him  a  debt  of  gratitude. 

VOL.  in.  38 


CHAPTER    IX. 

WAR    WITH    THE    TURKS. 

League  against  the  Turks.  —  Preparations  for  the  War.  —  Don  John 
Commander-in-Chief.  —  His  Reception  at  Naples.  —  His  Depart- 
ure from  Messina. 

1570-1571. 

WHILE  Philip  was  occupied  with  the  Morisco 
insurrection,  his  attention  was  called  to  another 
quarter,  where  a  storm  was  gathering  that  menaced 
Spain  in  common  with  the  rest  of  Christendom. 
In  1566,  Solyman  the  Magnificent  closed  his  long 
and  prosperous  reign.  His  son  and  successor,  Se- 
lim  the  Second,  possessed  few  of  the  qualities  of 
his  great  father.  Bred  in  the  seraglio,  he  showed 
the  fruits  of  his  education  in  his  indolent  way  of 
life,  and  in  the  free  indulgence  of  the  most  licen- 
tious appetites.  With  these  effeminate  tastes,  he 
inherited  the  passion  for  conquest  which  belonged, 
not  only  to  his  father,  but  to  the  whole  of  his  war- 
like dynasty.  Not  that,  like  them,  he  headed  his 
armies  in  the  field.  These  were  led  by  valiant 
commanders,  who  had  learned  the  art  of  war  under 
Solyman.  Selim  was,  above  all,  fortunate  in  pos- 
sessing for  his  grand  vizier  a  minister  whose  untir- 


CH.  IX.]      LEAGUE  AGAINST  THE  TURKS.        299 

ing  industry  and  remarkable  talents  for  business 
enabled  him  to  bear  on  his  own  shoulders  the 
whole  burden  of  government.  It  was  fortunate  for 
the  state,  as  well  as  for  the  sultan,  that  Mahomet 
had  the  art  to  win  the  confidence  of  his  master, 
and  to  maintain  it  unshaken  through  the  whole 
of  his  reign. 

The  scheme  which  most  occupied  the  thoughts 
of  Selim  was  the  conquest  of  Cyprus.  This  island, 
to  which  Nature  had  been  so  prodigal  of  her  gifts, 
belonged  to  Venice.  Yet,  placed  at  the  extremity 
of  the  Mediterranean,  it  seemed  in  a  manner  to 
command  the  approaches  to  the  Dardanelles,  while 
its  line  of  coast  furnished  convenient  ports,  from 
which  swarms  of  cruisers  might  sally  forth  in  time 
of  war  and  plunder  the  Turkish  commerce. 

Selim,  resolved  on  the  acquisition  of  Cyprus,  was 
not  slow  in  devising  a  pretext  for  claiming  it  from 
Venice  as  a  part  of  the  Ottoman  empire.  The 
republic,  though  willing  to  make  almost  any  con- 
cession rather  than  come  to  a  rupture  with  the 
colossal  power  under  whose  shadow  she  lay,  was 
not  prepared  to  surrender  without  a  struggle  the 
richest  gem  in  her  colonial  diadem.  "War  was 
accordingly  declared  against  her  by  the  Porte,  and 
vast  preparations  were  made  for  fitting  out  an  ar- 
mament against  Cyprus.  Venice,  in  her  turn, 
showed  her  usual  alacrity  in  providing  for  the  en- 
counter. She  strained  her  resources  to  the  utmost. 
In  a  very  short  time  she  equipped  a  powerful 
fleet,  and  took  measures  to  place  the  fortifica- 


300  WAR  WITH  THE   TURKS.  [BOOK  V. 

tions  of  Cyprus  in  a  proper  state  of  defence.  But 
Venice  no  longer  boasted  a  navy  such  as  in  ear- 
lier days  had  enabled  her  to  humble  the  pride  of 
Genoa,  and  to  ride  the  unquestioned  mistress  of  the 
Mediterranean.  The  defences  of  her  colonies,  more- 
over, during  her  long  repose,  had  gradually  fallen 
into  decay.  In  her  extremity,  she  turned  to  the 
Christian  powers  of  Europe,  and  besought  them  to 
make  common  cause  with  her  against  the  enemy 
of  Christendom. 

Fortunately  the  chair  of  St.  Peter  was  occupied, 
at  this  crisis,  by  Pius  the  Fifth,  one  of  those  pon- 
tiffs who  seem  to  have  been  called  forth  by  the 
exigencies  of  the  time,  to  uphold  the  pillars  of  Ca- 
tholicism as  they  were  yet  trembling  under  the 
assaults  of  Luther.  Though  he  was  near  seventy 
years  of  age,  the  fire  of  youth  still  glowed  in  his 
veins.  He  possessed  all  that  impetuous  eloquence 
which,  had  he  lived  in  the  days  of  Peter  the  Her- 
mit, would  have  enabled  him,  like  that  enthusiast, 
to  rouse  the  nations  of  Europe  to  a  crusade  against 
the  infidel.  But  the  days  of  the  crusades  were  past ; 
and  a  summons  from  the  Vatican  had  no  longer 
the  power  to  stir  the  souls  of  men  like  a  voice  from 
Heaven.  The  great  potentates  of  Europe  were  too 
intent  on  their  own  selfish  schemes  to  be  turned 
from  these  by  the  apprehension  of  a  danger  so  re- 
mote as  that  which  menaced  them  from  the  East. 
The  forlorn  condition  of  Venice  had  still  less  power 
to  move  them ;  and  that  haughty  republic  was  now 
made  to  feel,  in  the  hour  of  her  distress,  how  com- 


Cii.  IX.]     LEAGUE  AGAINST  THE  TURKS.        301 

pletely  her  perfidious  and  unscrupulous  policy  had 
estranged  from  her  the  sympathies  of  her  neigh- 
bors. 

There  was  one  monarch,  however,  who  did  not 
close  his  ears  against  the  appeal  of  Venice,  —  and 
that  monarch,  one  of  more  importance  to  her  cause 
than  any  other,  perhaps  all  others  united.  In 
the  spring  of  1570,  Luigi  Torres,  clerk  of  the 
apostolic  chamber,  was  sent  to  Spain  by  Pius  the 
Fifth  to  plead  the  cause  of  the  republic.  He  found 
the  king  at  Ecija,  on  the  route  from  Cordova, 
where  he  had  been  for  some  time  presiding  over  a 
meeting  of  the  cortes.  The  legate  was  graciously 
received  by  Philip,  to  whom  he  presented  a  letter 
from  his  Holiness,  urging  the  monarch,  in  the  most 
earnest  and  eloquent  language,  to  give  succor  to 
Venice,  and  to  unite  with  her  in  a  league  against 
the  infidel.  Philip  did  not  hesitate  to  promise  his 
assistance  in  the  present  emergency ;  but  he  had 
natural  doubts  as  to  the  expediency  of  binding 
himself  by  a  league  with  a  power  on  whose  good 
faith  he  had  little  reliance.  He  postponed  his  de- 
cision until  his  arrival  at  Seville.  Accompanied 
by  the  legate,  on  the  first  of  May  he  made  his 
solemn  entry  into  the  great  commercial  capital  of 
the  South.  It  was  his  first  visit  there,  and  he  was 
received  with  tumultuous  joy  by  the  loyal  inhab- 
itants. Loyalty  to  their  monarchs  has  ever  been 
a  predominant  trait  of  the  Spaniards ;  and  to  none 
of  their  princes  did  they  ever  show  it  in  larger 
measure  than  to  Philip  the  Second.  No  one  of 


302  WAR  WITH   THE    TURKS.  [BOOK  V. 

them,  certainly,  was  more  thoroughly  Spanish  in 
his  own  nature,  or  more  deeply  attached  to  Spain. 
After  swearing  to  respect  the  privileges  of  the 
city,  the  king  received  the  homage  of  the  authori- 
ties. He  then  rode  through  the  streets  under  a 
gorgeous  canopy,  upheld  by  the  principal  magis- 
trates, and  visited  the  churches  and  monasteries, 
hearing  Te  Deum,  and  offering  up  his  prayers  in 
the  cathedral.  He  was  attended  by  a  gay  proces- 
sion of  nobles  and  cavaliers,  while  the  streets  of 
the  populous  city  were  thronged  with  multitudes, 
filled  with  enthusiasm  at  the  presence  of  their 
sovereign.  By  this  loyal  escort  Philip  was  ac- 
companied to  the  place  of  his  residence,  the  royal 
alcazar  of  Seville.  Here  he  prolonged  his  stay 
for  a  fortnight,  witnessing  the  shows  and  festi- 
vals which  had  been  prepared  for  his  entertain- 
ment. At  his  departure  he  received  a  more  sub- 
stantial proof  of  the  attachment  of  the  citizens,  in 
a  donation  of  six  hundred  thousand  ducats.  The 
object  of  this  magnificent  present  was  to  defray  in 
part  the  expenses  of  the  king's  approaching  mar- 
riage with  his  fourth  wife,  Anne  of  Austria,  the 
daughter  of  his  cousin,  the  Emperor  Maximilian. 
The  fair  young  bride  had  left  her  father's  court, 
and  was  already  on  her  way  to  Madrid,  where  her 
nuptials  were  to  be  celebrated,  and  where  she  was 
to  take  the  place  of  the  lovely  Isabella,  whose 
death,  not  two  years  since,  had  plunged  the  nation 
in  mourning.1 

1  Ferreras,   Hist.  d'Espagne,    torn.  X.    pp.  239,    240.  —  Cabrera, 


CH.  IX.]     LEAGUE  AGAINST  THE  TURKS.        303 

AVhile  at  Seville,  Philip  laid  the  subject  of  the 
league  before  his  ministers.  Some  of  these,  and 
among  the  number  Espinosa,  president  of  the  coun- 
cil of  Castile,  entertained  great  doubts  as  to  the 
policy  of  binding  Spain  by  a  formal  treaty  with  the 
Venetian  republic.  But,  with  all  his  distrust  of 
that  power,  Philip  took  a  broader  view  of  the  mat- 
ter than  his  ministers.  Independently  of  his  will- 
ingness to  present  himself  before  the  world  as  the 
great  champion  of  the  Faith,  he  felt  that  such  an 
alliance  offered  the  best  opportunity  for  crippling 
the  maritime  power  of  Turkey,  and  thus  providing 
for  the  safety  of  his  own  colonial  possessions  in 
the  Mediterranean.  After  much  deliberation,  he 
dismissed  the  legate  with  the  assurance  that,  not- 
withstanding the  troubles  which  pressed  on  him 
both  in  the  Low  Countries  and  in  Granada,  he 
would  furnish  immediate  succors  to  Venice,  and 
would  send  commissioners  to  Rome,  with  full  pow- 
ers to  unite  with  those  of  the  pope  and  the  republic 
in  forming  a  treaty  of  alliance  against  the  Ottoman 
Porte.  The  papal  envoy  was  charged  with  a  letter 
to  the  same  effect,  addressed  by  Philip  to  his  ho- 
liness. 

The  ensuing  summer,  the  royal  admiral,  the  fa- 
mous John  Andrew  Doria,  who  was  lying  with  a 

Filipe  Segundo,  p.  641.  —  Zuniga,  place  among  the  great  commercial 

Anales  de  Sevilla,  pp.  536  -  538.  capitals  of  Christendom  in  the  six- 

The  chroniclers  paint  in  glowing  teenth  century.     It  was  a  common 

colors  the  splendors  of  the   royal  saying, 

reception    at    Seville,     which,    en-  "  Quien  no  ha  visto  &  Sevilla 

riched  by  the  Indian  trade,  took  its  No  ha  visto  4  ">aravilla." 


304  WAR  WITH  THE  TURKS.  [BOOK  V. 

strong  squadron  off  Sicily,  put  to  sea,  by  the  king's 
orders.  He  was  soon  after  reinforced  by  a  few 
galleys  which  were  furnished  by  his  holiness,  and 
placed  under  the  command  of  Mark  Antonio  Co- 
lonna,  the  representative  of  one  of  the  most  ancient 
and  illustrious  houses  in  Rome.  On  the  last  of 
August,  1570,  the  combined  fleet  effected  its  junc- 
tion with  the  Venetians  at  Candia,  and  a  plan  of 
operations  was  immediately  arranged.  It  was  not 
long  before  the  startling  intelligence  arrived  that 
Nicosia,  the  capital  of  Cyprus,  had  been  taken  and 
sacked  by  the  Turks,  with  all  the  circumstances 
of  cruelty  which  distinguish  wars  in  which  the  feel- 
ing of  national  hostility  is  embittered  by  religious 
hatred.  The  plan  was  now  to  be  changed.  A 
dispute  arose  among  the  commanders  as  to  the 
course  to  be  pursued.  No  one  had  authority 
enough  to  enforce  compliance  with  his  own  opinion. 
The  dispute  ended  in  a  rupture.  The  expedition 
was  abandoned ;  and  the  several  commanders  re- 
turned home  with  their  squadrons,  without  having 
struck  a  blow  for  the  cause.  It  was  a  bad  omen 
for  the  success  of  the  league.2 

Still  the  stout-hearted  pontiff  was  not  discour- 
aged. On  the  contrary,  he  endeavored  to  infuse 
his  own  heroic  spirit  into  the  hearts  of  his  allies, 
giving  them  the  most  cheering  assurances  for  the 
future,  if  they  would  but  be  true  to  themselves. 

2  Herrera,     Historia     General,    —  Sagrcdo,  Monarcas  Othomanos, 
torn.  I.  p.  798  et  seq. —  Cabrera,     p.  277. 
Filipe  Segundo,  lib.  VI.  cap.  17. 


Cu.  IX.]  LEAGUE  AGAINST   THE  TURKS.  305 

Philip  did  not  need  this  encouragement.  Once 
resolved,  his  was  not  a  mind  lightly  to  be  turned 
from  its  purpose.  Venice,  on  the  other  hand,  soon 
showed  that  the  Catholic  king  had  good  reason  for 
distrusting  her  fidelity.  Appalled  by  the  loss  of 
Nicosia,  with  her  usual  inconstancy,  she  despatched 
a  secret  agent  to  Constantinople,  to  see  if  some 
terms  might  not  yet  be  made  with  the  sultan.  The 
negotiation  could  not  be  managed  so  secretly,  how- 
ever, but  that  notice  of  it  reached  the  ears  of  Pius 
the  Fifth.  He  forthwith  despatched  an  envoy  to 
the  republic  to  counteract  this  measure,  and  to 
persuade  the  Venetians  to  trust  to  their  Christian 
allies  rather  than  to  the  Turks,  the  enemies  of 
their  country  and  their  religion.  The  person  se- 
lected for  this  mission  was  Colonna,  who  was  quite 
as  much  distinguished  for  his  address  as  for  his 
valor.  He  performed  his  task  well.  He  repre- 
sented so  forcibly  to  the  government  that  the 
course  he  recommended  was  the  one  dictated  not 
less  by  interest  than  by  honor,  that  they  finally 
acquiesced,  and  recalled  their  agent  from  Constan- 
tinople. It  must  be  acknowledged  that  Colonna's 
arguments  were  greatly  strengthened  by  the  cold 
reception  given  to  the  Venetian  envoy  at  Con- 
stantinople, where  it  was  soon  seen  that  the  con- 
quest of  the  capital  had  by  no  means  tended  to 
make  the  sultan  relax  his  hold  on  Cyprus.3 

Towards  the  close  of  1570,  the   deputies  from 

3  Cabrera,   Filipe    Segundo,    p.    667.  —  Sagredo,    Monarcas    Otho- 
manos,  p.  277. 
VOL.  in.  39 


306  WAR  WITH  THE  TURKS.  [BOOK  V. 

the  three  powers  met  in  Home  to  arrange  the 
terms  of  the  league.  Spain  was  represented  by  the 
Cardinals  Granvelle  and  Pacheco,  together  with 
the  ambassador,  Juan  de  Zuniga,  all  three  at  that 
time  being  resident  in  Rome.  It  will  readily  be 
believed  that  the  interests  of  Spain  would  not  suf- 
fer in  the  hands  of  a  commission  with  so  skilful 
a  tactician  as  Granvelle  to  direct  it. 

Yet  though  the  parties  seemed  to  be  embarked 
in  a  common  cause,  there  was  found  much  diffi- 
culty in  reconciling  their  different  pretensions.  The 
deputies  from  Venice,  in  the  usual  spirit  of  her 
diplomacy,  regarded  the  league  as  exclusively  de- 
signed for  her  benefit,  —  in  other  words,  for  the 
protection  of  Cyprus  against  the  Turks.  The 
Spanish  commissioners  took  a  wider  view,  and 
talked  of  the  war  as  one  waged  by  the  Christian 
against  the  Infidel,  —  against  the  Moors  no  less 
than  the  Turks.  In  this  politic  view  of  the  .mat- 
ter, the  Catholic  King  was  entitled  to  the  same 
protection  for  his  colonies  on  the  coast  of  Africa, 
as  Venice  claimed  for  Cyprus. 

Another  cause  of  disagreement  was  the  claim  of 
each  of  the  parties  to  select  a  commander-in-chief 
for  the  expedition  from  its  own  nation.  This  pre- 
eminence was  finally  conceded  to  Spain,  as  the 
power  that  was  to  bear  the  largest  share  of  the 
expenses. 

It  was  agreed  that  the  treaty  should  be  perma- 
nent in  its  duration,  and  should  be  directed  against 
the  Moors  of  Tunis,  Tripoli,  and  Algiers,  as  well 


CH.  IX.]     LEAGUE  AGAINST  THE  TURKS.        307 

as  against  the  Turks ;  that  the  contracting  parties 
should  furnish  two  hundred  galleys,  one  hundred 
transports  and  smaller  vessels,  fifty  thousand  foot, 
and  four  thousand  five  hundred  horse,  with  the 
requisite  artillery  and  munitions ;  that  by  April,  at 
farthest,  of  every  succeeding  year,  a  similar  force 
should  be  held  in  readiness  by  the  allies  for  expe- 
ditions to  the  Levant ;  and  that  any  year  in  which 
there  was  no  expedition  in  common,  and  either 
Spain  or  the  republic  should  desire  to  engage  in 
one  on  her  own  account  against  the  infidel,  the 
other  confederates  should  furnish  fifty  galleys  to- 
wards it ;  that  if  the  enemy  should  invade  the 
dominions  of  any  of  the  three  powers,  the  others 
should  be  bound  to  come  to  the  aid  of  their  ally ; 
that  three  sixths  of  the  expenses  of  the  war  should 
be  borne  by  the  Catholic  King,  two  sixths  by  the 
republic,  the  remaining  sixth  by  the  Holy  See ; 
that  the  Venetians  should  lend  his  holiness  twelve 
galleys,  which  he  was  to  man  and  equip  at  his 
own  charge,  as  his  contribution  towards  the  arma- 
ment ;  that  each  power  should  appoint  a  captain- 
general  ;  that  the  united  voices  of  the  three  com- 
manders should  regulate  the  plan  of  operations ; 
that  the  execution  of  this  plan  should  be  intrusted 
to  the  captain-general  of  the  league,  and  that  this 
high  office  should  be  given  to  Don  John  of  Aus- 
tria; that,  finally,  no  one  of  the  parties  should 
make  peace,  or  enter  into  a  truce  with  the  enemy, 
without  the  knowledge  and  consent  of  the  others.4 

4  A  copy  of  the  treaty  in  Latin,  dated  May  25,  1571,  exists  in  the 


308  WAR  WITH  THE  TURKS.  [Booie  V. 

Such  were  the  principal  provisions  of  the  famous 
treaty  of  the  Holy  League.  The  very  first  article 
declares  this  treaty  perpetual  in  its  nature.  Yet 
we  should  be  slow  to  believe  that  the  shrewd  and 
politic  statesmen  who  directed  the  affairs  of  Spain 
and  the  republic  could  for  a  moment  believe  in  the 
perpetuity  of  a  contract  which  imposed  such  bur- 
densome obligations  on  the  parties.  In  fact,  the 
league  did  not  hold  together  two  years.  But  it  held 
together  long  enough  to  accomplish  a  great  result, 
and  as  such  occupies  an  important  place  in  the  his- 
tory of  the  times. 

Although  a  draft  of  the  treaty  had  been  prepared 
in  the  latter  part  of  the  preceding  year,  it  was  not 
ratified  till  157 1.5  On  the  twenty-fourth  of  May, 
the  pope  caused  it  to  be  read  aloud  in  full  consis- 
tory. He  then,  laying  his  hand  on  his  breast, 
solemnly  swore  to  the  observance  of  it.  The  am- 
bassadors of  Spain  and  Venice  made  oath  to  the 
same  effect,  on  behalf  of  their  governments,  placing 
their  hands  on  a  missal  with  a  copy  of  the  Gospels 
beneath  it.  On  the  day  following,  after  mass  had 
been  performed,  the  treaty  was  publicly  proclaimed 
in  the  church  of  St.  Peter.6 

The  tidings  of  the  alliance  of  the  three  powers 

library~of  the  Academy  of  History,  the  treaty,  as  prepared  in  1570,  is 

at  Madrid.  Senor  Resell  has  trans-  incorporated  in  the    Documentos 

ferred  it  to  the   appendix  of  his  Ineditos  (torn.  III.  pp.  337  et  seq.). 

work,  Historia  del  Combate  Naval  The  original  is  in  the  library  of  the 

de  Lepanto,  (Madrid,  1853,)  pp.  duke  of  Ossuna. 

180-189.  6  Rosell,  Combate  Naval  de  Le- 

5  A  copy  from  the  first  draft  of  panto,  p.  56. 


Cn.  IX.]  PREPARATIONS  FOR  THE  WAR.  309 

caused  a  great  sensation  throughout  Christendom. 
Far  from  dismaying  the  sultan,  however,  it  only 
stimulated  him  to  greater  exertions.  Availing  him- 
self of  the  resources  of  his  vast  empire,  he  soo,n  got 
together  a  powerful  fleet,  partly  drawn  from  his 
own  dominions,  and  in  part  from  those  of  the  Mos- 
lem powers  on  the  Mediterranean,  who  acknowl- 
edged allegiance  to  the  Porte.  The  armada  was 
placed  under  the  command  of  Selim's  brother-in- 
law,  the  Pacha  Piali,  a  man  of  an  intrepid  spirit, 
who  had  given  many  proofs  of  a  humane  and  gener- 
ous nature,  —  qualities  more  rare  among  the  Turks, 
perhaps  among  all  nations,  than  mere  physical 


courage. 


Early  in  the  spring  of  1571,  the  Ottoman  admi- 
ral sailed  out  of  the  Golden  Horn,  and  directed  his 
course  towards  Candia.  Here  he  remained  until 
joined  by  a  strong  Algerine  force  under  the  re- 
doubtable corsair,  Uluch  AH,  —  a  Calabrian  rene- 
gade, who  had  risen  from  the  humblest  condition 
to  the  post  of  dey  of  Algiers.  Early  in  the  sea- 
son the  combined  fleets  sailed  for  the  Adriatic ;  and 
Piali,  after  landing  and  laying  waste  the  territory 
belonging  to  the  republic,  detached  Uluch  with  his 
squadron  to  penetrate  higher  up  the  gulf.  The 
Algerine,  in  executing  these  orders,  advanced  so 
near  to  Venice  as  to  throw  the  inhabitants  of  that 
capital  into  a  consternation  such  as  they  had  not 
felt  since  the  cannon  of  the  Genoese,  two  centuries 
before,  had  resounded  over  their  waters.  But  it 
was  not  the  dey's  purpose  to  engage  in  so  for- 


310  WAR  WITH  THE  TURKS.  [BOOK  V. 

midable  an  enterprise  as  an  assault  upon  Venice  ; 
and  soon  drawing  off,  he  joined  the  commander-in- 
chief  at  Corfu,  where  they  waited  for  tidings  of  the 
Christian  fleet.7 

The  indefatigable  Pius,  even  before  the  treaty 
was  signed,  had  despatched  his  nephew,  Cardi- 
nal Alessandrino,  to  the  different  courts,  to  rouse 
the  drooping  spirits  of  the  allies,  and  to  persuade 
other  princes  of  Christendom  to  join  the  league. 
In  the  middle  of  May,  the  legate,  attended  by 
a  stately  train  of  ecclesiastics,  appeared  at  Ma- 
drid. Philip  gave  him  a  reception  that  fully  tes- 
tified his  devotion  to  the  Holy  See.  The  king's 
brother,  Don  John,  and  his  favorite  minister,  lluy 
Gomez  de  Silva,  with  some  of  the  principal  nobles, 
waited  at  once  on  the  cardinal,  who  had  taken 
up  his  quarters  in  the  suburbs,  at  the  Dominican 
monastery  of  Atocha,  tenanted  by  brethren  of  his 
own  order.  On  the  following  morning  the  papal 
envoy  made  his  entrance  in  great  state  into  the 
capital.  lie  was  mounted  on  a  mule,  gorgeously 
caparisoned,  the  gift  of  the  city.  John  of  Austria 
rode  on  his  right ;  and  he  was  escorted  by  a  pom- 
pous array  of  prelates  and  grandees,  who  seemed  to 
vie  with  one  another  in  the  splendor  of  their  cos- 
tumes. On  the  way  he  was  met  by  the  royal  caval- 
cade. As  the  legate  paid  his  obeisance  to  the 
monarch,  he  remained  with  his  head  uncovered ; 
and  Philip,  with  a  similar  act  of  courtesy,  while  he 

7  Paruta,   Guerra   tli  Cipro,   p.  120  et  seq.  —  Hen-era,  Hist.  Gene- 
ral, torn.  II.  pp.  14,  15. 


CH.  IX]  PREPARATIONS  FOR  THE  WAR.  31 1 

addressed  a  few  remarks  to  the  churchman,  held 
his  hat  in  his  hand.8  He  then  joined  the  proces- 
sion, riding  between  the  legate  on  the  right  and  his 
brother  on  the  left,  who  was  observed,  from  time 
to  time,  to  take  part  in  the  conversation,  a  circum- 
stance occasioning  some  surprise,  says  an  historian, 
as  altogether  contrary  to  the  established  etiquette 
of  the  punctilious  Castilian  court.9 

The  ceremonies  were  concluded  by  religious  ser- 
vices in  the  church  of  Santa  Maria,  where  the 
legate,  after  preaching  a  discourse,  granted  all 
present  a  full  remission  of  the  pains  of  Purgatory 
for  two  hundred  years.10  A  gift  of  more  worth,  in 
a  temporal  view,  was  the  grant  to  the  king  of  the 
cruzada,  the  excusada,  and  other  concessions  of 
ecclesiastical  revenue,  which  the  Homan  see  knows 
so  well  how  to  bestow  on  the  champions  of  the 
Faith.  These  concessions  came  in  good  time  to 
supply  the  royal  coffers,  sorely  drained  by  the  cost- 
ly preparations  for  the  war. 

Meanwhile  the  Venetians  were  pushing  forward 
their  own  preparations  with  their  wonted  alacrity, 
—  indeed  with  more  alacrity  than  thoroughness. 
They  were  prompt  in  furnishing  their  quota  of 


8  Cabrera,  Filipe  Scgundo,  lib.  mente  en  la  conversacion,  contra 
IX.     cap      22.  —  Ferreras,    Hist,  las  etiquetas  hasta  entonces  obser- 
d'Espagne,  torn.  X.  pp.  247,  248.  vadas."      Resell,    Combate   Naval 
—  Vanderhammen,  Don  Juan  de  de  Lepanto,  p.  59. 

Austria,  fol.  152.  10  "  Y  concede   dozientos  anos 

9  "No  poco  se  maravillaron  los  deperdon  a  los presentes." — Van- 
curiosos,  viendole,  6  por  casualidad  derhammen,  Don  Juan  de  Austria, 
6  bien   de   intento,  terciar  liana-  fol.  152. 


312  WAR  WITH     THE  TURKS.  [BOOK  V. 

vessels,  but  discreditably  remiss  in  their  manner  of 
equipping  them.  The  fleet  was  placed  under  the 
charge  of  Sebastian  Veniero,  a  noble  who  had 
grown  gray  in  the  service  of  his  country.  Zanne, 
who  had  had  the  command  of  the  fleet  in  the 
preceding  summer,  was  superseded  on  the  charge 
of  incapacity,  shown  especially  in  his  neglect  to 
bring  the  enemy  to  action.  His  process  continued 
for  two  years,  without  any  opportunity  being  al- 
lowed to  the  accused  of  appearing  in  his  own  vin- 
dication. It  was  finally  brought  to  a  close  by  his 
death,  —  the  consequence,  as  it  is  said,  of  a  broken 
heart.  If  it  were  so,  it  would  not  be  a  solitary 
instance  of  such  a  fate  in  the  annals  of  the  stern 
republic.  Before  midsummer  the  new  admiral 
sailed  with  his  fleet,  or  as  much  of  it  as  was  then 
ready,  for  the  port  of  Messina,  appointed  as  the 
place  of  rendezvous  for  the  allies.  Here  he  was 
soon  joined  by  Colonna,  the  papal  commander,  with 
the  little  squadron  furnished  by  his  holiness ;  and 
the  two  fleets  lay  at  anchor,  side  by  side,  in  the 
capacious  harbor,  waiting  the  arrival  of  the  rest  of 
the  confederates  and  of  John  of  Austria. 

Preparations  for  the  war  were  now  going  actively 
forward  in  Spain.  Preparations  on  so  large  a  scale 
had  not  been  seen  since  the  war  with  Paul  the 
Fourth  and  Henry  the  Third,  which  ushered  in 
Philip's  accession.  All  the  great  ports  in  the 
Peninsula,  as  well  as  in  the  kingdom  of  Naples, 
in  Sicily,  in  the  Balearic  Isles,  in  every  part  of 
the  empire,  in  short,  swarmed  with  artisans,  busily 


CH.  IX.] 


PREPARATIONS  TOR  THE  WAR. 


313 


engaged  in  fitting  out  the  fleet  which  was  to 
form  Philip's  contingent  to  the  armament.  By  the 
terms  of  the  treaty  he  was  to  bear  one  half  of 
the  charges  of  the  expedition.  In  his  naval  prep- 
arations he  spared  neither  cost  nor  care.  Ninety 
royal  galleys,  and  more  than  seventy  ships  of  small- 
er dimensions,  were  got  in  readiness  in  the  course 
of  the  summer.  They  were  built  and  equipped  in 
that  thorough  manner  which  vindicated  the  pre- 
eminence in  naval  architecture  claimed  by  Spain, 
and  formed  a  strong  contrast  to  the  slovenly  exe- 
cution of  the  Venetians.11 

Levies  of  troops  were  at  the  same  time  diligently 
enforced  in  all  parts  of  the  monarchy.  Even  a  corps 
of  three  thousand  German  mercenaries  was  subsi- 


11  "  De  las  mejores  que  jamas  se 
han  visto"  —  "  among  the  best  gal- 
leys that  were  ever  seen,"  —  says 
Don  John  in  a  letter,  from  Mes- 
sina, to  Don  Garcia  de  Toledo. 
Documentos  Ineditos,  torn.  III. 
p.  15. 

The  earlier  part  of  the  third 
volume  of  the  Documentos  Indditos 
is  taken  up  with  the  correspond- 
ence between  John  of  Austria  and 
Garcia  de  Toledo,  in  which  the 
former  asks  information  and  ad- 
vice in  respect  to  the  best  mode 
of  conducting  the  war.  Don  Gar- 
cia de  Toledo,  fourth  marquis  of 
Villafranca,  was  a  man  of  high 
family,  and  of  great  sagacity  and 
experience.  He  had  filled  some  of 
the  highest  posts  in  the  government, 
and,  as  the  reader  may  remember, 

VOL.    III.  40 


was  viceroy  of  Sicily  at  the  time 
when  Malta  was  besieged  by  the 
Turks.  The  coldness  which  on 
that  occasion  he  appeared  to  show 
to  the  besieged,  excited  general  in- 
dignation ;  and  I  ventured  to  state, 
on  an  authority  which  I  did  not 
profess  to  esteem  the  best,  that  in 
consequence  of  this  he  fell  into  dis- 
grace, and  was  suffered  to  pass  the 
remainder  of  his  years  in  obscurity. 
(Ante,  vol.  II.  p.  497.)  An  in- 
vestigation of  documents  which  I 
had  not  then  seen  shows  this  to  have 
been  an  error.  The  ample  corre- 
spondence which  both  Philip  the 
Second  and  Don  John  carried  on 
with  him,  gives  undeniable  proofs 
of  the  confidence  he  continued  to 
enjoy  at  court,  and  the  high  defer- 
ence which  was  paid  to  his  opinion. 


WAR  WITH  THE  TURKS.  [BOOK  V. 


dized  for  the  campaign.  Troops  were  drawn  from 
the  veteran  garrisons  in  Lombardy  and  the  king- 
dom of  Naples.  As  the  Morisco  insurrection  was 
fortunately  quelled,  the  forces  engaged  in  it,  among 
whom  were  the  brave  Neapolitan  battalion  and  its 
commander,  Padilla,  could  now  be  employed  in  the 
war  against  the  Turk. 

But  it  can  hardly  be  said  to  have  required  ex- 
traordinary efforts  to  fill  the  ranks  on  the  present 
occasion  ;  for  seldom  had  a  war  been  so  popular 
with  the  nation.  Indeed,  the  Spaniards  entered 
into  it  with  an  alacrity  which  might  well  have 
suggested  the  idea  that  their  master  had  engaged 
in  it  on  his  own  account  rather  than  as  an  ally. 
It  was  in  truth  a  war  that  appealed  in  a  peculiar 
manner  to  the  sensibilities  of  the  Castilian,  famil- 
iar from  his  cradle  with  the  sound  of  the  battle- 
cry  against  the  infidel.  The  whole  number  of 
infantry  raised  by  the  confederates  amounted  to 
twenty-nine  thousand.  Of  this  number  Spain 
alone  sent  over  nineteen  thousand  well-appointed 
troops,  comprehending  numerous  volunteers,  many 
of  whom  belonged  to  the  noblest  houses  of  the 
Peninsula.12 

On  the  sixth  of  June,  Don  John,  after  receiving 
the  last  instructions  of  his  brother,  set  out  from 
Madrid  on  his  journey  to  the  South.  Besides  his 
own  private  establishment,  making  a  numerous 

ia  Authorities  differ  as  usual  as  the  estimate  of  Resell,  who  dis- 
to  the  precise  number  both  of  ves-  erectly  avoids  the  extremes  on 
sels  and  troops.  I  have  accepted  either  side. 


Cir.  IX.]          DON  JOHN  COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF.  315 

train,  he  was  escorted  by  a  splendid  company  of 
lords  and  cavaliers,  eager  to  share  with  him  in  the 
triumphs  of  the  Cross.  Anxious  to  reach  the  goal, 
he  pushed  forward  at  a  more  rapid  rate  than  was 
altogether  relished  by  the  rest  of  the  cavalcade. 
Yet  notwithstanding  this  speed  on  the  road,  there 
were  matters  that  claimed  his  attention  in  the 
towns  through  which  he  passed,  that  occasioned 
some  delay.  His  journey  had  the  appearance  of  a 
royal  progress.  The  castles  of  the  great  lords  were 
thrown  open  with  princely  hospitality  to  receive 
him  and  his  suite.  In  the  chief  cities,  as  Saragossa 
and  Barcelona,  he  was  entertained  by  the  viceroys 
with  all  the  pomp  and  ceremony  that  could  have 
been  shown  to  the  king  himself.  He  remained 
some  days  in  the  busy  capital  of  Catalonia,  and 
found  there  much  to  engage  his  attention  in  the 
arsenals  and  dock-yards,  now  alive  with  the  bustle 
of  preparation.  He  then  made  a  brief  pilgrimage 
to  the  neighboring  Hermitage  of  Our  Lady  of 
Montserrat,  where  he  paid  his  devotions,  and  con- 
versed with  the  holy  fathers,  whom  he  had  always 
deeply  reverenced,  and  had  before  visited  in  their 
romantic  solitudes. 

Embarking  at  Barcelona,  he  set  sail  with  a  squad- 
ron of  more  than  thirty  galleys,  —  a  force  strong 
enough  to  guard  against  the  Moslem  corsairs  in 
the  Mediterranean,  and  landed,  on  the  twenty-fifth, 
at  Genoa.  The  doge  and  the  senate  came  out  to 
welcome  him,  and  he  was  lodged  during  his  stay 
in  the  palace  of  Andrew  Doria.  Here  he  received 


316  WAR  WITH   THE  TURKS.  [BOOK  V. 

embassies  and  congratulatory  addresses  from  the 
different  princes  of  Italy.  He  had  already  been 
greeted  with  an  autograph  letter,  couched  in  the 
most  benignant  terms,  from  the  sovereign  pontiff. 
To  all  these  communications  Don  John  was  careful 
to  reply.  He  acquainted  his  holiness,  in  particular, 
with  the  whole  course  of  his  proceedings.  While 
on  the  way  he  had  received  a  letter  from  his 
brother,  giving  him  a  full  catalogue  of  the  appro- 
priate titles  by  which  each  one  of  his  correspond- 
ents should  be  addressed.  Nor  wras  this  list  con- 
fined to  crowned  heads,  but  comprehended  nobles 
and  cavaliers  of  every  degree.33  In  no  country 
has  the  perilous  code  of  etiquette  been  more  dili- 
gently studied  than  in  Spain,  and  no  Spaniard  was 
better  versed  in  it  than  Philip. 

Pursuing  his  route  by  water,  Don  John,  in  the 
month  of  August,  dropped  anchor  in  the  beautiful 
bay  of  Naples.  Arrangements  had  been  made  in 
that  city  for  his  reception  on  a  more  magnificent 
scale  than  any  he  had  witnessed  on  his  journey. 
Granvelle,  who  had  lately  been  raised  to  the  post 
of  viceroy,  came  forth,  at  the  head  of  a  long  and 
brilliant  procession,  to  welcome  his  royal  guest. 
The  houses  that  lined  the  streets  were  hung  with 
richly-tinted  tapestries,  and  gayly  festooned  with 
flowers.  The  windows  and  verandas  were  graced 
with  the  beauty  and  fashion  of  that  pleasure-loving 
capital ;  and  many  a  dark  eye  sparkled  as  it  gazed 

13  Vanderhammen  has  been  care-  logue.  Don  Juan  de  Austria,  fol. 
ful  to  transcribe  this  precious  cata-  156  et  seq. 


CH.  IX.]  KECEPTION  AT  NAPLES.  317 

on  the  fine  form  and  features  of  the  youthful  hero, 
who  at  the  age  of  twenty-four  had  come  to  Italy  to 
assume  the  baton  of  command,  and  lead  the  cru- 
sade against  the  Moslems.  His  splendid  dress  of 
white  velvet  and  cloth  of  gold  set  off  his  grace- 
ful person  to  advantage.  A  crimson  scarf  float- 
ed loosely  over  his  breast ;  and  his  snow-white 
plumes,  drooping  from  his  cap,  mingled  with  the 
yellow  curls  that  fell  in  profusion  over  his  shoul- 
ders. It  was  a  picture  which  the  Italian  maiden 
might  love  to  look  on.  It  was  certainly  not  the 
picture  of  the  warrior  sheathed  in  the  iron  panoply 
of  war.  But  the  young  prince,  in  his  general 
aspect,  might  be  relieved  from  the  charge  of  effem- 
inacy, by  his  truly  chivalrous  bearing  and  the 
dauntless  spirit  which  beamed  from  his  clear  blue 
eye.  In  his  own  lineaments  he  seemed  to  combine 
all  that  was  most  comely  in  the  lineaments  of  his 
race.  Fortunately  he  had  escaped  the  deformity  of 
the  heavy  Burgundian  lip,  which  he  might  perhaps 
have  excused,  as  establishing  his  claims  to  a  descent 
from  the  imperial  house  of  Hapsburg.14 

Don  John  had  found  no  place  more  busy  with 
preparations  for  the  campaign  than  Naples.  A 
fleet  was  riding  at  anchor  in  her  bay,  ready  to  sail 
under  the  command  of  Don  Alvaro  Bazan,  first 
marquis  of  Santa  Cruz,  a  nobleman  who  had  distin- 
guished himself  by  more  than  one  gallant  achieve- 
ment in  the  Mediterranean,  and  who  was  rapidly 

14  Ibid.,  fol.  159  et  seq. — Fer-     251.  —  Hen-era,     Hist.     General, 
reras,  Hist.  d'Espagne,  torn.  X.  p.     torn.  II.  p   15  et  seq. 


318  WAR   WITH  THE   TURKS.  [BOOK  V. 

laying  the  foundations  of  a  fame  that  was  one  day 
to  eclipse  that  of  every  other  admiral  in  Castile. 

Ten  days  Don  John  remained  at  Naples,  de- 
tained by  contrary  winds.  Though  impatient  to 
reach  Messina,  his  time  passed  lightly  amidst  the 
fetes  and  brilliant  spectacles  which  his  friendly  hosts 
had  provided  for  his  entertainment.  He  entered 
gayly  into  the  revels ;  for  he  was  well  skilled  in 
the  courtly  and  chivalrous  exercises  of  the  day. 
Few  danced  better  than  he,  or  rode,  or  fenced,  or 
played  at  tennis  with  more  spirit  and  skill,  or 
carried  off  more  frequently  the  prizes  of  the  tour- 
ney. Indeed,  he  showed  as  much  ambition  to  excel 
in  the  mimic  game  of  war  as  on  the  field  of  battle. 
With  his  accomplishments  and  personal  attractions, 
we  may  well  believe  that  Don  John  had  little  reason 
to  complain  of  coldness  in  the  fair  dames  of  Italy. 
But  he  seems  to  have  been  no  less  a  favorite  with 
the  men.  The  young  cavaliers,  in  particular,  re- 
garded him  as  the  very  mirror  of  chivalry,  and  stu- 
diously formed  themselves  on  him  as  their  model. 
His  hair  clustered  thickly  round  his  temples,  and 
he  was  in  the  habit  of  throwing  it  back,  so  as 
to  display  his  fine  forehead  to  advantage.  This 
suited  his  physiognomy.  It  soon  became  the 
mode  with  the  gallants  of  the  court ;  and  even 
those  whose  physiognomies  it  did  not  suit  were 
no  less  careful  to  arrange  their  hair  in  the  same 
manner. 

While  at  Naples  he  took  part  in  a  ceremony 
of  an  interesting  and  significant  character.  It  was 


Cu.  IX.]  RECEPTION  AT  NAPLES.  319 

on  the  occasion  of  the  presentation  of  a  standard 
sent  by  Pius  the  Fifth  for  the  Holy  War.  The 
ceremony  took  place  in  the  church  of  the  Francis- 
can convent  of  Santa  Chiara.  Granvelle  officiated 
on  the  occasion.  Mass  was  performed  by  the  car- 
dinal-viceroy in  his  pontificals.  Te  Deum  was  then 
chanted,  after  which  Don  John,  approaching  the 
altar  with  a  slow  and  dignified  step,  gracefully 
knelt  before  the  prelate,  who,  first  delivering  to 
him  the  baton  of  generalissimo,  in  the  name  of  his 
holiness,  next  placed  in  his  hands  the  consecrated 
standard.  It  was  of  azure  damask.  A  crucifix 
was  embroidered  on  the  upper  part  of  the  ban- 
ner, while  below  were  the  arms  of  the  Church, 
with  those  of  Spain  on  the  right  and  of  Venice 
on  the  left,  united  by  a  chain,  from  which  were 
suspended  the  arms  of  John  of  Austria.  The 
prelate  concluded  the  ceremony  by  invoking  the 
blessing  of  Heaven  on  its  champion,  and  beseech- 
ing that  he  might  be  permitted  to  carry  the  banner 
of  the  Cross  victorious  over  its  enemies.  The  choir 
of  the  convent  then  burst  forth  into  a  triumphant 
peal,  and  the  people  from  every  quarter  of  the  vast 
edifice  shouted  "  Amen  !  "  15 

It  was  a  striking  scene,  pregnant  with  matter 
for  meditation  to  those  who  gazed  on  it.  For  what 
could  be  more  striking  than  the  contrast  afforded 
by  these  two  individuals,  —  the  one  in  the  morning 
of  life,  his  eye  kindling  with  hope  and  generous 

15  "  Luego  su  Alteza,  el  Coro,  y  y  alegria ;  Amen."  Vanderham- 
Pueblo  dixeron  con  musica,  vozes,  men,  Juan  de  Austria,  fol.  159. 


320  WAK  WITH  THE   TURKS.  [BOOK  V. 

ambition,  as  he  looked  into  the  future  and  prepared 
to  tread  the  path  of  glory  under  auspices  as  bril- 
liant as  ever  attended  any  mortal ;  the  other  draw- 
ing near  to  the  evening  of  his  day,  looking  to  the 
past  rather  than  the  future,  with  pale  and  thought- 
ful brow,  as  of  one  who,  after  many  a  toilsome 
day  and  sleepless  night,  had  achieved  the  proud 
eminence  for  which  his  companion  was  panting,  — 
and  had  found  it  barren! 

The  wind  having  become  more  favorable,  Don 
John  took  leave  of  the  gay  capital  of  the  South,  and 
embarked  for  Messina,  which  he  reached  on  the 
twenty-fifth  of  August.  If  in  other  places  he  had 
seen  preparations  for  war,  here  he  seemed  to  be 
brought  on  the  very  theatre  of  war.  As  he  entered 
the  noble  port,  he  was  saluted  with  the  thunders 
of  hundreds  of  pieces  of  ordnance  from  the  com- 
bined fleets  of  Rome  and  Venice,  which  lay  side  by 
side  awaiting  his  arrival.  He  landed  beneath  a 
triumphal  arch  of  colossal  dimensions,  embossed 
with  rich  plates  of  silver,  and  curiously  sculptured 
with  emblematical  bas-reliefs  and  with  complimen- 
tary legends  in  Latin  verse,  furnished  by  the  classic 
poets  of  Italy.16  He  passed  under  two  other  arches 
of  similar  rich  and  elaborate  construction,  as  he 
rode  into  the  city  amidst  the  ringing  of  bells,  the 
cheers  of  the  multitude,  the  waving  of  scarfs  and 
handkerchiefs  from  the  balconies,  and  other  lively 
demonstrations  of  the  public  joy,  such  as  might 

16  For  a  minute  account  of  these    tions,    see    Vanderhammen,    Don 
arches  and  their  manifold  inscrip-    Juan  de  Austria,  fol.  160-162. 


Cn.  IX.]  ARRIVAL  AT  MESSINA.  321 

have  intoxicated  the  brain  of  a  less  ambitious  sol- 
dier than  John  of  Austria.  The  festivities  were 
closed  in  the  evening  by  a  general  illumination  of 
the  city,  and  by  a  display  of  fireworks  that  threw 
a  light  far  and  wide  over  the  beautiful  harbor  and 
the  countless  ships  that  floated  on  its  waters. 

Nothing  could  be  finer,  indeed,  whether  by  day 
or  by  night,  than  the  spectacle  presented  by  the 
port  of  Messina.  Every  day  a  fresh  reinforcement 
of  squadrons,  or  of  single  galleys  or  brigantines, 
under  some  brave  adventurer,  entered  the  harbor 
to  swell  the  numbers  of  the  great  armada.  Many 
of  these  vessels,  especially  the  galleys,  were  richly 
carved  and  gilt,  after  the  fashion  of  the  time,  and 
with  their  many-colored  streamers,  and  their  flags 
displaying  the  arms  of  their  several  states,  made  a 
magnificent  show  as  they  glanced  over  the  waters. 
None,  in  the  splendor  of  their  decorations,  exceeded 
the  Real,  as  the  galley  of  the  commander-in-chief 
was  termed.  It  was  of  great  size,  and  had  been 
built  in  Barcelona,  famous  for  its  naval  architecture, 
all  the  world  over.  The  stern  of  the  vessel  was 
profusely  decorated  with  emblems  and  devices 
drawn  from  history.  The  interior  was  furnished  in 
a  style  of  luxury  that  seemed  to  be  designed  for 
pleasure,  rather  than  for  the  rough  duties  of  war. 
But  the  galley  was  remarkable  for  both  strength 
and  speed,  —  the  two  most  essential  qualities  in  the 
construction  of  a  ship.  Of  this  she  gave  ample 
evidence  in  her  contest  with  the  Turk.17 

17  Resell,  Combate  Naval  de  Lepanto,  p.  84. 

VOL.   III.  41 


322  WAR  WITH  THE  TUEKS.  [BOOK  V. 

The  whole  number  of  vessels  in  the  armada, 
great  and  small,  amounted  to  something  more  than 
three  hundred.  Of  these  full  two  thirds  were 
"  royal  galleys."  Venice  alone  contributed  one 
hundred  and  six,  besides  six  galeazzas.  These  were 
ships  of  enormous  bulk,  and,  as  it  would  seem,  of 
clumsy  construction,  carrying  each  more  than  forty 
pieces  of  artillery.  The  Spaniards  counted  a  score 
of  galleys  less  than  their  Venetian  confederates. 
But  they  far  exceeded  them  in  the  number  of  their 
frigates,  brigantines,  and  vessels  of  smaller  size. 
They  boasted  a  still  greater  superiority  in  the 
equipment  of  their  navy.  Indeed,  the  Venetian 
squadron  was  found  so  indifferently  manned,  that 
Don  John  ordered  several  thousand  hands  to  be 
drafted  from  the  ships  of  the  other  Italian  powers, 
and  from  the  Spanish,  to  make  up  the  necessary 
complement.  This  proceeding  conveyed  so  direct 
a  censure  on  the  remissness  of  his  countrymen, 
as  to  give  great  disgust  to  the  admiral,  Veniero. 
But  in  the  present  emergency  he  had  neither  the 
power  to  resist  nor  to  resent  it.18 

The  number  of  persons  on  board  of  the  fleet, 
soldiers  and  seamen,  was  estimated  at  eighty  thou- 
sand. The  galleys,  impelled  by  oars  more  than 
by  sails,  required  a  large  number  of  hands  to 

18  Don  John,  in  his  correspond-  30,  he  says :  "  Pdneme  cierta  con- 

ence  with  his  friend  Don  Garcia  goja  ver  que  el  mundo  me  obliga 

de  Toledo,  speaks  with  high  dis-  a  hacer  alguna  cosa  de  momento, 

gust  of  the   negligence   shown  in  contando  las  galeras  por  niimero  y 

equipping    the   Venetian    galleys,  no    por    cualidad."     Documentos 

In  a  letter  dated  Messina,  August  Ineditos,  torn.  III.  p.  18. 


CH.  IX.]  DEPARTURE  FROM  MESSINA.  323 

navigate  them.  The  soldiers,  as  we  have  seen,  did 
not  exceed  twenty-nine  thousand ;  of  which  num- 
ber more  than  nineteen  thousand  were  furnished 
by  Spain.  They  were  well-appointed  troops,  most 
of  them  familiar  with  war,  and  officered  by  men, 
many  of  whom  had  already  established  a  high  rep- 
utation in  the  service.  On  surveying  the  muster- 
roll  of  cavaliers  who  embarked  in  this  expedition, 
one  may  well  believe  that  Spain  had  never  before 
sent  forth  a  fleet  in  which  were  to  be  found  the 
names  of  so  many  of  her  sons  illustrious  for  rank 
and  military  achievement.  If  the  same  can  be 
said  of  Venice,  we  must  consider  that  the  present 
war  was  one  in  which  the  prosperity,  perhaps  the 
very  existence,  of  the  republic  was  involved.  The 
Spaniard  was  animated  by  the-  true  spirit  of  the 
Crusades,  when,  instead  of  mercenary  motives,  the 
guerdon  for  which  men  fought  was  glory  in  this 
world  and  paradise  in  the  next. 

Sebastian  Veniero,  trembling  for  the  posses- 
sions of  the  republic  in  the  Adriatic,  would  have 
put  to  sea  without  further  delay,  and  sought  out 
the  enemy.  But  Don  John,  with  a  prudence 
hardly  to  have  been  expected,  declined  moving 
until  he  had  been  strengthened  by  all  his  reinforce- 
ments. He  knew  the  resources  of  the  Ottoman 
empire;  he  could  not  doubt  that  in  the  present 
emergency  they  would  be  strained  to  the  utmost  to 
equip  a  formidable  armament;  and  he  resolved 
not  to  expose  himself  unnecessarily  to  the  chances 
of  defeat,  by  neglecting  any  means  in  his  power  to 


324:  WAR  WITH   THE   TUEKS.  [BOOK  V. 

prepare  for  the  encounter.  It  was  a  discreet  deter- 
mination, which  must  have  met  the  entire  appro- 
bation of  his  brother. 

While  he  was  thus  detained  at  Messina,  a  papal 
nuncio,  Odescalco,  bishop  of  Pena,  arrived  there. 
He  was  the  bearer  of  sundry  spiritual  favors  from 
the  pontiff,  whose  real  object,  no  doubt,  was  to 
quicken  the  movements  of  John  of  Austria.  The 
nuncio  proclaimed  a  jubilee;  and  every  man  in  the 
armada,  from  the  captain-general  downwards,  hav- 
ing fasted  three  days,  confessed  and  partook  of  the 
communion.  The  prelate,  in  the  name  of  his  holi- 
ness, then  proclaimed  a  full  remission  of  their  sins ; 
and  he  conceded  to  them  the  same  indulgences  as 
had  been  granted  to  the  deliverers  of  the  Holy 
Sepulchre.  To  Don  John  the  pope  communicated 
certain  revelations  and  two  cheering  prophecies 
from  St.  Isidore,  which  his  holiness  declared  had 
undoubted  reference  to  the  prince.  It  is  further 
stated,  that  Pius  appealed  to  more  worldly  feelings, 
by  intimating  to  the  young  commander  that  suc- 
cess could  not  fail  to  open  the  way  to  the  acqui- 
sition of  some  independent  sovereignty  for  himself.19 

19  Resell,  Combate  Naval  de  gives  of  the  prowess  shown  by  their 

Lepanto,  p.  82.  heroic  ancestors  on  that  memorable 

The  clearest  and  by  far  the  most  day.  The  author  enters  with  spirit 
elaborate  account  of  the  battle  into  the  stormy  scene  he  describes. 
of  Lepanto  is  to  be  found  in  the  If  his  language  may  be  thought 
memoir  of  Don  Cayetan  Rosell,  sometimes  to  betray  the  warmth 
which  received  the  prize  of  the  of  national  partiality,  it  cannot  be 
Royal  Academy  of  History  of  Ma-  denied  that  he  has  explored  the 
drid,  in  1853.  It  is  a  narrative  best  sources  of  information,  and  en- 
which  may  be  read  with  pride  by  deavored  to  place  the  result  fair- 
Spaniards,  for  the  minute  details  it  ly  before  the  reader. 


CH.  IX.]  DEPARTURE  FROM  MESSINA.  325 

Whether  this  suggestion  first  awakened  so  pleasing 
an  idea  in  Don  John's  mind,  or  whether  the  wary 
pontiff  was  aware  that  it  already  existed  there,  it  is 
certain  that  it  became  the  spectre  which  from  this 
time  forward  continued  to  haunt  the  imagination 
of  the  aspiring  chieftain,  and  to  beckon  him  on- 
ward in  the  path  of  perilous  ambition  to  its  melan- 
choly close. 

All  being  now  in  readiness,  orders  were  given  to 
weigh  anchor;  and  on  the  sixteenth  of  Septem- 
ber the  magnificent  armament  —  unrivalled  by  any 
which  had  rode  upon  these  waters  since  the  days 
of  imperial  Rome  —  stood  out  to  sea.  The  papal 
nuncio,  dressed  in  his  pontificals,  took  a  prominent 
station  on  the  mole  ;  and  as  each  vessel  passed  suc- 
cessively before  him,  he  bestowed  on  it  his  apos- 
tolic benediction.  Then,  without  postponing  a 
moment  longer  his  return,  he  left  Messina  and 
hastened  back  to  Home  to  announce  the  joyful 
tidings  to  his  master.20 

20  Torres  y  Aguilera,  Chronica  goca,   1579,)    fol.    54. —  Vander- 

de  Guerra  que  ha  acontescido  en  hammen,   Don  Juan   de   Austria, 

Italia  y  partes  de  Levante  y  Ber-  fol.  1G5  et  seq. —  Cabrera,  Filipo 

beria  desde  1570  en  1574,  (Cara-  Segundo,  lib.  IX.  cap.  23. 


CHAPTER    X. 

WAR  WITH  THE  TURKS. 

Plan    of  Operations.  —  Tidings    of  the    Enemy.  —  Preparations    for 
Combat.  — Battle  of  Lepanto.  —  Rout  of  the  Turkish  Armada. 

1571. 

As  the  allied  fleet  coasted  along  the  Calabrian 
shore,  it  was  so  much  baffled  by  rough  seas  and 
contrary  winds,  that  its  progress  was  slow.  Not 
long  before  his  departure  Don  John  had  sent  a 
small  squadron  under  a  Spanish  captain,  Gil  de 
Andrada,  to  collect  tidings  of  the  enemy.  On  his 
return  that  commander  met  the  Christian  fleet,  and 
reported  that  the  Turks,  with  a  powerful  armament, 
were  still  in  the  Adriatic,  where  they  had  com- 
mitted fearful  ravages  on  the  Venetian  territories. 
Don  John  now  steered  his  course  for  Corfu,  which, 
however,  he  did  not  reach  till  the  twenty-sixth  of 
September.  He  soon  had  ample  opportunities  of 
seeing  for  himself  the  traces  of  the  enemy,  in  the 
smoking  hamlets  and  desolated  fields  along  the 
coast.  The  allies  were  welcomed  with  joy  by  the 
islanders,  who  furnished  them  with  whatever  sup- 
plies they  needed.  Here  Don  John  learned  that 
the  Ottoman  fleet  had  been  seen  standing  into  the 


Cu.  X.]  PLAN  OF  OPERATIONS.  327 

gulf  of  Lepanto,  where  it  lay   as    if  waiting  the 
coming  of  the  Christians. 

The  young  commander-in-chief  had  now  no  hesi- 
tation as  to  the  course  he  ought  to  pursue.  But 
he  chose  to  call  a  council  of  his  principal  captains 
before  deciding.  The  treaty  of  alliance,  indeed,  re- 
quired him  to  consult  with  the  other  commanders 
before  taking  any  decisive  step  in  matters  of  impor- 
tance ;  and  this  had  been  strenuously  urged  on 
him  by  the  king,  ever  afraid  of  his  brother's  im- 
petuosity. 

The  opinions  of  the  council  were  divided.  Some 
who  had  had  personal  experience  of  the  naval 
prowess  of  the  Turks  appeared  to  shrink  from  en- 
countering so  formidable  an  armament,  and  would 
have  confined  the  operations  of  the  fleet  to  the 
siege  of  some  place  belonging  to  the  Moslems. 
Even  Doria,  whose  life  had  been  spent  in  fight- 
ing with  the  infidel,  thought  it  was  not  advisable 
to  attack  the  enemy  in  his  present  position,  sur- 
rounded by  friendly  shores,  whence  he  might  easily 
obtain  succor.  It  would  be  better,  he  urged,  to 
attack  some  neighboring  place,  like  Navarino, 
which  might  have  the  effect  of  drawing  him  from 
the  gulf,  and  thus  compel  him  to  give  battle  in 
some  quarter  more  advantageous  to  the  allies. 

But  the  majority  of  the  council  took  a  very 
different  view  of  the  matter.  To  them  it  appeared 
that  the  great  object  of  the  expedition  was  to  de- 
stroy the  Ottoman  fleet,  and  that  a  better  oppor- 
tunity could  not  be  offered  than  the  present  one, 


328  WAR  WITH  THE  TURKS.  [BOOK  V. 

while  the  enemy  was  shut  up  in  the  gulf,  from 
which,  if  defeated,  he  would  find  no  means  of  es- 
cape. Fortunately  this  was  the  opinion,  not  only  of 
the  majority,  but  of  most  of  those  whose  opinions 
were  entitled  to  the  greatest  deference.  Among 
these  were  the  gallant  marquis  of  Santa  Cruz,  the 
Grand-Commander  Requesens,  who  still  remained 
near  the  person  of  Don  John  and  had  command  of 
a  galley  in  his  rear,  Cardona,  general  of  the  Si- 
cilian squadron,  Barbarigo,  the  Venetian  provvedi- 
tore,  next  in  authority  to  the  captain-general  of  his 
nation,  the  Roman  Colonna,  and  Alexander  Farnese, 
the  young  prince  of  Parma,  Don  John's  nephew, 
who  had  come,  on  this  memorable  occasion,  to  take 
his  first  lesson  in  the  art  of  war,  —  an  art  in  which 
he  was  destined  to  remain  without  a  rival. 

The  commander-in-chief,  with  no  little  satisfac- 
tion, saw  himself  so  well  supported  in  his  own 
judgment;  and  he  resolved,  without  any  unneces- 
sary delay,  to  give  the  Turks  battle  in  the  position 
they  had  chosen.  He  was  desirous,  however,  to 
be  joined  by  a  part  of  his  fleet,  which,  baffled  by 
the  winds,  and  without  oars,  still  lagged  far  be- 
hind. For  the  galley,  with  its  numerous  oars  in 
addition  to  its  sails,  had  somewhat  of  the  properties 
of  a  modern  steamer,  which  so  gallantly  defies  both 
wind  and  wave.  As  Don  John  wished  also  to  re- 
view his  fleet  before  coming  to  action,  he  deter- 
mined to  cross  over  to  Comenizza,  a  capacious  and 
well-protected  port  on  the  opposite  coast  of  Al- 
bania. 


Cii.  X.]  PLAN  OF  OPERATIONS.  329 

This  he  did  on  the  thirtieth  of  September.  Here 
the  vessels  were  got  in  readiness  for  immediate 
action.  They  passed  in  review  before  the  com- 
mander-in-chief,  and  went  through  their  various 
evolutions,  while  the  artillerymen  and  musketeers 
showed  excellent  practice.  Don  John  looked  with 
increased  confidence  to  the  approaching  combat. 
An  event,  however,  occurred  at  this  time,  which 
might  have  been  attended  with  the  worst  conse- 
quences. 

A  Roman  officer  named  Tortona,  one  of  those 
who  had  been  drafted  to  make  up  the  comple- 
ment of  the  Venetian  galleys,  engaged  in  a  brawl 
with  some  of  his  crew.  This  reached  the  ears  of 
Yeniero,  the  Venetian  captain-general.  The  old 
man,  naturally  of  a  choleric  temper,  and  still  smart- 
ing from  the  insult  which  he  fancied  he  had  re- 
ceived by  the  introduction  of  the  allies  on  board 
of  his  vessels,  instantly  ordered  the  arrest  of  the 
offender.  Tortona  for  a  long  while  resisted  the 
execution  of  these  orders ;  and  when  finally  seized, 
with  some  of  his  companions,  they  were  all  sen- 
tenced by  the  vindictive  Veniero  to  be  hung  at  the 
yard-arm.  Such  a  high-handed  proceeding  caused 
the  deepest  indignation  in  Don  John,  who  regarded 
it,  moreover,  as  an  insult  to  himself.  In  the  first 
moments  of  his  wrath  he  talked  of  retaliating  on 
the  Venetian  admiral  by  a  similar  punishment. 
But,  happily,  the  remonstrances  of  Colonna  —  who, 
as  the  papal  commander,  had  in  truth  the  most 
reason  to  complain  —  and  the  entreaties  of  other 

VOL.  III.  42 


330  WAK  WITH  THE    TURKS.  [BOOK  V. 

friends  prevailed  on  the  angry  chief  to  abstain  from 
any  violent  act.  He  insisted,  however,  that  Veniero 
should  never  again  take  his  place  at  the  council- 
board,  but  should  be  there  represented  by  the 
provveditore  Barbarigo,  next  in  command,  —  a  man, 
fortunately,  possessed  of  a  better  control  over  his 
temper  than  was  shown  by  his  superior.  Thus  the 
cloud  passed  away,  which  threatened  for  a  moment 
to  break  up  the  harmony  of  the  allies,  and  to  bring 
ruin  on  the  enterprise.1 

On  the  third  of  October,  Don  John,  without 
waiting  longer  for  the  missing  vessels,  again  put  to 
sea,  and  stood  for  the  gulf  of  Lepanto.  As  the 
fleet  swept  down  the  Ionian  Sea,  it  passed  many  a 
spot  famous  in  ancient  story.  None,  we  may 
imagine,  would  be  so  likely  to  excite  an  interest  at 
this  time  as  Actium,  on  whose  waters  was  fought 
the  greatest  naval  battle  of  antiquity.  But  the 
mariner,  probably,  gave  little  thought  to  the  past, 
as  he  dwelt  on  the  conflict  that  awaited  him  at 
Lepanto.  On  the  fifth,  a  thick  fog  enveloped  the 
armada,  and  shut  out  every  object  from  sight.  For- 
tunately the  vessels  met  with  no  injury,  and,  pass- 
ing by  Ithaca,  the  ancient  home  of  Ulysses,  they 
safely  anchored  off  the  eastern  coast  of  Cephalonia. 
For  two  days  their  progress  was  thwarted  by  head- 


1  Torres  y  Aguilera,   Chronica,  entre  Christianos  y  Turcos  hubo  el 

fol.    64. — Vanderhammen,    Don  ano  1571,  MS.  —  Otra   Relacion, 

Juan  de  Austria,  fol.  173.  —  Pa-  Documentos  Ineditos,  torn.  III.  p. 

ruta,  Guerra  di  Cipro,  p.  149. —  365. 
Relacion  de  la  Batalla  Naval  que 


Cu.  X.]  TIDINGS  OF  THE  EJIEMY.  331 

winds.  But  on  the  seventh,  Don  John,  impatient 
of  delay,  again  put  to  sea,  though  wind  and  weather 
were  still  unfavorable. 

While  lying  off  Cephalonia  he  had  received  ti- 
dings that  Famagosta,  the  second  city  of  Cyprus, 
had  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy,  and  this 
under  circumstances  of  unparalleled  perfidy  and 
cruelty.  The  place,  after  a  defence  that  had  cost 
hecatombs  of  lives  to  the  besiegers,  was  allowed 
to  capitulate  on  honorable  terms.  Mustapha,  the 
Moslem  commander,  the  same  fierce  chief  who 
had  conducted  the  siege  of  Malta,  requested  an 
interview  at  his  quarters  with  four  of  the  principal 
Venetian  captains.  After  a  short  and  angry  con- 
ference, he  ordered  them  all  to  execution.  Three 
were  beheaded.  The  other,  a  noble  named  Braga- 
dino,  who  had  held  the  supreme  command,  he 
caused  to  be  flayed  alive  in  the  market-place  of 
the  city.  The  skin  of  the  wretched  victim  was 
then  stuffed ;  and  with  this  ghastly  trophy  dangling 
from  the  yard-arm  of  his  galley,  the  brutal  monster 
sailed  back  to  Constantinople,  to  receive  the  reward 
of  his  services  from  Selim.2  These  services  were 
great.  The  fall  of  Famagosta  secured  the  fall  of 
Cyprus,  which  thus  became  permanently  incorpo- 
rated in  the  Ottoman  empire.3 

8  Paruta,  Guerra  di  Cipro,  pp.  la    Suria."     Torres    y    Aguilera, 

143,  144.  — "Despues  hizo  que  lo  Chronica,  fol.  45. 

dcgollassen  vivo,  y  lleno  el  pellejo  3  Ibid.,   fol.   44,   45. —  Paruta, 

de  paja  lo  hizo  colgar  de  la  en-  Guerra  di  Cipro,  pp.  130-144. — 

tena  de  una  galeota,  y  desta  ma-  Sagredo,     Monarcas     Othomanos, 

nera  lo  llcvo  por  toda  la  ribera  de  pp.  283  -  289. 


332  WAR  WITH  THE  TURKS.  [£OOK  V. 

The  tidings  of  these  shocking  events  filled  the 
breast  of  every  Venetian  with  an  inextinguishable 
thirst  for  vengeance.  The  confederates  entered 
heartily  into  these  feelings ;  and  all  on  board  of 
the  armada  were  impatient  for  the  hour  that  was 
to  bring  them  hand  to  hand  with  the  enemies  of 
the  Faith. 

It  was  two  hours  before  dawn,  on  Sunday,  the 
memorable  seventh  of  October,  when  the  fleet 
.weighed  anchor  The  wind  had  become  lighter; 
but  it  was  still  contrary,  and  the  galleys  were  in- 
(Jebted  for  their  progress  much  more  to  their  oars 
than  their  sails.  By  sunrise  they  were  abreast  of 
the  Curzolari,  —  a  cluster  of  huge  rocks,  or  rocky 
islets,  which  on  the  north  defends  the  entrance 
of  the  gulf  of  Lepanto.  The  fleet  moved  labori- 
ously along,  while  every  eye  was  strained  to  catch 
the  first  glimpse  of  the  hostile  navy.  At  length 
the  watch  on  the  foretop  of  the  Real  called  out 
Ci  A  sail ! "  and  soon  after  declared  that  the  whole 
Ottoman  fleet  was  in  sight.  Several  others,  climb- 
ing up  the  rigging,  confirmed  his  report;  and  in 
a  few  moments  more,  word  was  sent  to  the  same 
effect  by  Andrew  Doria,  who  commanded  on  the 
right.  There  was  no  longer  any  doubt ;  and  Don 
John,  ordering  his  pennon  to  be  displayed  at  the 
mizzen-peak,  unfurled  the  great  standard  of  the 
League,  given  by  the  pope,  and  directed  a  gun  to 
be  fired,  the  signal  for  battle.  The  report,  as  it 
ran  along  the  rocky  shores,  fell  cheerily  on  the 
ears  of  the  confederates,  who,  raising  their  eyes 


Cu.  X.J  PREPARATIONS  FOR   COMBAT.  333 

towards  the  consecrated  banner,  filled  the  air  with 
their  shouts.4 

The  principal  captains  now  came  on  board  the 
Real,  to  receive  the  last  orders  of  the  commander- 
in-chief.  Even  at  this  late  hour,  there  were  some 
who  ventured  to  intimate  their  doubts  of  the  ex- 
pediency of  engaging  the  enemy  in  a  position  where 
he  had  a  decided  advantage.  But  Don  John  cut 
short  the  discussion.  "  Gentlemen,"  he  said,  "  this 
is  the  time  for  combat,  not  for  counsel."  He  then 
continued  the  dispositions  he  was  making  for  the 
attack. 

He  had  already  given  to  each  commander  of  a 
galley  written  instructions  as  to  the  manner  in 
which  the  line  of  battle  was  to  be  formed  in  case  of 
meeting  the  enemy.  The  armada  was  now  disposed 
in  that  order.  It  extended  on  a  front  of  three  miles. 
Far  on  the  right,  a  squadron  of  sixty-four  galleys 
was  commanded  by  the  Genoese  admiral,  Andrew 
Doria,  —  a  name  of  terror  to  the  Moslems.  The 
centre,  or  battle,  as  it  was  called,  consisting  of  sixty- 
three  galleys,  was  led  by  John  of  Austria,  who  was 
supported  on  the  one  side  by  Colonna,  the  captain- 
general  of  the  pope,  and  on  the  other  by  the  Vene- 
tian captain-general,  Veniero.  Immediately  in  the 
rear  was  the  galley  of  the  Grand-Commander  Reque- 
sens,  who  still  remained  near  the  person  of  his  for- 
mer pupil ;  though  a  difference  which  arose  between 
them  on  the  voyage,  fortunately  now  healed,  showed 

4  Torres  y  Aguilera,  Chronica,     torn.  III.  p.  241.  —  Resell,  Histo- 
fol.    65.  —  Docuraentos    Ineditos,     ria  del  Combate  Naval,  pp.  93,  94. 


334  WAR  WITH  THE   TURKS.  [BOOK  V. 

that  the  young  commander-in-chief  was  wholly  in- 
dependent of  his  teacher  in  the  art  of  war. 

The  left  wing  was  commanded  by  the  noble 
Venetian,  Barbarigo,  whose  vessels  stretched  along 
the  ^Etolian  shore,  to  which  he  approached  as  near 
as,  in  his  ignorance  of  the  coast,  he  dared  to  ven- 
ture, so  as  to  prevent  his  being  turned  by  the 
enemy.  Finally,  the  reserve,  consisting  of  thirty- 
five  galleys,  was  given  to  the  brave  marquis  of 
Santa  Cruz,  with  directions  to  act  in  any  quarter 
where  he  thought  his  presence  most  needed.  The 
smaller  craft,  some  of  which  had  now  arrived,  seem 
to  have  taken  little  part  in  the  action,  which  was 
thus  left  to  the  galleys. 

Each  commander  was  to  occupy  so  much  space 
with  his  galley  as  to  allow  room  for  manoeuvring  it 
to  advantage,  and  yet  not  enough  to  allow  the 
enemy  to  break  the  line.  He  was  directed  to  single 
out  his  adversary,  to  close  with  him  at  once,  and 
board  as  soon  as  possible.  The  beaks  of  the  gal- 
leys were  pronounced  to  be  a  hinderance  rather 
than  a  help  in  action.  They  were  rarely  strong 
enough  to  resist  a  shock  from  an  antagonist,  and 
they  much  interfered  with  the  working  and  firing 
of  the  guns.  Don  John  had  the  beak  of  his  vessel 
cut  away.  The  example  was  followed  through- 
out the  fleet,  and,  as  it  is  said,  with  eminently 
good  effect.  —  It  may  seem  strange  that  this  dis- 
covery should  have  been  reserved  for  the  crisis  of 
a  battle.5 

5  Torres  y  Aguilera,  Chronica,  fol.   53.  —  Hen-era,  Hist.  General, 


Cn.  X.]  PREPARATIONS  FOR  COMBAT.  335 

When  the  officers  had  received  their  last  instruc- 
tions, they  returned  to  their  respective  vessels ;  and 
Don  John,  going  on  board  of  a  light  frigate,  passed 
rapidly  through  the  part  of  the  armada  lying  on 
his  right,  while  he  commanded  Requesens  to  do  the 
same  with  the  vessels  on  his  left.  His  object  was 
to  feel  the  temper  of  his  men,  and  to  rouse  their 
mettle  by  a  few  words  of  encouragement.  The 
Venetians  he  reminded  of  their  recent  injuries. 
The  hour  for  vengeance,  he  told  them,  had  arrived. 
To  the  Spaniards  and  other  confederates  he  said: 
"  You  have  come  to  fight  the  battle  of  the  Cross  ; 
to  conquer  or  to  die.  But  whether  you  are  to  die  or 
conquer,  do  your  duty  this  day,  and  you  will  secure 
a  glorious  immortality."  His  words  were  received 
with  a  burst  of  enthusiasm  which  went  to  the  heart 
of  the  commander,  and  assured  him  that  he  could 
rely  on  his  men  in  the  hour  of  trial.  On  returning 
to  his  vessel,  he  saw  Veniero  on  his  quarter-deck ; 
and  they  exchanged  salutations  in  as  friendly  a 
manner  as  if  no  difference  had  existed  between 
them.  At  this  solemn  hour  both  these  brave  men 
were  willing  to  forget  all  personal  animosity  in  a 
common  feeling  of  devotion  to  the  great  cause  in 
which  they  were  engaged.6 

The  Ottoman  fleet  came  on  slowly  and  with 
difficulty.  For,  strange  to  say,  the  wind,  which 

torn.  .II.  p.  30.  —  Relacion  de  la  fol.  67  et  seq.  —  Relacion  de  la 

Batalla  Naval,  MS.  —  Rosell,  His-  Batalla  Naval,  MS.  —  Otras  Rela- 

toria  del  Combate  Naval,  pp.  95,  clones,  Documentos  Ineditos,  torn. 

99,  100.  HI.  pp.  242,  262. 
6  Torres  y  Aguilera,  Chronica, 


336  WAR  WITH  THE   TURKS.  [BOOK  V. 

had  hitherto  been  adverse  to  the  Christians,  after 
lulling  for  a  time,  suddenly  shifted  to  the  opposite 
quarter  and  blew  in  the  face  of  the  enemy.7  As 
the  day  advanced,  moreover,  the  sun,  which  had 
shone  in  the  eyes  of  the  confederates,  gradually 
shot  its  rays  into  those  of  the  Moslems.  Both 
circumstances  were  of  good  omen  to  the  Christians, 
and  the  first  was  regarded  as  nothing  short  of  a 
direct  interposition  of  Heaven.  Thus  ploughing 
its  way  along,  the  Turkish  armament,  as  it  came 
more  into  view,  showed  itself  in  greater  strength 
than  had  been  anticipated  by  the  allies.  It  con- 
sisted of  nearly  two  hundred  and  fifty  royal  gal- 
leys, most  of  them  of  the  largest  class,  besides  a 
number  of  smaller  vessels  in  the  rear,  which,  like 
those  of  the  allies,  appear  scarcely  to  have  come 
into  action.  The  men  on  board,  of  every  descrip- 
tion, were  computed  at  not  less  than  a  hundred 
and  twenty  thousand.8  The  galleys  spread  out, 
as  usual  with  the  Turks,  in  the  form  of  a  regular 
half-moon,  covering  a  wider  extent  of  surface  than 
the  combined  fleets,  which  they  somewhat  ex- 
ceeded in  number.  They  presented,  indeed,  as 

7  Most  of  the  authorities  notice  8  Amidst  the  contradictor}'  esti- 

this  auspicious  change  of  the  wind,  mates  of  the  number  of  the  vessels 

Among  others,  see  Relacion  de  la  and  the  forces  in  the  Turkish  ar- 

Batalla    Naval,     MS.  ;     Relacion  mada  to  be  found  in  different  writ- 

escrita  por  Miguel  Servia,  confesor  ers  and  even  in  official  relations,  I 

de  Don  Juan,  Documentos  Ineditos,  have  conformed  to  the  statement 

torn.  XI.  p.  368 ;  Torres  y  Agui-  given  in  Senor  Rosell's  Memoria, 

lera,  Chronica,  fol.  75.     The  testi-  prepared  after  a  careful  comparison 

mony  is  that  of  persons  present  in  of  the  various  authorities.     Histo- 

the  action.  ria  del  Coinbate  Naval, .p.  94. 


CH.  X.]  PREPARATIONS  FOR  COMBAT.  337 

they  drew  nearer,  a  magnificent  array,  with  their 
gilded  and  gaudily-painted  prows,  and  their  myriads 
of  pennons  and  streamers,  fluttering  gayly  in  the 
breeze ;  while  the  rays  of  the  morning  sun  glanced 
on  the  polished  scymitars  of  Damascus,  and  on  the 
superb  aigrettes  of  jewels  which  sparkled  in  the 
turbans  of  the  Ottoman  chiefs. 

In  the  centre  of  the  extended  line,  and  directly 
opposite  to  the  station  occupied  by  the  captain- 
general  of  the  League,  was  the  huge  galley  of  AH 
Pasha.  The  right  of  the  armada  was  commanded 
by  Mahomet  Sirocco,  viceroy  of  Egypt,  a  circum- 
spect as  well  as  courageous  leader ;  the  left,  by 
Uluch  Ali,  dey  of  Algiers,  the  redoubtable  corsair 
of  the  Mediterranean.  Ali  Pasha  had  experienced 
a  difficulty  like  that  of  Don  John,  as  several  of 
his  officers  had  strongly  urged  the  inexpediency 
of  engaging  so  formidable  an  armament  as  that  of 
the  allies.  But  Ali,  like  his  rival,  was  young  and 
ambitious.  He  had  been  sent  by  his  master  to 
fight  the  enemy ;  and  no  remonstrances,  not  even 
those  of  Mahomet  Sirocco,  for  whom  he  had  great 
respect,  could  turn  him  from  his  purpose. 

He  had,  moreover,  received  intelligence  that  the 
allied  fleet  was  much  inferior  in  strength  to  what 
it  proved.  In  this  error  he  was  fortified  by  the 
first  appearance  of  the  Christians ;  for  the  extrem- 
ity of  their  left  wing,  commanded  by  Barbarigo, 
stretching  behind  the  JEtolian  shore,  was  hidden 
from  his  view.  As  he  drew  nearer  and  saw  the 
whole  extent  of  the  Christian  lines,  it  is  said  his 

VOL.  in.  43 


338  WAR  WITH  THE  TURKS.  [Boon  V. 

countenance  fell.  If  so,  he  still  did  not  abate  one 
jot  of  his  resolution.  He  spoke  to  those  around 
him  with  the  same  confidence  as  before,  of  the 
result  of  the  battle.  He  urged  his  rowers  to  strain 
every  nerve.  Ali  was  a  man  of  more  humanity  in 
his  nature  than  often  belonged  to  his  nation.  His 
galley-slaves  were  all,  or  nearly  all,  Christian  cap- 
tives ;  and  he  addressed  them  in  this  brief  and 
pithy  manner :  "  If  your  countrymen  are  to  win 
this  day,  Allah  give  you  the  benefit  of  it ;  yet  if  I 
win  it,  you  shall  certainly  have  your  freedom.  If 
you  feel  that  I  do  well  by  you,  do  then  the  like 
by  me."9 

As  the  Turkish  admiral  drew  nearer,  he  made  a 
change  in  his  order  of  battle,  by  separating  his 
wings  farther  from  his  centre,  thus  conforming  to 
the  dispositions  of  the  allies.  Before  he  had  come 
within  cannon-shot,  he  fired  a  gun  by  way  of  chal- 
lenge to  his  enemy.  It  was  answered  by  another 
from  the  galley  of  John  of  Austria.  A  second  gun 
discharged  by  Ali  was  as  promptly  replied  to  by 
the  Christian  commander.  The  distance  between 
the  two  fleets  was  now  rapidly  diminishing.  At  this 
solemn  moment  a  deathlike  silence  reigned  through- 
out the  armament  of  the  confederates.  Men  seemed 
to  hold  their  breath,  as  if  absorbed  in  the  expecta- 

9  "  Si  hoy  es  vuestro  dia,  Dios  For  the  last  pages  see  Paruta, 

os  lo  de ;  pero  estad  ciertos  que  si  Guerra  di   Cipro,  pp.   150,   151; 

gano  la  Jornada,  09  dare  libertad :  Sagredo,  Monarcas  Othomanos,  p. 

por  lo  tanto  haced  lo  que  debeis  £  292 ;  Torres  y  Aguilera,  Chronica, 

las  obras  que  de  mi  habeis  recebi-  fol.  65,  66  ;  Relacion  de  la  Batalla 

do."    Rosell,  Historia  del  Combate  Naval,  MS. 
Naval,  p.  101. 


CH.  X.]  PREPARATIONS  FOR  COMBAT.  339 

tion  of  some  great  catastrophe.  The  day  was  mag- 
nificent. A  light  breeze,  still  adverse  *to  the  Turks, 
played  on  the  waters,  somewhat  fretted  by  the  con- 
trary winds.  It  was  nearly  noon  ;  and  as  the  sun, 
mounting  through  a  cloudless  sky,  rose  to  the 
zenith,  he  seemed  to  pause,  as  if  to  look  down  on 
the  beautiful  scene,  where  the  multitude  of  galleys, 
moving  over  the  water,  showed  like  a  holiday  spec- 
tacle rather  than  a  preparation  for  mortal  combat. 

The  illusion  was  soon  dispelled  by  the  fierce  yells 
which  rose  on  the  air  from  the  Turkish  armada. 
It  was  the  customary  war-cry  with  which  the  Mos- 
lems entered  into  battle.  Very  different  was  the 
scene  on  board  of  the  Christian  galleys.  Don  John 
might  be  there  seen,  armed  cap-a-pie,  standing  on 
the  prow  of  the  Heal,  anxiously  awaiting  the 
conflict.  In  this  conspicuous  position,  kneeling 
down,  he  raised  his  eyes  to  Heaven,  and  humbly 
prayed  that  the  Almighty  would  be  with  his  peo- 
ple on  that  day.  His  example  was  followed  by 
the  whole  fleet.  Officers  and  men,  all  prostrat- 
ing themselves  on  their  knees,  and  turning  their 
eyes  to  the  consecrated  banner  which  floated  from 
the  Real,  put  up  a  petition  like  that  of  their  com- 
mander. They  then  received  absolution  from  the 
priests,  of  whom  there  were  some  in  every  vessel ; 
and  each  man,  as  he  rose  to  his  feet,  gathered  new 
strength,  as  he  felt  assured  that  the  Lord  of  Hosts 
would  fight  on  his  side.10 

10  This  fact  is  told  by  most  of  author  of  the  manuscript  so  often 
the  historians  of  the  battle.  The  cited  by  me  further  says,  that  it  was 


WAR  WITH  THE    TURKS.  [BOOK  V. 


When  the  foremost  vessels  of  the  Turks  had 
come  within  cannon-shot,  they  opened  their  fire  on 
the  Christians.  The  firing  soon  ran  along  the  whole 
of  the  Turkish  line,  and  was  kept  up  without  in- 
terruption as  it  advanced.  Don  John  gave  orders 
for  trumpet  and  atabal  to  sound  the  signal  for  ac- 
tion ;  which  was  followed  by  the  simultaneous  dis- 
charge of  such  of  the  guns  in  the  combined  fleet  as 
could  be  brought  to  bear  on  the  enemy.  The  Span- 
ish commander  had  caused  the  galeazzas,  those 
mammoth  war-ships  of  which  some  account  has 
been  already  given,  to  be  towed  half  a  mile  ahead 
of  the  fleet,  where  they  might  intercept  the  advance 
of  the  Turks.  As  the  latter  came  abreast  of  them,, 
the  huge  galleys  delivered  their  broadsides  right 
and  left,  and  their  heavy  ordnance  produced  a  start- 
ling effect.  AH  Pasha  gave  orders  for  his  galleys  to 
open  their  line  and  pass  on  either  side,  without 
engaging  these  monsters  of  the  deep,  of  which  he 
had  had  no  experience.  Even  so  their  heavy  guns 
did  considerable  damage  to  several  of  the  nearest 
vessels,  and  created  some  confusion  in  the  pacha's 
line  of  battle.  They  were,  however,  but  unwieldy 
craft,  and,  having  accomplished  their  object,  seem 
to  have  taken  no  further  part  in  the  combat. 

The  action  began  on  the  left  wing  of  the  allies, 

while  the  fleet  was  thus  engaged  in  estra  armada  recibia  gran  dano  y 

prayer  for  aid  from  the  Almighty  antes  que  se  acabase  la  dicha  ora- 

that  the  change  of  wind  took  place,  cion  el  mar  estuvo  tan   quieto  y 

"  Y  en  este  medio,  que  en  la  ora-  sosegado  que  jamas  se  a  visto,  y  fue 

cion  se  pedia  &  Dios  la  victoria,  fuerca  d  la  armada  enemiga  auiai- 

cstaba  el  mar  alterado  de  que  nu-  nar  y  venir  al  remo." 


CH.  X.]  BATTLE  OF  LEPANTO.  341 

which  Mahomet  Sirocco  was  desirous  of  turning. 
This  had  been  anticipated  by  Barbarigo,  the  Vene- 
tian admiral,  who  commanded  in  that  quarter.  To 
prevent  it,  as  we  have  seen,  he  lay  with  his  vessels 
as  near  the  coast  as  he  dared.  Sirocco,  better  ac- 
quainted with  the  soundings,  saw  there  was  space 
enough  for  him  to  pass,  and  darting  by  with  all 
the  speed  that  oars  could  give  him,  he  succeeded 
in  doubling  on  his  enemy.  Thus  placed  between 
two  fires,  the  extreme  of  the  Christian  left  fought 
at  terrible  disadvantage.  No  less  than  eight  galleys 
went  to  the  bottom,  and  several  others  were  cap- 
tured. The  brave  Barbarigo,  throwing  himself  into 
the  heat  of  the  fight,  without  availing  himself  of 
his  defensive  armor,  was  pierced  in  the  eye  by  an 
arrow,  and,  reluctant  to  leave  the  glory  of  the 
field  to  another,  was  borne  to  his  cabin.  The  com- 
bat still  continued  with  unabated  fury  on  the  part 
of  the  Venetians.  They  fought  like  men  who  felt 
that  the  war  was  theirs,  and  who  were  animated 
not  only  by  the  thirst  for  glory,  but  for  revenge.11 

Far  on   the  Christian  right   a  manoeuvre  simi- 
lar to  that  so  successfully  executed  by  Sirocco  was 

11  Torres  y  Aguilera,  Chronica,  Lepanto  by   contemporary   pens, 

fol.  71.  —  Paruta,  Guerra  di  Cipro,  One  of  these  is  from  the  manu- 

p.  156.  —  Cabrera,  Filipe  Segun-  script  of  Fray  Miguel  Servia,  the 

do,  p.  688.  —  Relacion  de  la  Ba-  confessor  of  John  of  Austria,  and 

talla  Naval,  MS.  —  Otra  Relacion,  present  with  him  in  the  engage- 

Documentos  Ineditos,  torn.  XI.  p.  ment.      The    different    narratives 

368.  have  much  less  discrepancy  with 

4   The  inestimable  collection  of  the  one  another  than  is  usual  on  such 

l)ocumentos  Ineditos  contains  sev-  occasions, 
eral   narratives  of   the    battle  of 


342  WAR  WITH  THE  TURKS.  [BOOK  V. 

attempted  by  Uluch  All,'  the  dey  of  Algiers. 
Profiting  by  his  superiority  in  numbers,  he  en- 
deavored to  turn  the  right  wing  of  the  confeder- 
ates. It  was  in  this  quarter  that  Andrew  Doria 
commanded.  He  had  foreseen  this  movement  of 
his  enemy,  and  he  succeeded  in  foiling  it.  It 
was  a  trial  of  skill  between  the  two  most  accom- 
plished seamen  in  the  Mediterranean.  Doria  ex- 
tended his  line  so  far  to  the  right  indeed,  to  prevent 
being  surrounded,  that  Don  John  was  obliged  to 
remind  him  that  he  left  the  centre  too  much  ex- 
posed. His  dispositions  were  so  far  unfortunate 
for  himself,  that  his  own  line  was  thus  weakened, 
and  afforded  some  vulnerable  points  to  his  assail- 
ant. These  were  soon  detected  by  the  eagle  eye  of 
Uluch  Ali;  and,  like  the  king  of  birds  swooping 
on  his  prey,  he  fell  on  some  galleys  separated  by  a 
considerable  interval  from  their  companions,  and, 
sinking  more  than  one,  carried  off  the  great  Capi- 
tana  of  Malta  in  triumph  as  his  prize.12 

While  the  combat  opened  thus  disastrously  to 
the  allies  both  on  the  right  and  on  the  left,  in  the 
centre  they  may  be  said  to  have  fought  with  doubt- 
ful fortune.  Don  John  had  led  his  division  gal- 

12  Torres  y  Aguilera,  Chronica,  week  after  the  engagement.     The 

fol.   72.  —  Relacion  de  la  Batalla  events  are  told  in  a  plain,  unaffect- 

Naval,  MS.  ed  manner,  that  invites  the  confi- 

The  last-mentioned  manuscript  dence  of  the   reader.     The  origi- 

is  one  of  many  left  us  by  parties  nal  manuscript,  from  which    my 

engaged  in  the  fight.     The  author  copy  was  taken,  is  to  be  found  in 

of  this  relation  seems  to  have  writ-  the  library  of  the   University  q£ 

ten  it  on  board  one  of  the  galleys,  Leyden. 
while  lying  at  Petala,  during  the 


CH.  X.]  BATTLE   OF  LEPANTO.  343 

lantly  forward.  But  the  object  on  which  he  was 
intent  was  an  encounter  with  Ali  Pasha,  the  foe 
most  worthy  of  his  sword.  The  Turkish  com- 
mander had  the  same  combat  no  less  at  heart.  The 
galleys  of  both  were  easily  recognized,  not  only 
from  their  position,  but  from  their  superior  size 
and  richer  decoration.  The  one,  moreover,  dis- 
played the  holy  banner  of  the  League ;  the  other, 
the  great  Ottoman  standard.  This,  like  the  ancient 
standard  of  the  caliphs,  was  held  sacred  in  its  char- 
acter. It  was  covered  with  texts  from  the  Koran, 
emblazoned  in  letters  of  gold,  and  had  the  name  of 
Allah  inscribed  upon  it  no  less  than  twenty-eight 
thousand  nine  hundred  times.  It  was  the  banner 
of  the  sultan,  having  passed  from  father  to  son 
since  the  foundation  of  the  imperial  dynasty,  and 
was  never  seen  in  the  field  unless  the  grand  sei- 
gneur or  his  lieutenant  was  there  in  person.13 

Both  the  chiefs  urged  on  their  rowers  to  the 
top  of  their  speed.  Their  galleys  soon  shot  ahead 
of  the  rest  of  the  line,  driven  through  the  boil- 
ing surges  as  by  the  force  of  a  tornado,  and  closed 
with  a  shock  that  made  every  timber  crack,  and 
the  two  vessels  quiver  to  their  very  keels.  So 
powerful,  indeed,  was  the  impetus  they  received, 
that  the  pacha's  galley,  which  was  considerably 
the  larger  and  loftier  of  the  two,  was  thrown  so 
far  upon  its  opponent  that  the  prow  reached  the 

13  A  minute  description  of  the  given  in  the  Coleccion  de  Docu- 
Ottoman  standard,  taken  from  a  mentos  Ineditos,  torn.  III.  p.  270 
manuscript  of  Luis  del  Marmol,  is  et  seq. 


WAR  WITH   THE    TURKS.  [BOOK  V. 


fourth  bench  of  rowers.  As  soon  as  the  vessels 
were  disengaged  from  each  other,  and  those  on 
board  had  recovered  from  the  shock,  the  work  of 
death  began.  Don  John's  chief  strength  consisted 
in  some  three  hundred  Spanish  arquebusiers,  culled 
from  the  flower  of  his  infantry.  Ali,  on  the  other 
hand,  was  provided  with  an»  equal  number  of  jani- 
zaries. He  was  followed  by  a  smaller  vessel,  in 
which  two  hundred  more  were  stationed  as  a  corps 
de  reserve.  He  had,  moreover,  a  hundred  archers 
on  board.  The  bow  was  still  as  much  in  use  with 
the  Turks  as  with  the  other  Moslems. 

The  pacha  opened  at  once  on  his  enemy  a  terri- 
ble fire  of  cannon  and  musketry.  It  was  returned 
with  equal  spirit  and  much  more  effect ;  for  the 
Turks  were  observed  to  shoot  over  the  heads  of 
their  adversaries.  The  Moslem  galley  was  unpro- 
vided with  the  defences  which  protected  the  sides 
of  the  Spanish  vessels ;  and  the  troops,  crowded 
together  on  the  lofty  prow,  presented  an  easy  mark 
to  their  enemy's  balls.  But  though  numbers  of 
them  fell  at  every  discharge,  their  places  were 
soon  supplied  by  those  in  reserve.  They  were 
enabled,  therefore,  to  keep  up  an  incessant  fire, 
which  wasted  the  strength  of  the  Spaniards ;  and 
as  both  Christian  and  Mussulman  fought  with  in- 
domitable spirit,  it  seemed  doubtful  to  which  side 
victory  would  incline. 

The  affair  was  made  more  complicated  by  the 
entrance  of  other  parties  into  the  conflict.  Both 
Ali  and  Don  John  were  supported  by  some  of  the 


CH.  X.]  BATTLE   OF  LEPANTO.  345 

most  valiant  captains  in  their  fleets.  Next  to  the 
Spanish  commander,  as  we  have  seen,  were  Co- 
lonna  and  the  veteran  Veniero,  who,  at  the  age  of 
seventy-six,  performed  feats  of  arms  worthy  of  a 
paladin  of  romance.  In  this  way  a  little  squadron 
of  combatants  gathered  round  the  principal  leaders, 
who  sometimes  found  themselves  assailed  by  several 
enemies  at  the  same  time.  Still  the  chiefs  did  not 
lose  sight  of  one  another;  but,  beating  off  their 
inferior  foes  as  well  as  they  could,  each,  refusing  to 
loosen  his  hold,  clung  with  mortal  grasp  to  his 
antagonist.14 

Thus  the  fight  raged  along  the  whole  extent  of 
the  entrance  to  the  gulf  of  Lepanto.  The  volumes 
of  vapor  rolling  heavily  over  the  waters  effectually 
shut  out  from  sight  whatever  was  passing  at  any 
considerable  distance,  unless  when  a  fresher  breeze 
dispelled  the  smoke  for  a  moment,  or  the  flashes  of 
the  heavy  guns  threw  a  transient  gleam  on  the 
dark  canopy  of  battle.  If  the  eye  of  the  spectator 
could  have  penetrated  the  cloud  of  smoke  that 
enveloped  the  combatants,  and  have  embraced  the 
whole  scene  at  a  glance,  he  would  have  perceived 
them  broken  up  into  small  detachments,  separately 
engaged  one  with  another,  independently  of  the 
rest,  and  indeed  ignorant  of  all  that  was  doing 
in  other  quarters.  The  contest  exhibited  few  of 
those  large  combinations  and  skilful  manoeuvres  to 

14  Documentos  In&litos,  torn.  70. — Paruta,  Guerra  di  Cipro,  pp. 

III.  p.  265;  torn.  XI.  p.  368.—  156,  157.  — Relacion  de  la  Batalla 

Torres  y  Aguilera,  Chronica,  fol.  Naval,  MS. 

VOL.  in.  44 


346  WAR  WITH   THE   TURKS.  [BOOK  V. 

be  expected  in  a  great  naval  encounter.  It  was 
rather  an  assemblage  of  petty  actions,  resembling 
those  on  land.  The  galleys,  grappling  together, 
presented  a  level  arena,  on  which  soldier  and 
galley-slave  fought  hand  to  hand,  and  the  fate  of 
the  engagement  was  generally  decided  by  board- 
ing. As  in  most  hand-to-hand  contests,  there  was 
an  enormous  waste  of  life.  The  decks  were  loaded 
with  corpses,  Christian  and  Moslem  lying  promis- 
cuously together  in  the  embrace  of  death.  In- 
stances are  recorded  where  every  man  on  board 
was  slain  or  wounded.15  It  was  a  ghastly  spec- 
tacle, where  blood  flowed  in  rivulets  down  the 
sides  of  the  vessels,  staining  the  waters  of  the  gulf 
for  miles  around. 

It  seemed  as  if  a  hurricane  had  swept  over 
the  sea,  and  covered  it  with  the  wreck  of  the 
noble  armaments  which  a  moment  before  were 
so  proudly  riding  on  its  bosom.  Little  had  they 
now  to  remind  one  of  their  late  magnificent  array, 
with  their  hulls  battered,  their  masts  and  spars 
gone  or  splintered  by  the  shot,  their  canvas  cut 
into  shreds  and  floating  wildly  on  the  breeze, 
while  thousands  of  wounded  and  drowning  men 
were  clinging  to  the  floating  fragments,  and  call- 


15  Hen-era  notices  one   galley,  chusma,  galeotes  y  caballeros  de 

"  La  Piamontesa  de  Saboya  degol-  San   Esteban   que   en  ella   habia, 

lada  en  ella  toda  la  gente  de  cabo  excepto  su  capitan  Tomas  de  Me- 

y  remo  y  despedazado  con  once  dicis  y  diez  y  seis  hombres  mas, 

heridas  D.  Francisco  de  Saboya."  aunque  todos  heridos  y  estropea- 

Another,  "  La  Florencia,"  says  Eo-  dos."    Historia  del  Combate  Na- 

sell,    "perdid  todos  los  soldados,  val,  p.  113. 


CH.  X.]  BATTLE  OF  LEPANTO.  347 

ing  piteously  for  help.  Such  was  the  wild  uproar 
which  succeeded  the  Sabbath-like  stillness  that 
two  hours  before  had  reigned  over  these  beautiful 
solitudes. 

The  left  wing  of  the  confederates,  commanded 
by  Barbarigo,  had  been  sorely  pressed  by  the  Turks, 
as  we  have  seen,  at  the  beginning  of  the  fight. 
Barbarigo  himself  had  been  mortally  wounded. 
His  line  had  been  turned.  Several  of  his  galleys 
had  been  sunk.  But  the  Venetians  gathered  cour- 
age from  despair.  By  incredible  efforts,  they  suc- 
ceeded in  beating  off  their  enemies.  They  became 
the  assailants  in  their  turn.  Sword  in  hand,  they 
carried  one  vessel  after  another.  The  Capuchin 
was  seen  in  the  thickest  of  the  fight,  waving  aloft 
his  crucifix,  and  leading  the  boarders  to  the  as- 
sault.16 The  Christian  galley-slaves,  in  some  in- 
stances, broke  their  fetters,  and  joined  their  coun- 
trymen against  their  masters.  Fortunately,  the 
vessel  of  Mahomet  Sirocco,  the  Moslem  admiral, 
was  sunk;  and  though  extricated  from  the  water 
himself,  it  was  only  to  perish  by  the  sword  of  his 
conqueror,  Giovanni  Contarini.  The  Venetian  could 
find  in  his  heart  no  mercy  for  the  Turk. 

The  fall  of  their  commander  gave  the  final  blow 
to  his  followers.  Without  further  attempt  to  pro- 
long the  fight,  they  fled  before  the  avenging  swords 

16  "  Tomo  una  Alabarda  o  Per-  que  entro  en  la  Galera  Turquesca, 

tesana,  y  ligando  en  ella  el  Sancto  haziendo  con  su    Alabarda  cosas 

Crucifixo,   verdadera   pendon,    se  que   ponian  admiracion."     Torres 

puso  delante  de  todos  assi  desar-  y  Aguilera,  Chronicas,  fol.  75. 
mado  como  estava,  y  fue  el  primero 


348  WAR  WITH  THE  TURKS.  [BOOK  V. 

of  the  Venetians.  Those  nearest  the  land  endeav- 
ored to  escape  by  running  their  vessels  ashore, 
where  they  abandoned  them  as  prizes  to  the  Chris- 
tians. Yet  many  of  the  fugitives,  before  gaining 
the  land,  perished  miserably  in  the  waves.  —  Bar- 
barigo,  the  Venetian  admiral,  who  was  still  linger- 
ing in  agony,  heard  the  tidings  of  the  enemy's 
defeat,  and,  uttering  a  few  words  expressive  of  his 
gratitude  to  Heaven,  which  had  permitted  him  to 
see  this  hour,  he  breathed  his  last.17 

During  this  time  the  combat  had  been  going  for- 
ward in  the  centre  between  the  two  commanders- 
in-chief,  Don  John  and  Ali  Pasha,  whose  galleys 
blazed  with  an  incessant  fire  of  artillery  and  mus- 
ketry, that  enveloped  them  like  "  a  martyr's  robe 
of  flames."  The  parties  fought  with  equal  spirit, 
though  not  with  equal  fortune.  Twice  the  Span- 
iards had  boarded  their  enemy,  and  both  times  they 
had  been  repulsed  with  loss.  Still  their  superiority 
in  the  use  of  fire-arms  would  have  given  them  a 
decided  advantage  over  their  opponents,  if  the  loss 
they  had  inflicted  had  not  been  s^peedily  repaired 
by  fresh  reinforcements.  More  than  once  the  con- 
test between  the  two  chieftains  was  interrupted  by 
the  arrival  of  others  to  take  part  in  the  fray.  They 
soon,  however,  returned  to  each  other,  as  if  un- 
willing to  waste  their  strength  on  a  meaner  enemy. 

17  « Vivid  hasta  que    sabiendo  cotnun   enemigo  que  tanto  desed 

que  la  vitoria  era  ganada    dijo :  ver  destruido."   Herrera,  Relacion 

que   daba   gracias  &  Dios    que  lo  de  la  Guerra  de  Cipro,  Documen- 

hubiese  guardado  tanto  que  viese  tos  Ineditos,  torn.  XXI.  p.  360. 
voncida  la    batalla  y   roto  aquel 


CH.  X.]  BATTLE  OF  LEPANTO.  349 

Through  the  whole  engagement  both  commanders 
exposed  themselves  to  danger  as  freely  as  any  com- 
mon soldier.  In  such  a  contest  even  Philip  must 
have  admitted  that  it  would  be  difficult  for  his 
brother  to  find,  with  honor,  a  place  of  safety.  Don 
John  received  a  wound  in  the  foot.  It  was  a  slight 
one,  however,  and  he  would  not  allow  it  to  be 
dressed  till  the  action  was  over. 

Again  his  men  were  mustered,  and  a  third  time 
the  trumpets  sounded  to  the  attack.  It  was  more 
successful  than  the  preceding.  The  Spaniards 
threw  themselves  boldly  into  the  Turkish  galley. 
They  were  met  with  the  same  spirit  as  before  by 
the  janizaries.  AH  Pasha  led  them  on.  Unfor- 
tunately, at  this  moment  he  was  struck  in  the 
head  by  a  musket-ball,  and  stretched  senseless  in 
the  gangway.  His  men  fought  worthily  of  their 
ancient  renown.  But  they  missed  the  accustomed 
voice  of  their  commander.  After  a  short  but  in- 
effectual struggle  against  the  fiery  impetuosity  of 
the  Spaniards,  they  were  overpowered  and  threw 
down  their  arms.  The  decks  were  loaded  with  the 
bodies  of  the  dead  and  the  dying.  Beneath  these 
was  discovered  the  Turkish  commander-in-chief, 
severely  wounded,  but  perhaps  not  mortally.  He 
was  drawn  forth  by  some  Castilian  soldiers,  who, 
recognizing  his  person,  would  at  once  have  de- 
spatched him.  But  the  disabled  chief,  having  ral- 
lied from  the  first  effects  of  his  wound,  had  suf- 
ficient presence  of  mind  to  divert  them  from  their 
purpose,  by  pointing  out  the  place  below  where  he 


350  AVAR  WITH  THE  TURKS.  [BOOK  V. 

had  deposited  his  money  and  jewels  ;  and  they  has- 
tened to  profit  by  the  disclosure,  before  the  treasure 
should  fall  into  the  hands  of  their  comrades. 

All  was  not  so  successful  with  another  soldier, 
who  came  up  soon  after,  brandishing  his  sword, 
and  preparing  to  plunge  it  into  the  body  of  the 
prostrate  commander.  It  was  in  vain  that  the 
latter  endeavored  to  turn  the  ruffian  from  his  pur- 
pose. He  was  a  convict,  one  of  those  galley-slaves 
whom  Don  John  had  caused  to  be  unchained  from 
the  oar  and  furnished  with  arms.  He  could  not 
believe  that  any  treasure  would  be  worth  so  much 
as  the  head  of  the  pacha.  Without  further  hesi- 
tation, he  dealt  him  a  blow  which  severed  it  from 
his  shoulders.  Then,  returning  to  his  galley,  he 
laid  the  bloody  trophy  before  Don  John.  But  he 
had  miscalculated  on  his  recompense.  His  com- 
mander gazed  on  it  with  a  look  of  pity  mingled 
with  horror.  He  may  have  thought  of  the  generous 
conduct  of  Ali  to  his  Christian  captives,  and  have 
felt  that  he  deserved  a  better  fate.  He  coldly  in- 
quired "  of  what  use  such  a  present  could  be  to 
him  " ;  and  then  ordered  it  to  be  thrown  into  the 
sea.  Far  from  the  order  being  obeyed,  it  is  said 
the  head  was  stuck  on  a  pike,  and  raised  aloft  on 
board  of  the  captured  galley.  At  the  same  time 
the  banner  of  the  Crescent  was  pulled  down ;  while 
that  of  the  Cross,  run  up  in  its  place,  proclaimed 
the  downfall  of  the  pacha.18 

18  Relation  de  la  Batalla  Naval,    torn.  II.  p.  33.  —  Paruta,  Guerra 
MS.  —  Herrera,    Hist.     General,     di   Cipro,    pp.    157,    158.  —  Do- 


CH.  X.]  BATTLE  OF  LEPANTO.  35 1 

The  sight  of  the  sacred  ensign  was  welcomed  by 
the  Christians  with  a  shout  of  "  Victory  ! "  which 
rose  high  above  the  din  of  battle.19  The  tidings  of 
the  death  of  Ali  soon  passed  from  mouth  to  mouth, 
giving  fresh  heart  to  the  confederates,  but  falling 
like  a  knell  on  the  ears  of  the  Moslems.  Their 
confidence  was  gone.  Their  fire  slackened.  Their 
efforts  grew  weaker  and  weaker.  They  were  too 
far  from  shore  to  seek  an  asylum  there,  like  their 
comrades  on  the  right.  They  had  no  resource  but 
to  prolong  the  combat  or  to  surrender.  Most  pre- 
ferred the  latter.  Many  vessels  were  carried  by 
boarding,  others  were  sunk  by  the  victorious  Chris- 
tians. Ere  four  hours  had  elapsed,  the  centre,  like 
the  right  wing,  of  the  Moslems  might  be  said  to 
be  annihilated. 

Still  the  fight  was  lingering  on  the  right  of  the 
confederates,  where,  it  will  be  remembered,  Uluch 
Ali,  the  Algerine  chief,  had  profited  by  Doria's 

cumentos  Ine'ditos,  torn.    HI.    p.  75.)     Considering  the  number  of 

244.  ecclesiastics  on  board  the  fleet,  it 

Torres  y  Aguilera  tells  a  rather  is  remarkable  that  no  more  mira- 

extraordinary  anecdote  respecting  cles  occurred  on  this  occasion, 

the  great  standard  of  the  League  19  Torres  y  Aguilera,  Chronica, 

in  the  Real.     The  figure  of  Christ  fol.    72  et  seq.  —  Relacion  de  la 

emblazoned  on  it  was  not  hit  by  ball  Batalla  Naval,  MS.  —  Vanderham- 

or  arrow  during  the  action,  not-  men,  Don  Juan  de   Austria,  foL 

withstanding  every  other  banner  182.  —  Documentos  Ineditos,  torn, 

was  pierced  in  a  multitude  of  places.  HI.  p.  24  7  et  seq.  —  Paruta,  Gueiv 

Two  arrows,  however,  lodged  on  ra  di    Cipro,  p.    160.  —  Cabrera, 

either  side  of  the  crucifix,  when  a  Filipe  Segundo,lib.  IX.  cap.  25,  26. 

monkey    belonging    to    the    galley  «  D6  el  estandarte  birharo  abatido 

ran  up  the  mast,  and,  drawing  Out  la  Cruz  del  Redentor  ftie  enarbolada 

the  weapons  with  his  teeth,  threw         con  un  triunfo  soleney  f ande  ?°™> 

,  r    ,         .  .      ,  _,,         .          „  .  cantando  abiertamente  la  vitona." 

them  overboard !     (Chromca,   fid.          Ercilla,  La  Araucana,  par.  II.  canto  24. 


352  WAR  WITH   THE   TURKS.  [BOOK  V. 

error  in  extending  his  line  so  far  as  greatly  to 
weaken  it.  Uluch  Ali,  attacking  it  on  its  most 
vulnerable  quarter,  had  succeeded,  as  we  have  seen, 
in  capturing  and  destroying  several  vessels,  and 
would  have  inflicted  still  heavier  losses  on  his  ene- 
my had  it  not  heen  for  the  seasonable  succor  re- 
ceived from  the  marquis  of  Santa  Cruz.  This 
brave  officer,  who  commanded  the  reserve,  had  al- 
ready been  of  much  service  to  Don  John  when  the 
Real  was  assailed  by  several  Turkish  galleys  at 
once  during  his  combat  with  Ali  Pasha ;  for  at  this 
juncture  the  marquis  of  Santa  Cruz  arriving,  and 
beating  off  the  assailants,  one  of  whom  he  after- 
wards captured,  enabled  the  commander-in-chief  to 
resume  his  engagement  with  the  pacha. 

No  sooner  did  Santa  Cruz  learn  the  critical  situa- 
tion of  Doria,  than,  supported  by  Cardoua,  "  gen- 
eral "  of  the  Sicilian  squadron,  he  pushed  forward 
to  his  relief.  Dashing  into  the  midst  of  the  melee, 
the  two  commanders  fell  like  a  thunderbolt  on  the 
Algerine  galleys.  Few  attempted  to  withstand  the 
shock.  But  in  their  haste  to  avoid  it,  they  were  en- 
countered by  Doria  and  his  Genoese  galleys.  Thus 
beset  on  all  sides,  Uluch  Ali  was  compelled  to  aban- 
don his  prizes  and  provide  for  his  own  safety  by 
flight.  He  cut  adrift  the  Maltese  Capitana,  which 
he  had  lashed  to  his  stern,  and  on  which  three 
hundred  corpses  attested  the  desperate  character  of 
her  defence.  As  tidings  reached  him  of  the  discom- 
fiture of  the  centre  and  of  the  death  of  Ali  Pasha, 
he  felt  that  nothing  remained  but  to  make  the  best 


CH.  X.]     ROUT  OF  THE  TURKISH  ARMADA.       353 

of  his  way  from  the  fatal  scene  of  action,  and  save 
as  many  of  his  own  ships  as  he  could.  And  there 
were  no  ships  in  the  Turkish  fleet  superior  to  his,  or 
manned  by  men  under  more  perfect  discipline.  For 
they  were  the  famous  corsairs  of  the  Mediterranean, 
who  had  been  rocked  from  infancy  on  its  waters. 

Throwing  out  his  signals  for  retreat,  the  Alge- 
rine  was  soon  to  be  seen,  at  the  head  of  his  squad- 
ron, standing  towards  the  north,  under  as  much 
canvas  as  remained  to  him  after  the  battle,  and 
urged  forward  through  the  deep  by  the  whole 
strength  of  his  oarsmen.  Doria  and  Santa  Cruz 
followed  quickly  in  his  wake.  But  he  was  borne 
on  the  wings  of  the  wind,  and  soon  distanced  his 
pursuers.  Don  John,  having  disposed  of  his  own 
assailants,  was  coming  to  the  support  of  Doria,  and 
now  joined  in  the  pursuit  of  the  viceroy.  A  rocky 
headland,  stretching  far  into  the  sea,  lay  in  the  path 
of  the  fugitive  ;  and  his  enemies  hoped  to  intercept 
him  there.  Some  few  of  his  vessels  were  stranded 
on  the  rocks.  But  the  rest,  near  forty  in  number, 
standing  more  boldly  out  to  sea,  safely  doubled  the 
promontory.  Then,  quickening  their  flight,  they 
gradually  faded  from  the  horizon,  their  white  sails, 
the  last  thing  visible,  showing  in  the  distance  like 
a  flock  of  Arctic  sea-fowl  on  their  way  to  their 
native  homes.  —  The  confederates  explained  the  in- 
ferior sailing  of  their  own  galleys  on  this  occasion 
by  the  circumstance  of  their  rowers,  who  had  been 
allowed  to  bear  arms  in  the  fight,  being  crippled 
by  their  wounds. 

VOL.  in.  45 


354  WAR  WITH  THE  TURKS.  [BOOK  V. 

The  battle  had  lasted  more  than  four  hours. 
The  sky,  which  had  been  almost  without  a  cloud 
through  the  day,  began  now  to  be  overcast,  and 
showed  signs  of  a  coming  storm.  Before  seeking 
a  place  of  shelter  for  himself  and  his  prizes,  Don 
John  reconnoitred  the  scene  of  action.  He  met 
with  several  vessels  too  much  damaged  for  fur- 
ther service.  These,  mostly  belonging  to  the  ene- 
my, after  saving  what  was  of  any  value  on  board, 
he  ordered  to  be  burnt.  He  selected  the  neigh- 
boring port  of  Petala,  as  affording  the  most  se- 
cure and  accessible  harbor  for  the  night.  Before 
he  had  arrived  there,  the  tempest  began  to  mutter 
and  darkness  was  on  the  water.  Yet  the  darkness 
rendered  only  more  visible  the  blazing  wrecks, 
which,  sending  up  streams  of  fire  mingled  with 
showers  of  sparks,  looked  like  volcanoes  on  the 
deep. 


CHAPTER    XI. 

WAR    WITH    THE    TURKS. 

Losses  of  the  Combatants.  —  Don  John's  Generosity.  —  Triumphant 
Return.  —  Enthusiasm  throughout  Christendom.  —  Results  of  the 
Battle.  —  Operations  in  the  Levant  —  Conquest  of  Tunis.  —  Re- 
taken by  the  Turks. 

1571-1574. 

LONG  and  loud  were  the  congratulations  now 
paid  to  the  young  commander-in-chief  by  his  brave 
companions  in  arms,  on  the  success  of  the  day. 
The  hours  passed  blithely  with  officers  and  men, 
while  they  recounted  to  one  another  their  mani- 
fold achievements.  But  feelings  of  gloom  mingled 
with  their  gayety,  as  they  gathered  tidings  of  the 
loss  of  friends  who  had  bought  this  victory  with 
their'  blood. 

It  was  indeed  a  sanguinary  battle,  surpassing, 
in  this  particular,  any  sea-fight  of  modern  times. 
The  loss  fell  much  the  most  heavily  on  the  Turks. 
There  is  the  usual  discrepancy  about  numbers ; 
but  it  may  be  safe  to  estimate  their  loss  at  near- 
ly twenty-five  thousand  slain  and  five  thousand 
prisoners.  What  brought  most  pleasure  to  the 
hearts  of  the  conquerors  was  the  liberation  of 


356  WAR  WITH  THE   TURKS.  [BOOK  V. 

twelve  thousand  Christian  captives,  who  had  been 
chained  to  the  oar  on  board  the  Moslem  galleys, 
and  who  now  came  forth,  with  tears  of  joy  stream- 
ing down  their  haggard  cheeks,  to  bless  their  de- 
liverers.1 

The  loss  of  the  allies  was  comparatively  small,  — 
less  than  eight  thousand.2  That  it  was  so  much 
less  than  that  of  their  enemies,  may  be  referred  in 
part  to  their  superiority  in  the  use  of  fire-arms  ;  in 
part  also  to  their  exclusive  use  of  these,  instead  of 
employing  bows  and  arrows,  weapons  on  which, 
though  much  less  effective,  the  Turks,  like  the  other 
Moslem  nations,  seem  to  have  greatly  relied.  Last- 
ly, the  Turks  were  the  vanquished  party,  and  in 
their  heavier  loss  suffered  the  almost  invariable  lot 
of  the  vanquished. 

As  to  their  armada,  it  may  almost  be  said  to 
have  been  annihilated.  Not  more  than  forty  gal- 
leys escaped  out  of  near  two  hundred  and  fifty 
which  entered  into  the  action.  One  hundred  and 
thirty  were  taken  and  divided  among  the  conquer- 
ors. The  remainder,  sunk  or  burned,  were  swal- 
lowed up  by  the  waves.  To  counterbalance  all 

1  The  loss  of  the  Moslems  is  my  other  estimates,  to    those  of 

little  better  than  matter  of  conjee-  Senor  Resell,  Historia  del  Combate 

ture,  so  contradictory  are  the  au-  Naval,  p.  118. 

thorities.     The  author  of  the  Ley-  8  Rosell  computes  the  total  loss 

den  MS.  dismisses  the  subject  with  of  the  allies  at  not  less  than  seven 

the  remark,  "  La  gente  muerta  de  thousand  six  hundred ;    of  whom 

Turcos  no  se  ha  podido  saber  por  one  thousand  were  Romans,  two 

que  la  que  se  hecho   en  la  mar  thousand  Spaniards,   and  the   re- 

fuera  de  los  degollados  fueron  in-  mainder     Venetians.      Ibid.,     p. 

finitos."    I  have  conformed,  as  in  113. 


Cu.  XL]  LOSSES  OF  THE   COMBATANTS.  357 

this,  the  confederates  are  said  to  have  lost  not  more 
than  fifteen  galleys,  though  a  much  larger  num- 
ber, doubtless,  were  rendered  unfit  for  service. 
This  disparity  affords  good  evidence  of  the  infe- 
riority of  the  Turks  in  the  construction  of  their 
vessels,  as  well  as  in  the  nautical  skill  required  to 
manage  them.  A  great  amount  of  booty,  in  the 
form  of  gold,  jewels,  and  brocade,  was  found  on 
board  several  of  the  prizes.  The  galley  of  the 
commander-in-chief  alone  is  stated  to  have  con- 
tained one  hundred  and  seventy  thousand  gold 
sequins,  —  a  large  sum,  but  not  large  enough,  it 
seems,  to  buy  off  his  life.3 

The  losses  of  the  combatants  cannot  be  fairly 
presented  without  taking  into  the  account  the  qual- 
ity as  well  as  the  number  of  the  slain.  The  num- 
ber of  persons  of  consideration,  both  Christians 
and  Moslems,  who  embarked  in  the  expedition,  was 
very  great.  The  roll  of  slaughter  showed  that  in 
the  race  of  glory  they  gave  little  heed  to  their  per- 
sonal safety.  The  officer  second  in  command  among 
the  Venetians,  the  commander-in-chief  of  the  Turk- 
ish armament,  and  the  commander  of  its  right  wing, 
all  fell  in  the  battle.  Many  a  high-born  cavalier 
closed  at  Lepanto  a  long  career  of  honorable  ser- 
vice. More  than  one,  on  the  other  hand,  dated  the 
commencement  of  their  career  from  this  day.  Such 


3  Ibid.,  ubi  supra.  —  Torres  y  Sagredo,    Monarcas    Othomanos, 

Aguilera,  Chronica,  fol.  74  ct  seq.  pp.  295,  29G.  —  Relacion  de  la  Ba- 

—  Documentos  Ineditos,  torn.  III.  talla  Naval,  MS. 
pp.  246  -  249  •,  torn.  XL  p.  370.  — 


358  WAS  WITH  THE  TURKS.  [BOOK  V. 

was  Alexander  Farnese,  prince  of  Parma.  Though 
he  was  but  a  few  years  younger  than  his  uncle, 
John  of  Austria,  those  few  years  had  placed  an 
immense  distance  between  their  conditions,  the 
one  filling  the  post  of  commander-in-chief,  the 
other  being  only  a  private  adventurer.  Yet  even 
so  he  succeeded  in  winning  great  renown  by  his 
achievements.  The  galley  in  which  he  sailed  was 
lying,  yard-arm  and  yard-arm,  alongside  of  a  Turk- 
ish galley,  with  which  it  was  hotly  engaged.  In 
the  midst  of  the  action  Farnese  sprang  on  board  of 
the  enemy,  and  with  his  good  broadsword  hewed 
down  all  who  opposed  him,  opening  a  path  into 
which  his  comrades  poured  one  after  another,  and, 
after  a  short  but  murderous  contest,  succeeded  in 
carrying  the  vessel.  As  Farnese's  galley  lay  just 
astern  of  Don  John's,  the  latter  could  witness  the 
achievement  of  his  nephew,  which  filled  him  with 
an  admiration  he  did  not  affect  to  conceal.  The 
intrepidity  displayed  by  the  young  warrior  on  this 
occasion  gave  augury  of  his  character  in  later  life, 
when  he  succeeded  his  uncle  in  command,  and  sur- 
passed him  in  military  renown.4 

Another  youth  was  in  that  fight,  who,  then 
humble  and  unknown,  was  destined  one  day  to  win 
laurels  of  a  purer  and  more  enviable  kind  than 


4  Relacion  de  la  Batalla  Naval,  after  the  action.  The  letter,  dated 

MS.  at  Petala,  October  10,  is  published 

Don  John  notices  this  achieve-  by  Aparici,  Documentos  Ineditos 

ment  of  his  gallant  kinsman  in  the  relatives  li  la  Batalla  de  Lepanto, 

first  letter  which  he  wrote  to  Philip  p.  26. 


Cn.  XL]  DON  JOHN'S   GENEROSITY.  359 

those  which  grow  on  the  battle-field.  This  was 
Cervantes,  who  at  the  age  of  twenty-four  was  serv- 
ing on  board  the  fleet  as  a  common  soldier.  He 
had  been  confined  to  his  bed  by  a  fever ;  but,  not- 
withstanding the  remonstrances  of  his  captain,  he 
insisted,  on  the  morning  of  the  action,  not  only  on 
bearing  arms,  but  on  being  stationed  in  the  post  of 
danger.  And  well  did  he  perform  his  duty  there, 
as  was  shown  by  two  wounds  on  the  breast,  and 
by  another  in  the  hand,  by  which  he  lost  the  use 
of  it.  Fortunately  it  was  the  left  hand.  The  right 
yet  remained  to  indite  those  immortal  productions 
which  were  to  be  known  as  household  words,  not 
only  in  his  own  land,  but  in  every  quarter  of  the 
civilized  world.5 

A  fierce  storm  of  thunder  and  lightning  raged 
for  four  and  twenty  hours  after  the  battle,  during 
which  time  the  fleet  rode  safely  at  anchor  in  the 
harbor  of  Petala.  It  remained  there  three  days 
longer.  Don  John  profited  by  the  delay  to  visit 
the  different  galleys  and  ascertain  their  condition. 
He  informed  himself  of  the  conduct  of  the  troops, 
and  was  liberal  of  his  praises  to  those  who  de- 
served them.  With  the  sick  and  the  wounded  he 
showed  the  greatest  sympathy,  endeavoring  to  al- 
leviate their  sufferings,  and  furnishing  them  with 

5  Navarete,  Vida  de  Cervantes,  he  would  not  have  missed  the  glory 

(Madrid,  1819,)  p.  19.  of  being  present  on  that  daj. 

Cervantes,  in  the  prologue  to  the  "  Quisiera  antes  haberme  hallado 

second  part  of  Don  Quixote,  al-  en  aquella  faccion  prodigiosa,  que 

luding  to  Lepanto,  enthusiastically  sano  ahora  de  mis  heridas,  sin  ha- 

exclaims,  that,  for  all  his  wounds,  berme  hallado  en  ella." 


360  WAR  WITH     THE  TURKS.  [BOOK  V. 

whatever  his  galley  contained  that  could  contribute 
to  their  comfort.  With  so  generous  and  sympathetic 
a  nature,  it  is  not  wonderful  that  he  should  have 
established  himself  in  the  hearts  of  his  soldiers.6 

But  the  proofs  of  this  kindly  temper  were  not 
confined  to  his  own  followers.  Among  the  prison- 
ers were  two  sons  of  Ali,  the  Turkish  commander- 
in-chief.  One  was  seventeen,  the  other  only  thir- 
teen years  of  age.  Thus  early  had  their  father 
desired  to  initiate  them  in  a  profession  which,  be- 
yond all  others,  opened  the  way  to  eminence  in 
Turkey.  They  were  not  on  board  of  his  galley  ; 
and  when  they  were  informed  of  his  death,  they 
were  inconsolable.  To  this  affliction  was  now  to 
be  added  the  doom  of  slavery. 

As  they  were  led  into  the  presence  of  Don  John, 
the  youths  prostrated  themselves  on  the  deck  of  his 
vessel.  But  raising  them  up,  he  affectionately  em- 
braced them,  and  said  all  he  could  to  console  them 
under  their  troubles.  He  caused  them  to  be  treated 
with  the  consideration  due  to  their  rank.  His 
secretary,  Juan  de  Soto,  surrendered  his  quarters 
to  them.  They  were  provided  with  the  richest 
apparel  that  could  be  found  among  the  spoil. 
Their  table  was  served  with  the  same  delicacies  as 
that  of  the  commander-in-chief ;  and  his  chamber- 
lains showed  the  same  deference  to  them  as  to 

6  This  humane  conduct  of  Don  written  on   the  spot :  "  El  queda 

John  is  mentioned,  among  other  visitando  los  heridos  y  procurando 

writers,  by  the  author  of  the.  Relacion  su  remedio  haziendoles  merced  y 

de  la  Batalla  Naval,  whose  language  dandoles  todo  lo  que   aviase  me- 

shows  that    his    manuscript    was  nester."    MS. 


CH.  XL]  DON  JOHN'S   GENEROSITY.  3G1 

himself.  His  kindness  did  not  stop  with  these 
acts  of  chivalrous  courtesy.  He  received  a  letter 
from  their  sister  Fatima  containing  a  touching 
appeal  to  Don  John's  humanity,  and  soliciting  the 
release  of  her  orphan  brothers.  He  had  sent  a 
courier  to  give  their  friends  in  Constantinople  the 
assurance  of  their  personal  safety ;  "  which,"  adds 
the  lady,  "  is  held  by  all  this  court  as  an  act  of 
great  courtesy,  — gran  gentileza  ;  —  and  there  is  no 
one  here  who  does  not  admire  the  goodness  and 
magnanimity  of  your  highness."  She  enforced  her 
petition  with  a  rich  present,  for  which  she  grace- 
fully apologized,  as  intended  to  express  her  own 
feelings,  though  far  below  his  deserts.7 

In  the  division  of  the  spoil,  the  young  princes 
had  been  assigned  to  the  pope.  But  Don  John  suc- 
ceeded in  obtaining  their  liberation.  Unfortunately, 
the  elder  died  —  of  a  broken  heart,  it  is  said  —  at 
Naples.  The  younger  was  sent  home,,  with  three 
of  his  attendants,  for  whom  he  had  a  particular  re- 
gard. Don  John  declined  keeping  Fatima's  present, 
which  he  gave  to  her  brother.  In  a  letter  to  the 
Turkish  princess,  he  remarked  that  he  had  done 
this,  not  because  he  undervalued  her  beautiful  gift, 
but  because  it  had  ever  been  the  habit  of  his  royal 

7  "  Lo  qual  toda  esta  corte  tuvo  the  Turkish  princess  to  Don  John, 

d  gran  gentileza,  y  no  hazen  sino  enumerating,  among  other  things, 

alabar  la  virtutl  y  grandeza  de  robes  of  sable,  brocade,  and  va- 

vuestra  Alteza."  rious  rich  stuffs,  fine  porcelain, 

The  letter  of  Fatima  is  to  be  carpets  and  tapestry,  weapons  cu- 

found  in  Torres  y  Aguilera,  Chro-  riously  inlaid  with  gold  and  silver, 

nica  (fol.  92).  The  chronicler  and  Damascus  blades  ornamented 

adds  a  list  of  the  articles  sent  by  with  rubies  and  turquoises. 

VOL.  in  46 


362  WAR  WITH   THE   TURKS.  [Boon  V. 

ancestors  freely  to  grant  their  favors  to  those  who 
stood  in  need  of  them,  but  not  to  receive  aught  by 
way  of  recompense.8 

The  same  noble  nature  he  showed  in  his  con- 
duct towards  Veniero.  We  have  seen  the  friendly 
demonstration  he  made  to  the  testy  Venetian  on 
entering  into  battle.  He  now  desired  his  presence 
on  board  his  galley.  As  he  drew  near,  Don  John 
came  forward  frankly  to  greet  him.  He  spoke  of 
his  desire  to  bury  the  past  in  oblivion,  and,  compli- 
menting the  veteran  on  his  prowess  in  the  late  en- 
gagement, saluted  him  with  the  endearing  name  of 
"  father."  The  old  soldier,  not  prepared  for  so  kind 
a  welcome,  burst  into  tears ;  and  there  was  no  one, 
says  the  chronicler  who  tells  the  anecdote,  that 
could  witness  the  scene  with  a  dry  eye.9 

8  "  El  presents  que  me  embio  paign,  in  acting  in  concert  with  a 
dexe  de  rescibir,    y    le   huvo  el  man  of  so  choleric  a  temper.     In 
mismo  Mahamet  Bey,  no  por  no  consequence  the  Venetian  govern- 
preciarle  como  cosa  venida  de  su  ment  was   induced,   though  very 
mano,  sino  por  que  la  grandeza  de  reluctantly,  to  employ  Veniero  on 
mis    antecessores    no    acostumbra  another  service.  In  truth,  the  con- 
rescibir  dones  de  los  necessitates  duct  which  had  so  much  disgusted 
de   favor,   sino   darlos  y   hazerles  Don  John  and  the  allies  seems  to 
gracias."     Ibid.,  fol.  94.  have   found   favor   with  Veniero's 

9  According  to  some,  Don  John  countrymen,  who  regarded  it  as 
was  induced,  by  the  persuasion  of  evidence  of  his  sensitive  concern 
his  friends,  to  make  these  advances  for  the   honor  of   his   nation.     A 
to  the   Venetian    admiral.     (See  few  years  later  they  made  ample 
Torres  y  Aguilera,  Chronica,  fol.  amends    to    the   veteran   for  the 
75  ;    Vanderhammen,    Don   Juan  slight  put  on  him,  by  raising  him 
de  Austria,  fol.  123.)    It  is  certain  to  the  highest  dignity  in    the   re- 
he  could  not  erase  the  memory  of  public.     He   was  the  third  of  his 
the  past  from  his  bosom,  as  appears  family  who  held  the  office  of  doge, 
from  more  than  one  of  his  letters,  to  which  he  was  chosen  in  1576, 
in  which  he  speaks  of  the  difficulty  and  in  which  he  continued  till  his 
he  should  find,   in  another  cam-  death. 


CH.  XL]  TRIUMPHANT  RETURN.  363 

While  at  Petala,  a  council  of  war  was  called  to 
decide  on  the  next  operations  of  the  fleet.  Some 
were  for  following  up  the  blow  by  an  immediate 
attack  on  Constantinople.  Others  considered  that, 
from  the  want  of  provisions  and  the  damaged  state 
of  the  vessels,  they  were  in  no  condition  for  such 
an  enterprise.  They  recommended  that  the  armada 
should  be  disbanded,  that  the  several  squadrons  of 
which  it  was  composed  should  return  to  their  re- 
spective winter-quarters,  and  meet  again  in  the 
spring  to  resume  operations.  Others,  again,  among 
whom  was  Don  John,  thought  that  before  disband- 
ing they  should  undertake  some  enterprise  com- 
mensurate with  their  strength.  It  was  accordingly 
determined  to  lay  siege  to  Santa  Maura,  in  the 
island  of  Leucadia,  —  a  strongly  fortified  place, 
which  commanded  the  northern  entrance  into  the 
gulf  of  Lepanto. 

The  fleet,  weighing  anchor  on  the  eleventh  of 
October,  arrived  off  Santa  Maura  on  the  following 
day.  On  a  careful  reconnaissance  of  the  ground, 
it  became  evident  that  the  siege  would  be  a  work 
of  much  greater  difficulty  than  had  been  antici- 
pated. A  council,  of  war  was  again  summoned ; 
and  it  was  resolved,  as  the  season  was  far  advanced, 
to  suspend  further  operations  for  the  present, 
to  return  to  winter-quarters,  and  in  the  ensuing 
spring  to  open  the  campaign  under  more  favor- 
able auspices. 

The  next  step  was  to  make  a  division  of  the 
spoil  taken  from  the  enemy,  which  was  done  in  a 


364  WAR  WITH  THE  TURKS.  [Booic  V. 

manner  satisfactory  to  all  parties.  One  half  of  the 
galleys  and  inferior  vessels,  of  the  artillery  and  small 
arms,  and  also  of  the  captives,  was  set  apart  for 
the  Catholic  King.  The  other  half  was  divided 
between  the  pope  and  the  republic,  in  the  propor- 
tion settled  by  the  treaty  of  confederation.10  Next 
proceeding  to  Corfu,  Don  John  passed  three  days 
at  that  island,  making  some  necessary  repairs  of 
his  vessels ;  then,  bidding  adieu  to  the  confeder- 
ates, he  directed  his  course  'to  Messina,  which  he 
reached,  after  a  stormy  passage,  on  the  thirty-first 
of  the  month. 

We  may  imagine  the  joy  with  which  he  was 
welcomed  by  the  inhabitants  of  that  city,  which 
he  had  left  but  little  more  than  six  weeks  be- 
fore, and  to  which  he  had  now  returned  in  tri- 
umph, after  winning  the  most  memorable  naval 
victory  of  modern  times.  The  whole  population, 
with  the  magistrates  at  their  head,  hurried  down 
to  the  shore  to  witness  the  magnificent  specta- 
cle. As  the  gallant  armament  swept  into  port, 
it  showed  the  results  of  the  late  contest  in  many 
a  scar.  But  the  consecrated  standard  was  still 
proudly  flying  at  the  masthead  of  the  Real ;  and 
in  the  rear  came  the  long  line  of  conquered  gal- 


10  The  spoil  found  on  board  the  que  no  havia  hombre  que  se  pre- 

Turkish  ships  was   abandoned  to  ciasse  de  gastar  moneda  de   plata 

the   captors.     There   was   enough  sino    Zequi  es   ni  curasse   de    re- 

of  it  to  make  many  a  needy  ad-  gatear  en  nada    que   comprasse." 

venturer  rich.     "  Assi  por  la  vie-  Torres  y  Aguilera,  Chronica,  fol. 

toria  havida  como  porque  muchos  79. 
venian    tan    ricos    y    prosperados 


CH.  XI.]  TRIUMPHANT  RETURN.  365 

leys,  in  much  worse  plight  than  their  conquer- 
ors, trailing  their  banners  ignominiously  behind 
them  through  the  water.  On  landing  at  the  head 
of  his  troops,  Don  John  was  greeted  with  flour- 
ishes of  music,  while  salvoes  Of  artillery  thundered 
from  the  fortresses  which  commanded  the  city. 
He  was  received  under  a  gorgeous  canopy,  and 
escorted  by  a  numerous  concourse  of  citizens  and 
soldiers.  The  clergy,  mingling  in  the  procession, 
broke  forth  into  the  Te  Deum ;  and  thus  enter- 
ing the  cathedral,  they  all  joined  in  thanksgivings 
to  the  Almighty  for  granting  them  so  glorious  a 
victory.11 

Don  John  was  sumptuously  lodged  in  the  castle. 
He  was  complimented  with  a  superb  banquet,  — 'a 
mode  of  expressing  the  public  gratitude  not  con- 
fined to  our  day,  —  and  received  a  more  substantial 
guerdon  in  a  present  from  the  city  of  thirty  thou- 
sand crowns.  Finally,  a  colossal  statue  in  bronze 
was  executed  by  a  skilful  artist,  as  a  perma- 
nent memorial  of  the  conqueror  of  Lepanto.  Don 
John  accepted  the  money;  but  it  was  only  to 
devote  it  to  the  relief  of  the  sick  and  wounded 
soldiers.  In  the  same  generous  spirit,  he  had 
ordered  that  all  his  own  share  of  the  booty  taken 
in  the  Turkish  vessels,  including  the  large  amount 
of  gold  and  rich  brocades  found  in  the  galley  of 


11  For  the  preceding  pages  see  Filipe  Segundo,  p.  696 ;  Hen-era, 

Vanderhammen,     Don    Juan    de  Historia  General,  torn.  II.  p.  37; 

Austria,  fol.  186  ;  Torres  y  Agui-  Ferreras,  Hist.  d'Espagne,  tom.  X. 

lera,  Chronica,   fol.   79;    Cabrera,  p.  261. 


366  WAR  WITH  THE   TURKS.  [BOOK  V. 

All  Pasha,  should  be  distributed  among  the  cap- 
tors.12 

The  news  of  the  victory  of  Lepanto  caused  a 
profound  sensation  throughout  Christendom ;  for  it 
had  been  a  general  opinion  that  the  Turks  were 
invincible  by  sea.  The  confederates  more  particu- 
larly testified  their  joy  by  such  extraordinary  dem- 
onstrations as  showed  the  extent  of  their  previous 
fears.  In  Venice,  which  might  be  said  to  have 
gained  a  new  lease  of  existence  from  the  result  of  the 
battle,  the  doge,  the  senators,  and  the  people  met 
in  the  great  square  of  St.  Mark,  and  congratulated 
one  another  on  the  triumph  of  their  arms.  By  a 
public  decree,  the  seventh  of  October  was  set  apart, 
to  be  observed  for  ever  as  a  national  anniversary. 

The  joy  was  scarcely  less  in  Naples,  where  the 
people  had  so  often  seen  their  coasts  desolated  by 
the  Ottoman  cruisers  ;  and  when  their  admiral,  the 
marquis  of  Santa  Cruz,  returned  to  port  with  his 
squadron,  he  was  welcomed  with  acclamations,  such 
as  greet  the  conqueror  returning  from  his  campaign. 

But  even  these  honors  were  inferior  to  those 
which  in  Rome  were  paid  to  Colonna,  the  captain- 
general  of  the  papal  fleet.  As  he  was  borne  in 
stately  procession,  with  the  trophies  won  from  the 
enemy  carried  before  him,  and  a  throng  of  mourn- 


13  An    old    romance    thus    com-  Por  mostrar  do  ha  descendido, 

memorates  this  liberal  conduct  of  Si,,o  que  entre  los  soldados 

Fueso  todo  repartido 

Don  John  :  —  En  preniio  de  sus  trabajoa 

"  Y  ansi  seda  como  de  oro  Pues  lo  habian  merecido." 

Ninguna  cosa  ha  querido  Duran,  Rnmancero  General,  (Madrid, 
Don  Juan,  como  liberal,  1851,)  torn.  II  p.  185. 


CH.  XI.]  ENTHUSIASM  THROUGHOUT  CHBISTENDOM.   367 

ing  captives  in  the  rear,  the  spectacle  recalled  the 
splendors  of  the  ancient  Roman  triumph.  Pius 
the  Fifth  had,  before  this,  announced  that  the  vic- 
tory of  the  Christians  had  been  revealed  to  him 
from  Heaven.  But  when  the  tidings  reached  him 
of  the  actual  result,  it  so  far  transcended  his  ex- 
pectations, that,  overcome  by  his  -emotions,  the  old 
pontiff  burst  into  a  flood  of  tears,  exclaiming,  in 
the  words  of  the  Evangelist,  "  There  was  a  man 
sent  from  God ;  and  his  name  was  John." 13 

We  may  readily  believe  that  the  joy  with  which 
the  glad  tidings  were  welcomed  in  Spain  fell  noth- 
ing short  of  that  with  which  they  were  received  in 
other  parts  of  Christendom.  While  lying  off  Peta- 
la,  Don  John  sent  Lope  de  Figueroa  with  despatch- 
es for  the  king,  together  with  the  great  Ottoman 
standard,  as  the  most  glorious  trophy  taken  in  the 
battle.14  He  soon  after  sent  a  courier  with  further 
letters.  It  so  happened  that  neither  the  one  nor 
the  other  arrived  at  the  place  of  their  destination 
till  some  weeks  after  the  intelligence  had  reached 
Philip  by  another  channel.  This  was  the  Venetian 
minister,  who  on  the  last  of  October  received  de- 
spatches from  his  own  government,  containing  a 


13  Lorea,  Vida  de  Pio  Quinto,  delight  at    receiving   this  trophy 
cap.  XXIV.  §  ii.  —  Torres  y  Agui-  from  the  hands  of  Figueroa.     (See 
lera,    Chronica,   fol.   80.  —  Resell;  the  letter,   ap.    Rosell,    Hist,   del 
Historia  del  Combate  Naval,  pp.  Combate  Naval,  Apend.  No.  15.) 
124,  125.  The  standard  was  deposited  in  the 

14  Philip,  in  a  letter  to  his  broth-  Escorial,  where  it  was  destroyed 
er  dated  from  the  Escorial  in  the  by  fire  in  the  year  1671.     Docu- 
following  November,  speaks  of  his  mentos  Ineditos,  torn.  III.  p.  256. 


368 


WAR   WITH   THE   TURKS. 


[Boot  V. 


full  account  of  the  fight.  Hastening  with  them 
to  the  palace,  he  found  the  ting  in  his  private 
chapel,  attending  vespers  on  the  eve  of  All-Saints. 
The  news,  it  cannot  be  doubted,  filled  his  soul  with 
joy ;  though  it  is  said  that,  far  from  exhibiting 
this  in  his  demeanor,  he  continued  to  be  occupied 
with  his  devotions,  without  the  least  change  of 
countenance,  till  the  services  were  concluded.  He 
then  ordered  Te  Deum  to  be  sung.15  All  present 
joined,  with  overflowing  hearts,  in  pouring  forth 
their  gratitude  to  the  Lord  of  Hosts  for  granting 
such  a  triumph  to  the  Cross.16 

That  night  there  was  a  grand  illumination  in 


is  «  Y  S.  M.  no  se  alterd,  ni 
demudd,  ni  hizo  sentimiento  algu- 
no,  y  se  estuvo  con  el  semblante  y 
perenidad  que  antes  estaba,  con  el 
qual  semblante  estuvo  hasta  que  se 
acabaron  de  cantar  las  visperas." 
Memorias  de  Fray  Juan  de  San 
Gerdnimo,  Documentos  Ineditos, 
torn.  III.  p.  258. 

16  The  third  volume  of  the  Docu- 
mentos Ine'ditos  contains  a  copious 
extract  from  a  manuscript  in  the 
Escorial  written  by  a  Jeronymite 
monk.  In  this  the  writer  states 
that  Philip  received  intelligence 
of  the  victory  from  a  courier  de- 
spatched by  Don  John,  while  en- 
gaged at  vespers  in  the  palace 
monastery  of  the  Escorial.  This 
account  is  the  one  followed  by 
Cabrera  (Filipe  Segundo,  p.  696) 
and  by  the  principal  Castitian  writ- 
ers. Its  inaccuracy,  however,  is 
sufficiently  attested  by  two  letters 


written  at  the  time  to  Don  John  of 
Austria,  one  by  the  royal  secretary 
Alzamora,  the  other  by  Philip  him- 
self. According  to  their  account 
the  person  who  first  conveyed  the 
tidings  was  the  Venetian  minis- 
ter ;  and  the  place  where  they  were 
received  by  the  king  was  the  pri- 
vate chapel  of  the  palace  at  Ma- 
drid, while  engaged  at  vespers  on 
All-Saints  eve.  It  is  worthy  of 
notice,  that  the  secretary's  letter 
contains  no  hint  of  the  nonchalance 
with  which  Philip  is  said  to  have 
heard  the  tidings.  The  originals 
of  these  interesting  despatches  still 
exist  in  the  National  Library  at 
Madrid.  They  have  been  copied 
by  Senor  Bosell  for  his  memoir 
(Apend.  Nos.  13, 15).  One  makes 
little  progress  in  history  before 
finding  that  it  is  much  easier  to 
repeat  an  error  than  to  correct 
it. 


CH.  XI.]  ENTHUSIASM  THROUGHOUT   CHRISTENDOM.   360 

Madrid.  The  following  day  mass  was  said  by  the 
papal  legate  in  presence  of  the  king,  who  after- 
wards took  part  in  a  solemn  procession  to  the 
church  of  Saint  Mary,  where  the  people  united 
with  the  court  in  a  general  thanksgiving. 

In  a  letter  from  Philip  to  his  brother,  dated  from 
the  Escorial,  the  twenty-ninth  of  November,  he 
writes  to  him  out  of  the  fulness  of  his  heart,  in 
the  language  of  gratitude  and  brotherly  love :  "  I 
cannot  express  to  you  the  joy  it  has  given  me  to 
learn  the  particulars  of  your  conduct  in  the  battle, 
of  the  great  valor  you  showed  in  your  own  person, 
and  your  watchfulness  in  giving  proper  directions 
to  others,  —  all  which  has  doubtless  been  a  prin- 
cipal cause  of  the  victory.  So  to  you,  after  God, 
I  am  to  make  my  acknowledgments  for  it,  as  I  now 
do ;  and  happy  am  I  that  it  has  been  reserved  for 
one  so  near  and  so  dear  to  me  to  perform  this  great 
work,  which  has  gained  such  glory  for  you  in  the 
eyes  of  God  and  of  the  whole  world."  n 

The  feelings  of  the  king  were  fully  shared  by 
his  subjects.  %The  enthusiasm  roused  throughout 
the  country  by  the  great  victory  was  without 
bounds.  "  There  is  no  man,"  writes  one  of  the 
royal  secretaries  to  Don  John,  "  who  does  not  dis- 
cern the  hand  of  the  Lord  in  it ;  —  though  it  seems 

17  "  Y  ansi  &  vos  (despues  de  se  haya  heeho  un  tan  gran  negocio, 

Dios)  se  ha  de  dar  el  parabien  y  y  ganado  vos  tanta  honra  y  gloria 

las  gracias  della,  como  yo  os  las  con  Dios  y  con  todo  el  mundo." 

doy,  y  a  mi  de  que  por  mano  de  Rosell,  Historia  del  Combate  Na- 

persona  que  tanto  me  toca  como  la  valT  Apend.  No.  15. 
vuestra,  y  &  quien  yo  tanto  quieroy 

VOL.  in.  47 


370  WAR  WITH  THE   TURKS.  [Boon  V. 

rather  like  a  dream  than  a  reality,  so  far  does  it 
transcend  any  naval  encounter  that  the  world  ever 
heard  of  before." 18  The  best  sculptors  and  painters 
were  employed  to  perpetuate  the  memory  of  the 
glorious  event.  Amongst  the  number  was  Titian, 
who  in  the  time  of  Charles  the  Fifth  had  passed 
two  years  in  Spain,  and  who  now,  when  more  than 
ninety  years  of  age,  executed  the  great  picture  of 
"  The  Victory  of  the  League,"  still  hanging  on  the 
Avails  of  the  Museo  at  Madrid.19  The  lofty  theme 
proved  a  fruitful  source  of  inspiration  to  the  Cas- 
tilian  muse.  Among  hecatombs  of  epics  and  lyrics, 
the  heroic  poem  of  Ercilla20  and  the  sublime  can- 
cion  of  Fernando  de  Herrera  perpetuate  the  mem- 
ory of  the  victory  of  Lepanto  in  forms  more  durable 
than  canvas  or  marble,  —  as  imperishable  as  the 
language  itself. 

While  all  were  thus  ready  to  render  homage  to 
the  talent  and  bravery  which  had  won  the  great- 
est battle  of  the  time,  men,  as  they  grew  cooler, 
and  could  criticise  events  more  carefully,  were  dis- 
posed to  ask,  where  were  the  fruits  of  this  great 
victory.  Had  Don  John's  father,  Charles  the  Fifth, 
gained  such  a  victory,  it  was  said,  he  would  not 


18  Carta  del  secretario  Alzamo-  the  splendid  episode  of  the  battle 
ra  d  Don  Juan  de  Austria,  Madrid,  of  Lepanto.     If  Ercilla   was   not, 
Nov.  11,  1571,  ap.  Resell,  Historia  like  Cervantes,  present  in  the  fight, 
del  Combate  Naval,  Apend.  No.  1 3.  his  acquaintance  with  the  principal 

19  See     Ford,     Handbook    for  actors  in  it  makes  his  epic,  in  ad- 
Spain,  vol.  II.  p.  697.  dition  to  its  poetical  merits,  of  con- 

20  Ercilla  has  devoted  the  twen-  siderable  value   as  historical  testi- 
ty-fourth  canto  of  the  Araucana  to  mony. 


CH.  XL]  RESULTS  OF  THE  BATTLE.  371 

thus  have  quitted  the  field,  but,  before  the  enemy 
could  recover  from  the  blow,  would  have  followed 
it  up  by  another.  Many  expressed  the  conviction, 
that  the  young  generalissimo  should  at  once  have 
led  his  navy  against  Constantinople. 

There  would  indeed  seem  to  be  plausible  ground 
for  criticising  his  course  after  the  action.  But  we 
must  remember,  in  explanation  of  the  conduct  of 
Don  John,  that  his  situation  was  altogether  differ- 
ent from  that  of  his  imperial  father.  He  possessed 
no  such  absolute  authority  as  the  latter  did  over 
his  army.  The  great  leaders  of  the  confederates 
were  so  nearly  equal  in  rank,  that  they  each 
claimed  a  right  to  be  consulted  on  all  measures 
of  importance.  The  greatest  jealousy  existed 
among  the  three  commanders,  as  there  did  also 
among  the  troops  whom  they  commanded.  They 
were  all  united,  it  is  true,  in  their  hatred  to  the 
Turk.  But  they  were  all  influenced,  more  or  less, 
by  the  interests  of  their  own  states,  in  determining 
the  quarter  where  he  was  to  be  assailed.  Every 
rood  of  territory  wrung  from  the  enemy  in  the 
Levant  would  only  serve  to  enlarge  the  domain  of 
Venice ;  while  the  conquests  in  the  western  parts 
of  the  Mediterranean  would  strengthen  the  empire 
of  Castile.  This  feeling  of  jealousy  between  the 
Spaniards  and  the  Venetians  was,  as  we  have  seen, 
so  great,  in  the  early  part  of  the  expedition,  as 
nearly  to  bring  ruin  on  it. 

Those  who  censured  Don  John  for  not  directing 
his  arms  against  Constantinople,  would  seem  to 


372  WAK  WITH  THE  TURKS.  [BOOK  V. 

have  had  but  a  very  inadequate  notion  of  the  re- 
sources of  the  Porte,  —  as  shown  in  the  course  of 
that  very  year.  There  is  a  remarkable  letter  from 
the  duke  of  Alva,  written  the  month  after  the 
battle  of  Lepanto,  in  which  he  discusses  the  best 
course  to  be  taken  in  order  to  reap  the  full  fruits  of 
the  victory.  In  it  he  expresses  the  opinion,  that 
an  attempt  against  Constantinople,  or  indeed  any 
part  of  the  Turkish  dominions,  unless  supported  by 
a  general  coalition  of  the  great  powers  of  Christen- 
dom, must  end  only  in  disappointment,  —  so  vast 
were  the  resources  of  that  great  empire.21  If  this 
were  so,  —  and  no  better  judge  than  Alva  could 
be  found  in  military  affairs,  —  how  incompetent 
were  the  means  at  Don  John's  disposal  for  ef- 
fecting this  object,  —  confederates  held  together, 
as  the  event  proved,  by  a  rope  of  sand,  and  a 
fleet  so  much  damaged  in  the  recent  combat  that 
many  of  the  vessels  were  scarcely  seaworthy  ! 

In  addition  to  this,  it  may  be  stated,  that  Don 
John  knew  it  was  his  brother's  wish  that  the  Span- 
ish squadron  should  return  to  Sicily  to  pass  the 
winter.22  If  he  persisted,  therefore,  in  the  cam- 
paign, he  must  do  so  on  his  own  responsibility. 


21  The   letter,     which   is   dated  tos  Ineditos,  torn.    III.   pp.   292- 

Brussels,   Nov.    17,    1571,  is   ad-  303. 

dressed  to  Juan  de  Zuniga,  the  ^  "  Ya    havreis    entendido    la 

Castilian  ambassador  at  the  court  drden  que  se  os  ha  dado  de  que  in- 

of  Rome.     A  copy  from  a  manu-  verneis  en   Mecina,  y  las  causas 

script   of  the    sixteenth    century,  dello."     Carta  del  Rev  a  su  her- 

iri  the  library  of  the  duke  of  Os-  mano,  ap.  Rosell,  Historia  del  Com- 

suna,  is  inserted  in  the  Documen-  bate  Naval,  Apend.  No.  15. 


CH.  XL]  RESULTS   OF   THE  BATTLE.  373 

He  had  now  accomplished  the  great  object  for 
which  he  had  put  to  sea.  He  had  won  a  victory 
more  complete  than  the  most  sanguine  of  his  coun- 
trymen had  a  right  to  anticipate.  To  prolong  the 
contest  under  the  present  circumstances,  would  be 
in  a  manner  to  provoke  his  fate,  to  jeopard  the 
glory  he  had  already  gained,  and  incur  the  risk 
of  closing  the  campaign  with  melancholy  cypress, 
instead  of  the  laurel-wreath  of  victory.  Was  it 
surprising  that  even  an  adventurous  spirit  like  his 
should  have  shrunk  from  hazarding  so  vast  a 
stake  with  the  odds  against  him  1 

It  is  a  great  error  to  speak  of  the  victory  of 
Lepanto  as  a  barren  victory,  which  yielded  no 
fruits  to  those  who  gained  it.  True,  it  did  not  strip 
the  Turks  of  an  inch  of  territory.  Even  the  heavy 
loss  of  ships  and  soldiers  which  it  cost  them,  was 
repaired  in  the  following  year  But  the  loss  of  rep- 
utation —  that  tower  of  strength  to  the  conqueror 
—  was  not  to  be  estimated.  The  long  and  success- 
ful career  of  the  Ottoman  princes,  especially  of  the 
last  one,  Solyman  the  Magnificent,  had  made  the 
Turks  to  be  thought  invincible.  There  wras  not  a 
nation  in  Christendom  that  did  not  tremble  at  the 
idea  of  a  war  with  Turkey.  The  spell  was  now 
broken.  Though  her  resources  were  still  bound- 
less, she  lost  confidence  in  herself.  Venice  gained 
confidence  in  proportion.  When  the  hostile  fleets 
met  in  the  year  following  the  battle  of  Lepanto, 
the  Turks,  though  greatly  the  superior  in  numbers, 
declined  the  combat.  For  the  seventy  years  which 


WAR  WITH  THE  TURKS.  [BOOK  V. 


elapsed  after  the  close  of  the  present  war,  the 
Turks  abandoned  their  efforts  to  make  themselves 
masters  of  any  of  the  rich  possessions  of  the  re- 
public, which  lay  so  temptingly  around  them. 
When  the  two  nations  came  next  into  collision, 
Venice,  instead  of  leaning  on  confederates,  took 
the  field  single-handed,  and  disputed  it  with  an 
intrepidity  which  placed  her  on  a  level  with  the 
gigantic  power  that  assailed  her.  That  power  was 
already  on  the  wane ;  and  those  who  have  most 
carefully  studied  the  history  of  the  Ottoman  em- 
pire date  the  commencement  of  her  decline  from 
the  battle  of  Lepanto.23 

The  allies  should  have  been  ready  with  their 
several  contingents  early  in  the  spring  of  the  fol- 
lowing year,  1572.  They  were  not  ready  till  the 
summer  was  well  advanced.  One  cause  of  delay 
was  the  difficulty  of  deciding  on  what  quarter  the 
Turkish  empire  was  tp  be  attacked.  The  Vene- 
tians, from  an  obvious  regard  to  their  own  inter- 
ests, were  for  continuing  the  war  in  the  Levant. 
Philip,  on  the  other  hand,  from  similar  motives, 
would  have  transferred  it  to  the  western  part  of 
the  Mediterranean,  and  have  undertaken  an  expe- 
dition against  the  Barbary  powers.  Lastly,  Pius 


23  See  Resell,  Historia  del  Com-  fidence  after  the  battle  of  Lepanto. 

bate  Naval,  p.  157. —  Lafuente,  His-  They  had  no  equal  to  oppose  to 

toria  de  Espana,  (Madrid,  1850,)  John  of  Austria.     The  day  of  Le- 

tom.  XIII.  p.  538.   Ranke,  who  has  panto   broke   down   the    Ottoman 

made  the  history  of  the  Ottoman  em-  supremacy."     Ottoman  and  Span- 

pire  his  particular  study,  remarks:  ish  Empires,  (Eng.  tr.,)  p.  23. 
"  The  Turks  lost  all  their  old  con- 


CH.  XI.]  RESULTS  OF  THE  BATTLE.  375 

• 

the  Fifth,  urged  by  that  fiery  enthusiasm  which 
made  him  overlook  or  overleap  every  obstacle  in 
his  path,  would  have  marched  on  Constantinople, 
and  then  carried  his  conquering  banners  to  the 
Holy  Land.  These  chimerical  fancies  of  a  cru- 
sader provoked  a  smile  —  it  may  have  been  a  sneer 
—  from  men  better  instructed  in  military  opera- 
tions than  the  pontiff.24 

Pius  again  labored  to  infuse  his  own  spirit  into 
the  monarchs  of  Christendom.  But  it  was  in  vain 
that  he  urged  them  to  join  the  League.  All,  for 
some  reason  or  other,  declined  it.  It  is  possible 
that  they  may  have  had  less  fear  of  the  Turk,  than 
of  augmenting  the  power  of  the  king  of  Spain.  But 
the  great  plans  of  Pius  the  Fifth  were  terminated 
by  his  death,  which  occurred  on  the  first  of  May, 
1572.  He  was  the  true  author  of  the  League.  It 
occupied  his  thoughts  to  the  latest  hour  of  his  ex- 
istence ;  and  his  last  act  was  to  appropriate  to  its 
uses  a  considerable  sum  of  money  lying  in  his  cof- 
fers.25 He  may  be  truly  said  to  have  been  the  only 
one  of  the  confederates  who  acted  solely  for  what 
he  conceived  to  be  the  interests  of  the  Faith.  This 
soon  became  apparent. 

The  affairs  of  Philip    the   Second  were  at  this 

24  "  Su  Santidad  ha  dc  querer  tud  no  pueden  entender  estas  co- 

que  se  gane   Constantinopla  y  la  sas."     Carta  del  Duque  de  Alba, 

Casa  Santa,  y  que  tendra  muchos  ap.  Documentos  Ineditos,  torn.  III. 

que  le  querriin  adular  con  facili-  p.  300. 

tarselo,   y   que  no   faltaran   entre         25  Ranke,  History  of  the  Popes, 

estos  algunos  que  hacen  profesion  (Eng.  tr.,)  vol.  I.  p.  384. 
de  soldados  y  que  como  su  Beati- 


376  WAR  WITH  THE   TURKS.  [BOOK  V. 

P 

time  in  a  critical  situation.  He  much  feared  that 
one  of  the  French  faction  would  be  raised  to 
the  chair  of  St.  Peter.  He  had  great  reason  to 
distrust  the  policy  of  France  in  respect  to  the 
Netherlands.  Till  he  was  more  assured  on  these 
points,  he  was  not  inclined  to  furnish  the  costly 
armament  to  which  he  was  pledged  as  his  contin- 
gent. It  was  in  vain  that  the  allies  called  on  Don 
John  to  aid  them  with  his  Spanish  fleet.  He  had 
orders  from  his  brother  not  to  quit  Messina ;  and 
it  was  in  vain  that  he  chafed  under  these  orders, 
which  threatened  thus  prematurely  to  close  the 
glorious  career  on  which  he  had  entered,  and  which 
exposed  him  to  the  most  mortifying  imputations. 
It  was  not  till  the  sixth  of  July,  that  the  king  al- 
lowed him  to  send  a  part  of  his  contingent,  amount- 
ing only  to  twenty-two  galleys  and  five  thousand 
troops,  to  the  aid  of  the  confederates. 

Some  historians  explain  the  conduct  of  Philip, 
not  so  much  by  the  embarrassments  of  his  situa- 
tion, as  by  his  reluctance  to  afford  his  brother  the 
opportunity  of  adding  fresh  laurels  to  his  brow,  and 
possibly  of  achieving  for  himself  some  indepen- 
dent sovereignty,  like  that  to  which  Pius  the  Fifth 
had  encouraged  him  to  aspire.  It  may  be  thought 
some  confirmation  of  this  opinion,  —  at  least  it 
infers  some  jealousy  of  his  brother's  pretensions,  — • 
that,  in  his  despatches  to  his  ministers  in  Italy,  the 
king  instructed  them  that,  while  they  showed  all 
proper  deference  to  Don  John,  they  should  be  care- 
ful not  to  address  him  in  speech  or  in  writing  by 


CH.  XL]  RESULTS   OF  THE  BATTLE.  377 

the  title  of  Highness,  but  to  use  that  of  Excellency  ; 
adding,  that  they  were  not  to  speak  of  this  sugges- 
tion as  coming  from  him.26  He  caused  a  similar 
notice  to  be  given  to  the  ambassadors  of  France, 
Germany,  and  England.  This  was  but  a  feeble 
thread  by  which  to  check  the  flight  of  the  young 
eagle  as  he  was  soaring  to  the  clouds.  It  served 
to  show,  however,  that  it  was  not  the  will  of  his 
master  that  he  should  soar  too  high. 

Happily  Philip  was  relieved  from  his  fears  in 
regard  to  the  new  pope,  by  the  election  of  Car- 
dinal Buoncampagno  to  the  vacant  throne.  This 
ecclesiastic,  wrho  took  the  name  of  Gregory  the 
Thirteenth,  was  personally  known  to  the  king, 
having  in  earlier  life  passed  several  years  at  the 
court  of  Castile.  He  was  well  affected  to  that 
court,  and  he  possessed  in  full  measure  the  zeal  of 
his  predecessor  for  carrying  on  the  war  against  the 
Moslems.  He  lost  no  time  in  sending  his  "  briefs 
of  fire,"27  as  Don  John  called  them,  to  rouse  him 
to  new  exertions  in  the  cause.  In  France,  too, 
Philip  learned  with  satisfaction  that  the  Guises, 
the  devoted  partisans  of  Spain,  had  now  the  di- 
rection of  public  affairs.  Thus  relieved  from  ap- 
prehensions on  these  two  quarters,  Philip  consented 
to  his  brother's  departure  with  the  remainder  of 
his  squadron.  It  amounted  to  fifty-five  galleys 
and  thirty  smaller  vessels.  But  when  the  prince 
reached  Corfu,  on  the  ninth  of  August,  he  found 

26  Lafuente,  Historia  de  Espana,         27  "  Breves   de    fuego."     Ibid., 
torn.  XIII.  p.  530.  p.  529. 

VOL.  in.  48 


378  WAR   WITH  THE   TURKS.  [Boon  V. 

that  the  confederates,  tired  of  waiting,  had  already 
put  to  sea,  under  the  command  of  Colonna,  in 
search  of  the  Ottoman  fleet. 

The  Porte  had  shown  such  extraordinary  de- 
spatch, that  in  six  months  it  had  built  and  equipped 
a  hundred  and  twenty  galleys,  making,  with  those 
already  on  hand,  a  formidable  fleet.28  It  was  a 
remarkable  proof  of  its  resources  ;  but  suggests  the 
idea  of  the  wide  difference  between  a  Turkish 
galley  of  the  sixteenth  century  and  a  man-of-war 
in  our  day.  The  command  of  the  armament  was 
given  to  the  Algerine  chieftain,  Uluch  Ali,  who 
had  so  adroitly  managed  to  bring  off  the  few  ves- 
sels which  effected  their  escape  at  the  battle  of 
Lepanto.  He  stood  deservedly  high  in  the  confi- 
dence of  the  sultan,  and  had  the  supreme  direction 
in  maritime  affairs. 

The  two  fleets  came  face  to  face  with  each  other 
off  the  western  coast  of  the  Morea.  But  though 
the  Algerine  commander  was  much  superior  to  the 
Christians  in  the  number  and  strength  of  his  ves- 
sels, he  declined  an  action,  showing  the  same 
adroitness  in  eluding  a  battle  that  he  had  before 
shown  in  escaping  from  one. 

At  the  close  of  August  the  confederates  returned 
to  Corfu,  where  they  were  reinforced  by  the  rest  of 
the  Spanish  squadron.  The  combined  fleet,  with 

28  "  E  si  e  veduto,  che  quando  da  me,  fu  giudicata  piuttosto  im- 

glifudata  la  gran  rotta,  in  sei  mesi  possibile  che  creduta."     Relazione 

rifabbrico  cento  venti  galere,  oltre  di  Marcantino  Barbaro,   1573,  Al- 

quelle  che  si  trovavano  in  essere,  beri,   Relazioni  Venete,  torn.  III. 

cosa  che  esscndo  prevcduta  e  scritta  p.  306. 


CH.  XL]  OPERATIONS   IN  THE   LEVANT.  379 

this  addition,  amounted  to  some  two  hundred  and 
forty-seven  vessels,  of  which  nearly  two  thirds  were 
galleys.  It  was  a  force  somewhat  superior  to  that 
of  the  enemy.  Thus  strengthened,  Don  John,  un- 
furling the  consecrated  banner  as  generalissimo  of 
the  League,  weighed  anchor,  and  steered  with  his 
whole  fleet  in  a  southerly  direction.  It  was  not 
long  before  he  appeared  off  the  harbors  of  Modon 
and  Navarino,  where  the  two  divisions  of  the 
Turkish  armada  were  lying  at  anchor.  He  would 
have  attacked  them  separately,  but,  notwithstand- 
ing his  efforts,  failed  to  prevent  their  effecting  a 
junction  in  the  harbor  of  Modon.  On  the  seventh 
of  October,  Uluch  Ali  ventured  out  of  port,  and 
'seemed  disposed  to  give  battle.  It  was  the  anni- 
versary of  the  fight  of  Lepanto  ;  and  Don  John 
flattered  himself  that  he  should  again  see  his  arms 
crowned  with  victory,  as  on  that  memorable  day. 
But  if  the  Turkish  commander  was  unwilling  to 
fight  the  confederates  when  he  was  superior  to 
them  in  numbers,  it  was  not  likely  that  he  would 
fight  them  now  that  he  was  inferior.  After  some 
manoeuvres  which  led  to  no  result,  he  took  refuge 
under  the  castle  of  Modon,  and  again  retreated  into 
port.  There  Don  John  would  have  followed  him, 
with  the  design  of  forcing  him  to  a  battle.  But 
from  this  he  was  dissuaded  by  the  other  leaders  of 
the  confederates,  who  considered  that  the  chances 
of  success  in  a  place  so  strongly  defended  by  no 
means  warranted  the  risk. 

It  was   in  vain  that  the  allies  prolonged  their 


380  WAR  WITH   THE   TURKS.  [BOOK  V. 

stay  in  the  neighborhood,  with  the  hope  of  entic- 
ing the  enemy  to  an  engagement.  The  season  wore 
away  with  no  prospect  of  a  better  result.  Mean- 
time provisions  were  failing,  the  stormy  weather 
of  autumn  was  drawing  nigh,  and  Don  John,  dis- 
gusted with  what  he  regarded  as  the  timid  counsels 
of  his  associates,  and  with  the  control  which  they 
were  permitted  to  exercise  over  him,  decided,  as  it 
was  now  too  late  for  any  new  enterprise,  to  break 
up  and  postpone  further  action  till  the  following 
spring,  when  'he  hoped  to  enter  on  the  campaign 
at  an  earlier  day  than  he  had  done  this  year.  The 
allies,  accordingly,  on  reaching  the  island  of  Paxo, 
late  in  October,  parted  from  each  other,  and  with- 
drew to  their  respective  winter-quarters.  Don  John, 
with  the  Spanish  armament,  returned  to  Sicily.29 

The  pope  and  the  king  of  Spain,  nowise  dis- 
couraged by  the  results  of  the  campaign,  resolved 
to  resume  operations  early  in  the  spring  on  a  still 
more  formidable  scale  than  before.  But  their  in- 
tentions were  defeated  by  the  startling  intelligence, 
that  Venice  had  entered  into  a  separate  treaty  with 
the  Porte.  The  treaty,  which  was  negotiated,  it  is 
said,  through  the  intervention  of  the  French  am- 
bassador, was  executed  on  the  seventh  of  March, 
1573.  The  terms  seemed  somewhat  extraordinary, 
considering  the  relative  positions  of  the  parties.  By 

29  For  the  preceding  pages  see  Don  Juan  de  Austria,  fol.  159  et 

Torres  y  Aguilera,  Chronica,  fol.  seq. ;  Paruta,  Guerra  di  Cipro,  p. 

87-89;  Cabrera,  Filipe  Segundo,  206    et  seq.;    Sagredo,  Monarcas 

lib.   X.   cap.    5 ;  Vanderhammen,  Othomanos,  pp.  301,  302. 


Cn.  XL]      OrERATIOXS  IN  THE  LEVANT.        381 

the  two  principal  articles,  the  republic  agreed  to 
pay  the  annual  sura  of  one  hundred  thousand  du- 
cats for  three  years  to  the  sultan,  and  to  cede  the 
island  of  Cyprus,  the  original  cause  of  the  war. 
One  might  suppose  it  was  the  Turks,  and  not  the 
Christians,  who  had  won  the  battle  of  Lepanto.30 

Venice  was  a  commercial  state,  and  doubtless 
had  more  to  gain  from  peace  than  from  any  war, 
however  well  conducted.  In  this  point  of  view, 
even  such  a  treaty  may  have  been  politic  with  so 
formidable  an  enemy.  But  a  nation's  interests,  in 
the  long  run,  cannot,  any  more  than  those  of  an 
individual,  be  divorced  from  its  honor.  And  what 
could  be  more  dishonorable  than  for  a  state  secretly 
to  make  terms  for  herself  with  the  enemy,  and 
desert  the  allies  who  had  come  into  the  war  at  her 
solicitation  and  in  her  defence  ?  Such  conduct, 
indeed,  was  too  much  in  harmony  with  the  past 
history  of  Venice,  and  justified  the  reputation  for 
bad  faith  which  had  made  the  European  nations  so 
reluctant  to  enter  into  the  League.31 

The  tidings  were  received  by  Philip  with  his 
usual  composure.  "  If  Venice,"  he  said,  "  thinks 
she  consults  her  own  interests  by  such  a  proceed- 
ing, I  can  truly  say  that  in  what  I  have  done  I 
have  endeavored  to  consult  both  her  interests  and 
those  of  Christendom."  He,  however,  spoke  his 


30  It  is  Voltaire's  reflection :  "  II  31  The  treaty  is  to  be  found  in 

scmblait  que  les  Turques  eussent  Dumont,  Corps  Diplomatique,  torn. 

gagne   la    bataille   de    Lepante."  V.  par.  I.  pp.  218,  219. 
Essais  sur  les  Mceurs,  chap.  160. 


382  WAR  WITH  THE  TURKS.  [BOOK  V. 

mind  more  plainly  afterwards  to  the  Venetian  am- 
bassador. The  pope  gave  free  vent  to  his  feelings 
in  the  consistory,  where  he  denounced  the  conduct 
of  Venice  in  the  most  bitter  and  contemptuous 
terms.  When  the  republic  sent  a  special  envoy 
to  deprecate  his  anger,  and  to  excuse  herself  by  the 
embarrassments  of  her  situation,  the  pontiff  refused 
to  see  him.  Don  John  would  not  believe  in  the 
defection  of  Venice,  when  the  tidings  were  first 
announced  to  him.  When  he  was  advised  of  it 
by  a  direct  communication  from  her  government, 
he  replied  by  indignantly  commanding  the  great 
standard  of  the  League  to  be  torn  down  from  his 
galley,  and  in  its  place  to  be  unfurled  the  banner 
of  Castile.32 

Such  was  the  end  of  the  Holy  League,  on  which 
Pius  the  Fifth  had  so  fully  relied  for  the  conquest 
of  Constantinople  and  the  recovery  of  Palestine. 
Philip  could  now  transfer  the  war  to  the  quarter 
he  had  preferred.  He  resolved,  accordingly,  to 
send  an  expedition  to  the  Barbary  coast.  Tunis 
was  selected  as  the  place  of  attack,  —  a  thriving 
city  and  the  home  of  many  a  corsair  who  preyed 
on  the  commerce  of  the  Mediterranean.  It  had 
been  taken  by  Charles  the  Fifth,  in  the  memorable 
campaign  of  1535,  but  had  since  been  recovered 
by  the  Moslems.  The  Spaniards,  however,  still  re- 
tained possession  of  the  strong  fortress  of  the  Golet- 
ta,  which  overlooked  the  approaches  to  Tunis. 

32  Resell,  Historia  del  Combate     Segundo,  p.  747. —  Torres  yAgui- 
Usaval,  p.   149.  —  Cabrera,  Filipe     lera,  Chronica,  fol.  95 


CH.  XL]  CONQUEST  OF  TUNIS.  383 

In  the  latter  part  of  September,  1574,  Don 
John  left  the  shores  of  Sicily  at  the  head  of  a 
fleet  consisting  of  about  a  hundred  galleys,  and 
nearly  as  many  smaller  vessels.  The  number  of 
his  troops  amounted  to  not  less  than  twenty  thou- 
sand.33 The  story  of  the  campaign  is  a  short  one. 
Most  of  the  inhabitants  of  Tunis  fled  from  the  city. 
The  few  who  remained  did  not  care  to  bring  the 
war  on  their  heads  by  offering  resistance  to  the 
Spaniards.  Don  John,  without  so  much  as  firing 
a  shot,  marched  in  at  the  head  of  his  battalions, 
through  gates  flung  open  to  receive  him.  He 
found  an  ample  booty  awaiting  him,  —  near  fifty 
pieces  of  artillery,  with  ammunition  and  military 
stores,  large  quantities  of  grain,  cotton  and  woollen 
cloths,  rich  silks  and  brocades,  with  various  other 
kinds  of  costly  merchandise.  The  troops  spent 
more  than  a  week  in  sacking  the  place.34  They 
gained,  in  short,  everything  —  but  glory ;  for  little 
glory  was  to  be  gained  where  there  were  no  obsta- 
cles to  be  overcome. 

Don  John  gave  orders  that  no  injury  should  be 
offered  to  the  persons  of  the  inhabitants.  He  for- 
bade that  any  should  be  made  slaves.  By  a  procla- 
mation, he  invited  all  to  return  to  their  dwellings, 
under  the  assurance  of  his  protection.  In  one 
particular  his  conduct  was  remarkable.  Philip, 

33  Vanderhammen,    Don   Juan  y  Aguilera,  Chronica,  fol.  103etseq. 
de  Austria,  fol.  172.  — The  author  last  cited,  who  was 

34  Cabrera,  Filipe  Segundo,  p.  present  at  the   capture  of  Tunis, 
765.  —  Vanderhammen,  Don  Juan  gives  a  fearful  picture  of  the   ra- 
de  Austria,  fol.  174,  175.  —  Torres  pacity  of  the  soldiers. 


384:  WAR   WITH   THE   TURKS  [Booic  V. 

disgusted  with,  the  expenses  to  which  the  mainte- 
nance of  the  castle  of  the  Goletta  annually  subjected 
him,  had  recommended,  if  not  positively  directed, 
his  brother  to  dismantle  the  place,  and  to  demolish 
in  like  manner  the  fortifications  of  Tunis.35  In- 
stead of  heeding  these  instructions,  Don  John  no 
sooner  saw  himself  in  possession  of  the  capital,  than 
he  commanded  the  Goletta  to  be  thoroughly  re- 
paired, and  at  the  same  time  provided  for  the  erec- 
tion of  a  strong  fortress  in  the  city.  This  work 
he  committed  to  an  Italian  engineer,  named  Cer- 
belloni,  a  knight  of  Malta,  with  whom  he  left  eight 
thousand  soldiers,  to  be  employed  in  the  construc- 
tion of  the  fort,  and  to  furnish  him  with  a  garrison 
to  defend  it. 

Don  John,  it  is  said,  had  been  urged  to  take  this 
course  by  his  secretary,  Juan  de  Soto,  a  man  of 
ability  but  of  an  intriguing  temper,  who  fostered 

35  The   Castilian  writers  gener-  him  no  power  to  exercise  his  dis- 

ally  speak  of  it  as  the  peremptory  cretion  in   the  matter.     This  last 

command  of  Philip.     Cabrera,  one  view  is  made  the  more  probable  by 

of  the   best   authorities,   tells   us  :  the  fact  that  in  the  following  spring 

"  Mando   el   Rey  Catolico   a  don  a   correspondence   took   place  bc- 

Juan  de  Austria  enplear  su  armada  tween  the  king  and  his  brother,  in 

en  la  conquista  de  Tunez,  i  quo  le  which  the  former,  after  stating  the 

desmantelase,   i   la   Goleta."     But  arguments  both  for  preserving  and 

soon  after  he  remarks  :  "  Olvidan-  for  dismantling  the  fortress  of  Tu- 

do  el  buen  acuerdo  del  Rey,  por  nis,  concludes  by  referring  the  de- 

consejo  de  lisongeros  determine  de  cision  of  the  question  to  Don  John 

conservar  la  ciudad."     (Filipe  Se-  himself.    "  Representadas  todas  es- 

gundo,  pp.  763,  764.)     From  this  tas  dificultades,  manda  remitir  S. 

qualified   language   we   may  infer  M.  al  Senor  Don  Juan  que  el  tome 

that   the   king  meant  to  give  his  la  resolucion  que  mas  convenga." 

brother  his   decided   opinion,  not  Documentos  Ineditos,  torn.  III.  p. 

amounting,  however,    to   such  an  139. 
absolute  command  as  would  leave 


Cn.  XI.J  CONQUEST   OF   TUNIS.  385 

in  his  master  those  ambitious  projects  which  had 
been  encouraged,  as  we  have  seen,  by  Pius  the 
Fifth.  No  more  eligible  spot  seemed  likely  to  pre- 
sent itself  for  the  seat  of  his  dominion  than  Tunis, 
—  a  flourishing  capital  surrounded  by  a  well-peo- 
pled and  fruitful  territory.  Philip  had  been  warned 
of  the  unwholesome  influence  exerted  by  De  Soto ; 
and  he  now  sought  to  remove  him  from  the  person 
of  his  brother  by  giving  him  a  distinct  position  in 
the  army,  and  by  sending  another  to  replace  him  in 
his  post  of  secretary.  The  person  thus  sent  was 
Juan  de  Escovedo.  But  it  was  soon  found  that  the 
influence  which  Escovedo  acquired  over  the  young 
prince  was  both  greater  and  more  mischievous  than 
that  of  his  predecessor ;  and  the  troubles  that  grew 
out  of  this  new  intimacy  were  destined,  as  we  shall 
see  hereafter,  to  form  some  of  the  darkest  pages 
in  the  history  of  the  times. 

Having  provided  for  the  security  of  his  new  ac- 
quisition, and  received,  moreover,  the  voluntary 
submission  of  the  neighboring  town  of  Biserta,  the 
Spanish  commander  returned  with  his  fleet  to  Sicily. 
He  landed  at  Palermo,  amidst  the  roaring  of  can- 
non, the  shouts  of  the  populace,  and  the  usual 
rejoicings  that  announce  the  return  of  the  victori- 
ous commander.  He  did  not,  however,  prolong  his 
stay  in  Sicily.  After  dismissing  his  fleet,  he  pro- 
ceeded to  Naples,  where  he  landed  about  the  mid- 
dle of  November.  He  proposed  to  pass  the  winter 
in  this  capital,  where  the  delicious  climate  and  the 
beauty  of  the  women,  says  a  contemporary  chron- 


49 


386  WAR  WITH  THE  TURKS.  [BOOK  V. 

icier,  had  the  attractions  for  him  that  belonged 
naturally  to  his  age.33  His  partiality  for  Naples 
was  amply  requited  hy  the  inhabitants,  —  espe- 
cially that  lovelier  portion  of  them  whose  smiles 
were  the  well-prized  guerdon  of  the  soldier.  If 
his  brilliant  exterior  and  the  charm  of  his  society 
had  excited  their  admiration  when  he  first  appeared 
among  them  as  an  adventurer  in  the  path  of  hon- 
or, how  much  was  this  admiration  likely  to  be  in- 
creased when  he  returned  with  the  halo  of  glory 
beaming  around  his  brow,  as  the  successful  cham- 
pion of  Christendom  ? 

The  days  of  John  of  Austria  glided  merrily 
along  in  the  gay  capital  of  Southern  Italy.  But 
we  should  wrong  him  did  we  suppose  that  all  his 
hours  were  passed  in  idle  dalliance.  A  portion  of 
each  day,  on  the  contrary,  was  set  apart  for  study. 
Another  part  was  given  to  the  despatch  of  business. 
When  he  went  abroad,  he  affected  the  society  of 
men  distinguished  for  their  science,  or  still  more 
for  their  knowledge  of  public  affairs.  In  his  in- 
tercourse with  these  persons  he  showed  dignity  of 
demeanor  tempered  by  courtesy,  while  his  conver- 
sation revealed  those  lofty  aspirations  which  proved 
that  his  thoughts  were  fixed  on  a  higher  eminence 
than  any  he  had  yet  reached.  It  was  clear  to  every 
observer  that  ambition  was  the  moving  principle  of 
his  actions,  —  the  passion  to  which  every  other 

36  "Porque  la  gentileza  de  la  edad."  Cabrera,  Filipe  Segundo, 
tierra  i  de  las  damas  en  su  con-  p.  755.  —  Also  Vanderhammen, 
servacion  agradaba  a  su  gallarda  Don  Juan  de  Austria,  fol.  176. 


CH.  XL]        BETAKEN  BY  THE  TURKS.         387 

passion,  even  the  love  of  pleasure,  was  wholly  sub- 
ordinate. 

In  the  midst  of  the  gayeties  of  Naples  his 
thoughts  were  intent  on  the  best  means  of  securing 
his  African  empire.  He  despatched  his  secretary, 
Escovedo,  to  the  pope,  to  solicit  his  good  offices 
with  Philip.  Gregory  entertained  the  same  friend- 
ly feelings  for  Don  John  which  his  predecessor  had 
shown,  and  he  good-naturedly  acquiesced  in  his 
petition.  He  directed  his  nuncio  at  the  Castilian 
court  to  do  all  in  his  power  to  promote  the  suit  of 
the  young  chief,  and  to  assure  the  king  that  noth- 
ing could  be  more  gratifying  to  the  head  of  the 
Church  than  to  see  so  worthy  a  recompense  be- 
stowed on  one  who  had  rendered  such  signal  ser- 
vices to  Christendom.  Philip  received  the  commu- 
nication in  the  most  gracious  manner.  He  was 
grateful,  he  said,  for  the  interest  which  the  pope 
condescended  to  take  in  the  fortunes  of  Don  John ; 
and  nothing,  certainly,  would  be  more  agreeable  to 
his  own  feelings  than  to  have  the  power  to  reward 
his  brother  according  to  his  deserts.  But  to  take 
any  steps  at  present  in  the  matter  would  be  pre- 
mature. He  had  received  information  that  the  sul- 
tan was  making  extensive  preparations  for  the  re- 
covery of  Tunis.  Before  giving  it  away,  therefore, 
it  would  be  well  to  see  to  whom  it  belonged.37 

Philip's  information  was  correct.  No  sooner 
had  Selim  learned  the  fate  of  the  Barbary  capital, 

37  Ferreras,  Hist.  d'Espagne,  torn.  X.  p.  286. — Vanderhammen, 
Don  Juan  de  Austria,  fol.  178. 


WAR   WITH   THE    TURKS.  [Booic  V. 


than  he  made  prodigious  efforts  for  driving  the 
Spaniards  from  their  conquests.  He  assembled  a 
powerful  armament,  which  he  placed  under  the 
command  of  Uluch  Ali.  As  lord  of  Algiers,  that 
chief  had  a  particular  interest  in  preventing  any 
Christian  power  from  planting  its  foot  in  the  neigh- 
borhood of  his  own  dominions.  The  command  of 
the  land  forces  was  given  to  Sinan  Pasha,  Selim's 
son-in-law. 

Early  in  July,  the  Ottoman  fleet  arrived  off  the 
Barbary  coast.  Tunis  offered  as  little  resistance  to 
the  arms  of  the  Moslems,  as  it  had  before  done 
to  those  of  the  Christians.  That  city  had  been  so 
often  transferred  from  one  master  to  another,  that 
it  seemed  almost  a  matter  of  indifference  to  the  in- 
habitants to  whom  it  belonged.  But  the  Turks 
found  it  a  more  difficult  matter  to  reduce  the  castle 
of  the  Goletta  and  the  fort  raised  by  the  brave  en- 
gineer Cerbelloni,  now  well  advanced,  though  not 
entirely  completed.  It  was  not  till  the  middle  of 
September,  after  an  incredible  waste  of  life  on  the 
part  of  the  assailants,  and  the  extermination  of 
nearly  the  whole  of  the  Spanish  garrisons,  that 
both  the  fortresses  surrendered.38 

No  sooner  was  he  in  possession  of  them,  than  the 
Turkish  commander  did  that  which  Philip  had  in 
vain  wished  his  brother  to  do.  He  razed  to  the 

38  Torres  y  Aguilera,  Chroniea,  sand  slain.     (Don  Juan  de  Aus- 

fol.  116  et  seq.  —  Relation  particu-  tria,  fol.  189.)     But  the  arithmetic 

lar  de  Don  Juan  Sanogera,  MS.  of  the  Castilian  is  little  to  be  trust- 

Vanderhammen  states  the  loss  ed  as  regards  the  infidel. 
of  the  Moslems  at  thirty-three  thou- 


CH.  XI.]       RETAKEN  BY  THE  TURKS.          389 

ground  the  fortress  of  the  Goletta.  —  Thus  ended 
the  campaign,  in  which  Spain,  besides  her  recent 
conquests,  saw  herself  stripped  of  the  strong  castle 
which  had  defied  every  assault  of  the  Moslems 
since  the  time  of  Charles  the  Fifth. 

One  may  naturally  ask,  Where  was  John  of  Aus- 
tria all  this  time  1  He  had  not  been  idle,  nor  had 
he  remained  an  indifferent  spectator  of  the  loss  of 
the  place  he  had  so  gallantly  won  for  Spain.  But 
when  he  first  received  tidings  of  the  presence  of  a 
Turkish  fleet  before  Tunis,  he  was  absent  on  a 
mission  to  Genoa,  or  rather  to  its  neighborhood. 
That  republic  was  at  this  time  torn  by  factions  so 
fierce,  that  it  was  on  the  brink  of  a  civil  war.  The 
mischief  threatened  to  extend  even  more  widely,  as 
the  neighboring  powers,  especially  France  and  Sa- 
voy, prepared  to  take  part  in  the  quarrel,  in  hopes 
of  establishing  their  own  authority  in  the  state. 
At  length  Philip,  who  had  inherited  from  his  fa- 
ther the  somewhat  ill-defined  title  of  "  Protector  of 
Genoa,"  was  compelled  to  interpose  in  the  dispute. 
It  was  on  this  mission  that  Don  John  was  sent,  to 
watch  more  nearly  the  rival  factions.  It  was  not 
till  after  this  domestic  broil  had  lasted  for  several 
months,  that  the  prudent  policy  of  the  Spanish 
monarch  succeeded  in  reconciling  the  hostile  par- 
ties, and  thus  securing  the  republic  from  the  horrors 
of  a  civil  war.  He  reaped  the  good  fruits  of  his 
temperate  conduct  in  the  maintenance  of  his  own 
authority  in  the  counsels  of  the  republic,  thus 
binding  to  himself  an  ally  whose  navy,  in  time  of 


390  WAK  WITH  THE  TURKS.  [BOOK  V. 

war,  served  greatly  to  strengthen  his  maritime  re- 
sources.39 

While  detained  on  this  delicate  mission,  Don 
John  did  what  he  could  for  Tunis,  by  urging  the 
viceroys  of  Sicily  and  Naples  to  send  immediate 
aid  to  the  beleaguered  garrisons.40  But  these  func- 
tionaries seem  to  have  been  more  interested  in  the 
feuds  of  Genoa  than  in  the  fate  of  the  African 
colony.  Granvelle,  who  presided  over  Naples,  was 
even  said  to  be  so  jealous  of  the  rising  fame  of  John 
of  Austria,  as  not  to  be  unwilling  that  his  lofty 
pretensions  should  be  somewhat  humbled.41  The 
supplies  sent  were  wholly  unequal  to  the  exigency. 

Don  John,  impatient  of  the  delay,  as  soon  as 
he  could  extricate  himself  from  the  troubles  of  Ge- 
noa, sailed  for  Naples,  and  thence  speedily  crossed 
to  Sicily.  He  there  made  every  effort  to  assemble 
an  armament,  of  which  he  prepared,  in  spite  of  the 
remonstrances  of  his  friends,  to  take  the  command 
in  person.  But  nature,  no  less  than  man,  was 
against  him.  A  tempest  scattered  his  fleet;  and 

39  For  a  brief  but  very  perspic-  are  told  by  Cabrera,  (Filipe  Se- 
uous  view  of  the  troubles  of  Genoa,  gundo,  p.  794,)   echoed,  as  usual, 
see    San  Miguel,  Hist,    de  Filipe  by  Vanderhammen,  (Don  Juan  de 
Segundo,  (torn.  II.  cap.  36.)     The  Austria,  fol.  184,)  was  envy  of  the 
care  of  this  judicious  writer  to  ac-  fame  which  the  hero  of  Lepanto 
quaint  the  reader  with  contempo-  had  gained  by  his  conquests  both  in 
rary  events  in  other  countries,  as  love  and  in  war.     "  La  causa  prin- 
they  bore  more  or  less  directly  on  cipal  era  el  poco  gusto  que  tenia  de 
Spain,  is  a  characteristic  merit  of  acudir  a   don  Juan,  invidioso  de 
his  history.  sus   favores   de   Marte   i    Venus." 

40  Torres  y  Aguilera,  Chronica,  Considering  the  cardinal's  profes- 
fol.  113.  sion,  he  would  seem  to  have  had 

41  The  principal  cause  of  Gran-  no  right  to  envy  any  one's  success 
velle's  coldness  to  Don  John,  as  we  in  either  of  these  fields. 


CH.  XI.J        BETAKEN  BY  THE  TURKS.         391 

when  lie  had  reassembled  it,  and  fairly  put  to  sea, 
he  was  baffled  by  contrary  winds,  and,  taking  ref- 
uge in  the  neighboring  port  of  Trapani,  was  de- 
tained there  until  tidings  reached  him  of  the  fall 
of  Tunis.  They  fell  heavily  on  his  ear.  For 
they  announced  to  him  that  all  his  bright  visions 
of  an  African  empire  had  vanished,  like  the  airy 
fabric  of  an  Eastern  tale.  All  that  remained  was 
the  consciousness  that  he  had  displeased  his  brother 
by  his  scheme  of  an  independent  sovereignty  and 
by  his  omission  to  raze  the  fortress  of  the  Goletta, 
the  unavailing  defence  of  which  had  cost  the  lives 
of  so  many  of  his  brave  countrymen. 

But  Don  John,  however  chagrined  by  the  ti- 
dings, was  of  too  elastic  a  temper  to  yield  to 
despondency.  He  was  a  knight-errant  in  the  true 
sense  of  the  term.  He  still  clung  as  fondly  as  ever 
to  the  hope  of  one  day  carving  out  with  his  good 
sword  an  independent  dominion  for  himself.  His 
first  step,  he  considered,  was  to  make  his  peace 
with  his  brother.  Though  not  summoned  thither, 
he  resolved  to  return  at  once  to  the  Castilian  court, 
—  for  in  that  direction,  he  felt,  lay  the  true  road 
to  preferment. 


BOOK  VI. 
CHAPTER     I. 

DOMESTIC  AFFAIRS  OF  SPAIN. 

Internal  Administration  of  Spain.  —  Absolute  Power  of  the  Crown.  — 
Royal  Councils.  —  Alva  and  Ruy  Gomez.  —  Espinosa.  —  Personal 
Habits  of  Philip.  —  Court  and  Nobles.  —  The  Cortes.  —  The 
Guards  of  Castile. 

i 

SEVENTEEN  years  had  now  elapsed  since  Philip 
the  Second  ascended  the  throne  of  his  ancestors, 
—  a  period  long  enough  to  disclose  the  policy  of 
his  government,  longer,  indeed,  than  that  of  the 
entire  reigns  of  some  of  his  predecessors.  In  the 
previous  portion  of  this  work,  the  reader  has  been 
chiefly  occupied  with  the  foreign  relations  of  Spain, 
and  with  military  details.  It  is  now  time  to  pause, 
and,  before  plunging  anew  into  the  stormy  scenes 
of  the  Netherlands,  to  consider  the  internal  admin- 
istration of  the  country,  and  the  character  and 
policy  of  the  monarch  who  presided  over  it. 

The  most  important  epoch  in  Castilian  history 
since  the  great  Saracen  invasion  in  the  eighth  cen- 
tury, is  the  reign  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  when 
anarchy  was  succeeded  by  law,  and  from  the  ele» 
ments  of  chaos  arose  that  beautiful  fabric  of  order 


CH.  I  ]       INTERNAL  ADMINISTRATION  OF  SPAIN.          393 

and  constitutional  liberty  which  promised  a  new 
era  for  the  nation.  In  the  assertion  of  her  rights, 
Isabella,  to  whom  this  revolution  is  chiefly  to  be 
attributed,  was  obliged  to  rely  on  the  support  of 
the  people.  It  was  natural  that  she  should  requite 
their  services  by  aiding  them  in  the  recovery  of  their 
own  rights,  —  especially  of  those  which  had  been 
usurped  by  the  rapacious  nobles.  Indeed,  it  was 
the  obvious  policy  of  the  crown  to  humble  the 
pride  of  the  aristocracy  and  abate  their  arrogant 
pretensions.  In  this  it  was  so  well  supported  by 
the  commons,  that  the  scheme  perfectly  succeeded. 
By  the  depression  of  the  privileged  classes  and  the 
elevation  of  the  people,  the  different  orders  were 
brought  more  strictly  within  their  constitutional 
limits ;  and  the  state  made  a  nearer  approach  to  a 
well-balanced  limited  monarchy,  than  at  any  pre- 
vious period  of  its  history. 

This  auspicious  revolution  was  soon,  alas !  to  be 
followed  by  another,  of  a  most  disastrous  kind. 
Charles  the  Fifth,  who  succeeded  his  grandfather 
Ferdinand,  was  born  a  foreigner,  —  and  a  foreigner 
he  remained  through  his  whole  life.  He  was  a 
stranger  to  the  feelings  and  habits  of  the  Span- 
iards, had  little  respect  for  their  institutions,  and 
as  little  love  for  the  nation.  He  continued  to  live 
mostly  abroad ;  was  occupied  with  foreign  enter- 
prises ;  and  the  only  people  whom  he  really  loved 
were  those  of  the  Netherlands,  his  native  land. 
The  Spaniards  requited  these  feelings  of  indiffer- 
ence in  full  measure.  They  felt  that  the  glory  of 

VOL.  in.  50 


39-i  DOMESTIC  AFFAIRS   OF   SPAIN.          [BOOK  VI. 

the  imperial  name  shed  no  lustre  upon  them.  Thus 
estranged  at  heart,  they  were  easily  provoked  to 
insurrection  by  his  violation  of  their  rights.  The 
insurrection  was  a  failure;  and  the  blow  which 
crushed  the  insurgents  on  the  plains  of  Villalar, 
deprived  them  for  ever  of  the  few  liberties  which 
they  had  been  permitted  to  retain.  They  were  ex- 
cluded from  all  share  in  the  government,  and  were 
henceforth  summoned  to  the  cortes  only  to  swear 
allegiance  to  the  heir  apparent,  or  to  furnish  sub- 
sidies for  their  master.  They  were  indeed  allowed 
to  lay  their  grievances  before  the  throne.  But  they 
had  no  means  of  enforcing  redress ;  for,  with  the 
cunning  policy  of  a  despot,  Charles  would  not  re- 
ceive their  petitions  until  they  had  first  voted  the 
supplies. 

The  nobles,  who  had  stood  by  their  master  in 
the  struggle,  fared  no  better.  They  found  too  late 
how  short-sighted  was  the  policy  which  had  led 
them  to  put  their  faith  in  princes.  Henceforth 
they  could  not  be  said  to  form  a  necessary  part  of 
the  legislature.  For  as  they  insisted  on  their  right 
to  be  excused  from  bearing  any  share  in  the  bur- 
dens of  the  state,  they  could  take  no  part  in  vot- 
ing the  supplies  ;  and  as  this  was  almost  the  only 
purpose  for  which  the  cortes  was  convened,  their 
presence  was  no  longer  required  in  it.  Instead 
of  the  powers  which  were  left  to  them  untouched 
by  Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  they  were  now  amused 
with  high-sounding  and  empty  titles,  or  with  offices 
about  the  person  of  the  monarch.  In  this  way 


CH.  L]          ABSOLUTE  POWER  OF  THE   CROWN.  395 

they  gradually  sunk  into  the  unsubstantial  though 
glittering  pageant  of  a  court.  Meanwhile  the  gov- 
ernment of  Castile,  assuming  the  powers  of  both 
making  the  laws  and  enforcing  their  execution,  be- 
came in  its  essential  attributes  nearly  as  absolute 
as  that  of  Turkey. 

Such  was  the  gigantic  despotism  which,  on  the 
death  of  Charles,  passed  into  the  hands  of  Philip 
the  Second.  The  son  had  many  qualities  in  com- 
mon with  his  father.  But  among  these  was  not 
that  restless  ambition  of  foreign  conquest,  which 
was  ever  goading  the  emperor.  Nor  was  he,  like 
his  father,  urged  by  the  love  of  glory  to  military 
achievement.  He  was  of  too  sluggish  a  nature  to 
embark  readily  in  great  enterprises.  He  was  capa- 
ble of  much  labor ;  but  it  was  of  that  sedentary 
kind  which  belongs  to  the  cabinet  rather  than  the 
camp.  His  tendencies  were  naturally  pacific  ;  and 
up  to  the  period  at  which  we  are  now  arrived,  he 
had  engaged  in  no  wars  but  those  into  which  he 
had  been  drawn  by  the  revolt  of  his  vassals,  as  in 
the  Netherlands  and  Granada,  or  those  forced  on 
him  by  cireumstances  beyond  his  control.  Such 
was  the  war  which  he  had  carried  on  with  the 
pope  and  the  French  monarchy  at  the  beginning 
of  his  reign. 

But  while  less  ambitious  than  Charles  of  foreign 
acquisitions,  Philip  was  full  as  tenacious  of  the 
possessions  and  power  which  had  come  to  him 
by  inheritance.  Nor  was  it  likely  that  the  regal 
prerogative  would  suffer  any  diminution  in  his 


396  DOMESTIC  AFFAIRS  OF   SPAIN.          [BOOK  VI. 

reign,  or  that  the  nobles  or  commons  would  be 
allowed  to  retrieve  any  of  the  immunities  which 
they  had  lost  under  his  predecessors. 

Philip  understood  the  character  of  his  country- 
men better  than  his  father  had  done.  A  Spaniard 
by  birth,  he  was,  as  I  have  more  than  once  had 
occasion  to  remark,  a  Spaniard  in  his  whole  nature. 
His  tastes,  his  habits,  his  prejudices,  were  all 
Spanish.  His  policy  was  directed  solely  to  the 
aggrandizement  of  Spain.  The  distant  races  whom 
he  governed  were  all  strangers  to  him.  With  a 
few  exceptions  Spaniards  were  the  only  persons  he 
placed  in  offices  of  trust.  His  Castilian  country- 
men saw  with  pride  and  satisfaction  that  they  had 
a  native  prince  on  the  throne,  who  identified  his 
own  interests  with  theirs.  They  contrasted  this  con- 
duct with  that  of  his  father,  and  requited  it  with  a 
devotion  such  as  they  had  shown  to  few  of  his  pre- 
decessors. They  not  only  held  him  in  reverence, 
says  the  Venetian  minister,  Contarini,  but  respected 
his  laws,  as  something  sacred  and  inviolable.1  It 
was  the  people  of  the  Netherlands  who  rose  up 
against  him.  For  similar  reasons  it  fared  just  the 
opposite  with  Charles.  His  Flemish  countrymen 
remained  loyal  to  the  last.  It  was  his  Castilian 
subjects  who  were  driven  to  rebellion. 

Though  tenacious  of  power,  Philip  had  not  the 
secret  consciousness  of  strength  which  enabled  his 
father,  unaided  as  it  were,  to  bear  up  so  long  under 

1  "  Questa  oppinione,  che  di  lui     sancte  et  inviolabili."     Relazione 
si  hk,  rende  le  sue  leggi  piii  sacro-     di  Contarini,  MS. 


Cn.  L]  ROYAL  COUNCILS.  397 

the  burden  of  empire.  The  habitual  caution  of 
the  son  made  him  averse  to  taking  any  step  of  im- 
portance without  first  ascertaining  the  opinions  of 
others.  Yet  he  was  not  willing,  like  his  ancestor, 
the  good  Queen  Isabella,  to  invoke  the  co-operation 
of  the  cortes,  and  thus  awaken  the  consciousness 
of  power  in  an  arm  of  the  government  which  had 
been  so  long  smitten  with  paralysis.  Such  an  ex- 
pedient was  fraught  with  too  much  danger.  He 
found  a  substitute  in  the  several  councils,  the  mem- 
bers of  which,  appointed  by  the  crown  and  remov- 
able at  its  pleasure,  were  pledged  to  the  support 
of  the  prerogative. 

Under  Ferdinand  and  Isabella  there  had  been  a 
complete  reorganization  of  these  councils.  Their 
number  was  increased  under  Charles  the  Fifth,  to 
suit  the  increased  extent  of  the  empire.  It  was 
still  further  enlarged  by  Philip.2  Under  him  there 
were  no  less  than  eleven  councils,  among  which  may 
be  particularly  noticed  those  of  war,  of  finance,  of 
justice,  and  of  state.3  Of  these  various  bodies  the 
council  of  state,  charged  with  the  most  important 
concerns  of  the  monarchy,  was  held  in  highest 
consideration.  The  number  of  its  members  varied. 
At  the  time  of  which  I  am  writing,  it  amounted 

2  A  manuscript,  entitled  "  Ori-  die,  Castiglia,  d'  Aragona,  d'  inqui- 
gen  de  los  Comejos"  without  date  sitione,  di  camera,  dell'  ordini,  di 
or  the  name  of  the  author,  in  the  guerra,  di  hazzienda,  di  giustizia, 
library    of    Sir  Thomas    Phillips,  d'  Italia,  et  di  stato."     Sommario 
gives  a  minute  account  of  the  va-  del'  ordine  che  si  tiene  alia  corte 
rious  councils    under    Philip   the  di  Spagna  circa  il  governo  delli 
Second.  stati  del  Re'  Catholico,  MS. 

3  "  Sono  XI ;  il  consiglio  dell'  In- 


398  DOMESTIC  AFFAIRS   OF   SPAIN.  [BOOK  VI. 

to  sixteen.4  But  the  weight  of  the  business  de- 
volved on  less  than  half  that  number.  It  was  com- 
posed of  both  ecclesiastics  and  laymen.  Among 
the  latter  were  some  eminent  jurists.  A  sprinkling 
of  men  of  the  robe,  indeed,  was  to  be  found  in 
most  of  the  councils.  Philip  imitated  in  this  the 
policy  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  who  thus  in- 
tended to  humble  the  pride  of  the  great  lords,  and 
to  provide  themselves  with  a  loyal  militia,  whose 
services  would  be  of  no  little  advantage  in  main- 
taining the  prerogative. 

Among  the  members  of  the  council  of  state, 
two  may  be  particularly  noticed  for  their  pre-emi- 
nence in  that  body.  These  were  the  duke  of  Alva 
and  Kuy  Gomez  de  Silva,  prince  of  Eboli.  With 
the  former  the  reader  is  well  acquainted.  His  great 
talents,  his  ample  experience  both  in  civil  and  mili- 
tary life,  his  iron  will  and  the  fearlessness  with 
which  he  asserted  it,  even  his  stern  and  overbear- 
ing manner,  which  seemed  to  proclaim  his  own 
superiority,  all  marked  him  out  as  the  leader  of  a 
party 

The  emperor  appears  to  have  feared  the  ascen- 
dency which  Alva  might  one  day  acquire  over 
Philip.  "  The  duke,"  wrote  Charles  to  his  son  in  a 
letter  before  cited,  "  is  the  ablest  statesman  and  the 
best  soldier  I  have  in  my  dominions.  Consult  him, 
above  all,  in  military  affairs.  But  do  not  depend 
on  him  entirely  in  these  or  any  other  matters. 
Depend  on  no  one  but  yourself."  The  advice  was 

4  Ibid.     The  date  of  this  manuscript  is  1570. 


CH.  L]          ALVA  AND  RUY  GOMEZ.  399 

good;  and  Philip  did  not  fail  to  profit  by  it. 
Though  always  seeking  the  opinions  of  others,  it 
was  the  better  to  form  his  own.  He  was  too  jeal- 
ous of  power  to  submit  to  the  control,  even  to  the 
guidance,  of  another.  With  all  his  deference  to 
Alva,  on  whose  services  he  set  the  greatest  value, 
the  king  seems  to  have  shown  him  but  little  of  that 
personal  attachment  which  he  evinced  for  his  rival, 
Ruy  Gomez. 

This  nobleman  was  descended  from  an  ancient 
house  in  Portugal,  a  branch  of  which  had  been 
transplanted  to  Castile.  He  had  been  early  re- 
ceived as  a  page  in  the  imperial  household,  where, 
though  he  was  several  years  older  than  Philip,  his 
amiable  temper,  his  engaging  manners,  and,  above 
all,  that  tact  which  made  his  fortune  in  later  life, 
soon  rendered  him  the  prince's  favorite.  An  anec- 
dote is  reported  of  him  at  this  time,  which,  however 
difficult  to  credit,  rests  on  respectable  authority. 
While  engaged  in  their  sports,  the  page  acciden- 
tally struck  the  prince.  The  emperor,  greatly  in- 
censed, and  conceiving  that  such  an  indignity  to 
the  heir  apparent  was  to  be  effaced  only  by  the 
blood  of  the  offender,  condemned  the  unhappy 
youth  to  lose  his  life.  The  tears  and  entreaties  of 
Philip  at  length  so  far  softened  the  heart  of  his 
father,  that  he  consented  to  commute  the  punish- 
ment of  death  for  exile.  Indeed,  it  is  hard  to  be- 
lieve that  Charles  had  ever  really  intended  to  carry 
his  cruel  sentence  into  execution.  The  exile  was 
of  no  long  duration.  The  society  of  Gomez  had 


400  DOMESTIC   AFFAIRS   OF   SPAIN.          [Booic  VI. 

become  indispensable  to  the  prince,  who,  pining 
under  the  separation,  at  length  prevailed  on  his 
father  to  recall  the  young  noble,  and  reinstate  him 
in  his  former  situation  in  the  palace.5 

The  regard  of  Philip,  who  was  not  of  a  fickle 
disposition,  seemed  to  increase  with  years.  We 
find  Ruy  Gomez  one  of  the  brilliant  suite  who 
accompanied  him  to  London  on  his  visit  there  to 
wed  the  English  queen.  After  the  emperor's  abdi- 
cation, Ruy  Gomez  continued  to  occupy  a  distin- 
guished place  in  Philip's  household,  as  first  gen- 
tleman of  the  bedchamber.  By  virtue  of  this  office 
he  was  required  to  attend  his  master  both  at  his 
rising  and  his  going  to  rest.  His  situation  gave 
him  ready  access  at  all  hours  to  the  royal  person. 
It  was  soon  understood  that  there  was  no  one  in 
the  court  who  exercised  a  more  important  influ- 
ence over  the  monarch ;  and  he  naturally  became 
the  channel  through  which  applicants  for  favors 
sought  to  prefer  their  petitions.6 

Meanwhile  the  most  substantial  honors  were 
liberally  bestowed  on  him.  He  was  created  duke 
of  Pastrana,  with  an  income  of  twenty-five  thou- 
sand crowns,  —  a  large  revenue,  considering  the 
value  of  money  in  that  day.  The  title  of  Pastrana 
was  subsequently  merged  in  that  of  Eboli,  by  which 

5  Relazione  di  Badoer,  MS.  Gomez,  perche  pare  che  non  sia 

6  Instead  of "  Ruy  Gomez,"  Ba-  stato  mai  alcun  private  con  prin- 
doer  tells  us  they  punningly  gave  cipe  del  mondo  di  tanta  autorita 
him  the  title  of  "  Rey  Gomez,"  to  e  cosi  stimato  dal  signer  suo  come 
denote  his  influence  over  the  king,  egli  e  da  questa  Maes&."     Rela- 
"  H  titolo  principal  che  gli  vien  zione,  MS. 

dato  6  di  Rey  Gomez  e  non  Ruy 


Cii.  L]         ALVA  AND  RUT  GOMEZ.          401 

he  has  continued  to  be  known.  It  was  derived 
from  his  marriage  with  the  princess  of  Eboli,  Anna 
de  Mendoza,  a  lady  much  younger  than  he,  and, 
though  blind  of  one  eye,  celebrated  for  her  beau- 
ty no  less  than  her  .wit.  She  was  yet  more  cele- 
brated for  her  gallantries,  and  for  the  tragic  results 
to  which  they  led,  —  a  subject  closely  connected 
with  the  personal  history  of  Philip,  to  which  I 
shall  return  hereafter. 

Among  his  other  dignities  Ruy  Gomez  was  made 
a  member  of  the  council  of  state,  in  which  body 
he  exercised  an  influence  not  inferior,  to  say  the 
least  of  it,  to  that  of  any  of  his  associates.  His 
head  was  not  turned  by  his  prosperity.  He  did 
not,  like  many  a  favorite  before  him,  display  his 
full-blown  fortunes  in  the  eye  of  the  world ;  nor, 
though  he  maintained  a  state  suited  to  his  station, 
did  he,  like  Wolsey,  excite  the  jealousy  of  his 
master  by  a  magnificence  in  his  way  of  living  that 
eclipsed  the  splendors  of  royalty.  Far  from  show- 
ing arrogance  to  his  inferiors,  he  was  affable  to  all, 
did  what  he  could  to  serve  their  interests  with  the 
king,  and  magnanimously  spoke  of  his  rivals  in 
terms  of  praise.  By  this  way  of  proceeding  he  en- 
joyed the  good  fortune,  rare  for  a  favorite,  of  being 
both  caressed  by  his  sovereign  and  beloved  by  the 
people.7 

7  Cabrera,  Filipe  Segundo,  pp.  Gomez,  which  for  the  niceness  of 

712,  713.  its  discrimination,  and  the  felicity 

Cabrera  has  given  us,  in  the  first  of  its  language,  may  compare  with 

chapter  of  the  tenth  book  of  his  the  best  compositions  of  the  Cas- 

history,  a  finished  portrait  of  Ruy  tilian  chroniclers. 

VOL.    III.  51 


402  DOMESTIC  AFFAIRS    OF  SPAIN.          [Booic  VI. 

There  is  no  evidence  that  Ruy  Gomez  had  the 
moral  courage  to  resist  the  evil  tendency  of  Philip's 
policy,  still  less  that  he  ventured  to  open  the  mon- 
arch's eyes  to  his  errors.  He  had  too  keen  a  regard 
to  his  own  interests  to  attempt  this.  He  may  have 
thought,  probably  with  some  reason,  that  such  a 
course  would  avail  little  with  the  king,  and  would 
bring  ruin  on  himself.  His  life  was  passed  in 
the  atmosphere  of  a  court,  and  he  had  imbibed  its 
selfish  spirit.  He  had  profoundly  studied  the  char- 
acter of  his  master,  and  he  accommodated  himself 
to  all  his  humors  with  an  obsequiousness  which 
does  little  honor  to  his  memory.  The  duke  of 
Alva,  who  hated  him  with  all  the  hatred  of  a  rival, 
speaking  of  him  after  his  death,  remarked :  "  lluy 
Gomez,  though  not  the  greatest  statesman  that  ever 
lived,  was  such  a  master  in  the  knowledge  of  the 
humors  and  dispositions  of  kings,  that  we  were  all 
of  us  fools  in  comparison.'" 

Yet  the  influence  of  the  favorite  was,  on  the 
whole,  good.  He  was  humane  and  liberal  in  his 
temper,  and  inclined  to  peace,  —  virtues  which  were 
not  too  common  in  that  iron  age,  and  which  in  the 
council  served  much  to  counteract  the  stern  policy  of 
Alva.  Persons  of  a  generous  nature  ranged  them- 
selves under  him  as  their  leader.  When  John  of 
Austria  came  to  court,  his  liberal  spirit  prompted 

8  "  El  senor  Ruy  Gomez  no  fue  por  aqui  dentro  andamos  tenemos 

de  los  mayores  consejcros  que  ha  la   cabeza    donde    pensamos    quc 

habido,  pero  del  humor  y  natural  traemos  los  pies."     Bermudez  de 

de  los  reyes  le  roconozco  por  tan  Castro,  Antonio  Perez,    (Madrid, 

gran  maestro,  que  todos  los  que  1841,)  p.  28. 


CH.  I.]  ALVA  AND  BUY  GOMEZ.  403 

him  at  once  to  lean  on  Ruy  Gomez  as  his  friend  and 
counsellor.  The  correspondence  which  passed  be- 
tween them  when  the  young  soldier  was  on  his 
campaigns,  in  which  he  addressed  the  favorite  by 
the  epithet  of  "  father,"  confessing  his  errors  to  him 
and  soliciting  his  advice,  is  honorable  to  both. 

The  historian  Cabrera,  who  had  often  seen  him, 
sums  up  the  character  of  Ruy  Gomez  by  say- 
ing :  "  He  was  the  first  pilot,  who  in  these  stormy 
seas  both  lived  and  died  secure,  always  contriving 
to  gain  a  safe  port."9  His  death  took  place  in 
July,  1573.  "  Living,"  adds  the  writer,  in  his  pe- 
culiar style,  "  he  preserved  the  favor  of  his  sov- 
ereign. Dead,  he  was  mourned  by  him,  —  and  by 
the  whole  nation,  which  kept  him  in  its  recollec- 
tion as  the  pattern  of  loyal  vassals  and  prudent 
favorites."  10 

Besides  the  two  leaders  in  the  council,  there 
were  two  others  who  deserve  to  be  noticed.  One 
of  these  was  Figueroa,  count,  afterwards  created 
by  Philip  duke,  of  Feria,  a  grandee  of  Spain.  He 
was  one  of  those  who  accompanied  the  king  on 
his  first  visit  to  England.  He  there  married  a  lady 
of  rank,  and,  as  the  reader  may  remember,  after- 
wards represented  his  master  at  the  court  of  Eliza- 
beth. He  was  a  man  of  excellent  parts,  enriched 

9  "  Fue  Rui  Gomez  el  primero  su  Rey,  muerto  le  dolib  su  falta,  i 
piloto  que  en  trabajos  tan  grandes  la  llorb  su  Reyno,  que  en  su  me- 
vivio    y  murio    seguro,    tomando  moria  le  a  conservado  para  exem- 
sienpre  el  mejor  puerto."     Cabre-  plo  de  fieles  vasallos  i  prudentes 
ra,  p.  713.  privados  de  los  mayores  Principes." 

10  "  Vivo  conserve  la  gracia  de    Ibid.,  ubi  supra. 


404  DOMESTIC  AFFAIKS   OF  SPAIN.          [BOOK  VI. 

by  that  kind  of  practical  knowledge  which  he  had 
gained  from  foreign  travel  and  a  familiarity  with 
courts.  He  lived  magnificently,  somewhat  encum- 
bering his  large  estates  indeed  by  his  profusion. 
His  person  was  handsome ;  and  his  courteous  and 
polished  manners  made  him  one  of  the  most  bril- 
liant ornaments  of  the  royal  circle.  He  had  a 
truly  chivalrous  sense  of  honor,  and  was  greatly 
esteemed  by  the  king,  who  placed  him  near  his 
person  as  captain  of  his  Spanish  guard.  Feria  was 
a  warm  supporter  of  Ruy  Gomez ;  and  the  long 
friendship  that  subsisted  between  the  two  nobles 
seems  never  to  have  been  clouded  by  those  feelings 
of  envy  and  jealousy  which  so  often  arise  between 
rivals  contending  for  the  smiles  of  their  sovereign. 
The  other  member  of  the  council  of  state  was 
a  person  of  still  more  importance.  This  was  the 
Cardinal  Espinosa,  who,  though  an  ecclesiastic, 
possessed  such  an  acquaintance  with  affairs  as  be- 
longed to  few  laymen.  Philip's  eye  readily  discov- 
ered his  uncommon  qualities,  and  he  heaped  upon 
him  offices  in  rapid  succession,  any  one  of  which 
might  well  have  engrossed  his  time.  But  Espinosa 
was  as  fond  of  labor  as  most  men  are  of  ease ;  and 
in  every  situation  he  not  only  performed  his  own 
share  of  the  work,  but  very  often  that  of  his  asso- 
ciates. He  was  made  president  of  the  council  of 
Castile,  as  well  as  of  that  of  the  Indies,  and  finally 
a  member  of  the  council  of  state.  He  was  inquisi- 
tor-general, sat  in  the  royal  chancery  of  Seville, 
and  held  the  bishopric  of  Sigue^a,  one  of  the 


CH.  I]  ESPINOSA.  405 

richest  sees  in  the  kingdom.  To  crown  the  whole, 
in  1568,  Pius  the  Fifth,  on  the  application  of 
Philip,  gave  him  a  cardinal's  hat.  The  king  seems 
to  have  taken  the  greater  pleasure  in  this  rapid 
elevation  of  Espinosa,  that  he  sprung  from  a  com- 
paratively humble  condition,  and  thus  the  height 
to  which  he  raised  him  served  the  more  keenly  to 
mortify  the  nobles. 

But  the  cardinal,  as  is  too  often  the  case  with 
those  who  have  suddenly  risen  to  greatness,  did 
not  bear  his  honors  meekly.  His  love  of  power 
was  insatiable ;  and  when  an  office  became  vacant 
in  any  of  his  own  departments,  he  was  prompt  to 
secure  it  for  one  of  his  dependents.  An  anecdote 
is  told  in  relation  to  a  place  in  the  chancery  of 
Granada,  which  had  become  open  by  the  death  of 
the  incumbent.  As  soon  as  the  news  reached  Ma- 
drid, Hernandez  de  Cordova,  the  royal  equerry, 
made  application  to  the  king  for  it.  Philip  an- 
swered that  he  was  too  late,  that  the  place  had 
been  already  given  away.  "  How  am  I  to  under- 
stand your  majesty ?  "  said  the  petitioner.  "The 
tidings  were  brought  to  me  by  a  courier,  the  mo- 
ment at  which  the  post  became  vacant ;  and  no 
one  could  have  brought  them  sooner  unless  he  had 
wings."  "  That  may  be,"  said  the  monarch ;  "  but 
I  have  just  given  the  place  to  another,  whom  the 
cardinal  recommended  to  me  as  I  was  leaving  the 
council."11 

11  "  Puede  ser,  pero  el  Cardenal  del  consejo,  i  provei  la  pla^a." 
Espinosa  me  consulto  en  saliendo  Ibid.,  p.  700. 


406  DOMESTIC  AFFAIRS  OF  SPAIN.          [BOOK  VI. 

Espinosa,  says  a  contemporary,  was  a  man  of 
noble  presence.-  He  had  the  air  of  one  born  to 
command.  His  haughty  bearing,  however,  did  little 
for  him  with  the  more  humble  suitors,  and  dis- 
gusted the  great  lords,  who  looked  down  with  con- 
tempt on  his  lowly  origin.  They  complained  to 
the  king  of  his  intolerable  arrogance ;  and  the  king 
was  not  unwilling  to  receive  their  charges  against 
him.  In  fact,  he  had  himself  grown  to  be  dis- 
pleased with  his  minister's  presumption.  He  was 
weary  of  the  deference  which,  now  that  Espinosa 
had  become  a  cardinal,  he  felt  obliged  to  pay  him  ; 
of  coming  forward  to  receive  him  when  he  entered 
the  room ;  of  taking  off  his  cap  to  the  churchman, 
and  giving  him  a  seat  as  high  as  his  own ;  finally, 
of  allowing  him  to  interfere  in  all  appointments  to 
office.  It  seemed  incredible,  says  the  historian, 
that  a  prince  so  jealous  of  his  prerogatives  should 
have  submitted  to  all  this  so  long.12  Philip  was 
now  determined  to  submit  to  it  no  longer ;  but  to 
tumble  from  its  pride  of  place  the  idol  which  he 
had  raised  with  his  own  hands. 

He  was  slow  in  betraying  his  intention,  by 
word  or  act,  to  the  courtiers,  still  more  to  the  un- 
fortunate minister,  who  continued  to  show  the  same 
security  and  confidence  as  if  he  were  treading  the 
solid  ground,  instead  of  the  crust  of  a  volcano. 

At  length  an  opportunity  offered  when  Espino- 
sa, in  a  discussion  respecting  the  affairs  of  Flan- 

12  "  Que  en  principe  tan  zeloso    increible  su  tolerancia  hasta  alii." 
de  su  immunidad  i  oficio  parecio    Ibid.,  ubi  supra. 


CH.  I.]  ESPINOSA.  407 

ders,  made  a  statement  which  the  king  deemed 
not  entirely  conformable  to  truth.  Philip  at  once 
broke  in  upon  the  discourse  with  an  appearance  of 
great  indignation,  and  charged  the  minister  with 
falsehood.  The  blow  was  the  more  effectual,  com- 
ing from  one  who  had  been  scarcely  ever  known 
to  give  way  to  passion.13  The  cardinal  was  stunned 
by  it.  He  at  once  saw  his  ruin,  and  the  vision  of 
glory  vanished  for  ever.  He  withdrew,  more  dead 
than  alive,  to  his  house.  There  he  soon  took  to 
his  bed ;  and  in  a  short  time,  in  September,  1572, 
he  breathed  his  last.  His  fate  wras  that  of  more 
than  one  minister  whose  head  had  been  made  giddy 
by  the  height  to  which  he  had  climbed.14 

The  council  of  state,  under  its  two  great  leaders, 
Alva  and  Ruy  Gomez,  was  sure  to  be  divided  on 
every  question  of  importance.  This  was  a  fruitful 
source  of  embarrassment,  and  to  private  suitors, 
especially,  occasioned  infinite  delay.  Such  was 
the  hostility  of  the  parties  to  each  other,  that, 
if  an  applicant  for  favor  secured  the  good-will 
of  one  of  the  chiefs,  he  was  very  certain  to  en- 
counter the  ill-will  of  the  other.15  He  was  a  skil- 

13  The  anonymous  author  of  a  14  "  El  Rey  le  hablo  tan  aspera- 

contemporary  relation    speaks  of  mente  sobre  el  afinar  una  verdad, 

the  king  as  a  person  little  subject  que  le  mato  brevemente,"  says  Ca- 

to  passions  of  any  kind.     The  Ian-  brera  emphatically.      Filipe    Se- 

guage  is  striking:  "E  questo  Re  gundo,  p.  699. 

poco  soggetto  alle  pasioni,  venga  15  "  Perche  chi  vuole  il  favore 

cio,  o  per  inclinazione  naturale,  o  del   duca  d'Alva  perde  quello  di 

per  costume ;  e  quasi  non  appari-  Ruy  Gomez,  e  chi  cerca  il  favore 

scono  in  lui  i  primi  movimenti  ne  di  Ruy  Gomez,  non  ha  quello  del 

dell'  allegrezza,  ne  del  dolore,  ne  duca  d'  Alva."    Relazione  di  So- 

dell'  ira  ancora."    MS.  riano,  MS. 


408  DOMESTIC  AFFAIRS   OF  SPAIN.          [BOOK  VI. 

ful  pilot  who  in  such  cross  seas  could  keep  his 
course. 

Yet  the  existence  of  these  divisions  does  not 
seem  to  have  been  discouraged  by  Philip,  who  saw 
in  them  only  the  natural  consequence  of  a  rivalry 
for  his  favor.  They  gave  him,  moreover,  the  ad- 
vantage of  seeing  every  question  of  moment  well 
canvassed,  and,  by  furnishing  him  with  the  op- 
posite opinions  of  his  councillors,  enabled  him 
the  more  accurately  to  form  his  own.  In  the 
mean  time,  the  value  which  he  set  on  both  the 
great  chiefs  made  him  careful  not  to  disgust  either 
by  any  show  of  preference  for  his  rival.  He  held 
the  balance  adroitly  between  them ;  and  if  on 
any  occasion  he  bestowed  a  mark  of  his  favor  on 
the  one,  it  was  usually  followed  by  some  equiva- 
lent to  the  other.16  Thus,  for  the  first  twelve  years 
of  his  reign,  their  influence  may  be  said  to  have 
been  pretty  equally  exerted.  Then  came  the  mem- 
orable discussion  respecting  the  royal  visit  to  the 
Netherlands.  Alva,  as  the  reader  may  remember, 
was  of  the  opinion  that  Philip  should  send  an 
army  to  punish  the  refractory  and  bring  the  coun- 
try to  obedience,  when  the  king  might  visit  it  with 
safety  to  his  own  person.  Ruy  Gomez,  on  the 
other  hand,  recommended  that  Philip  should  go 
at  once,  without  an  army,  and  by  mild  and  con- 
ciliatory measures  win  the  malecontents  back  to 

16  Banke  has  given  some  perti-  two  statesmen  in  the   cabinet  of 

nent  examples  of  this  in  an  inter-  Philip.   Ottoman  and  Spanish  Ern- 

esting  sketch  which  he  has  present-  pires,  ,(Eng.  trans.,)  p.  38. 
e  J  of  the  relative  positions  of  these 


Cn.  I]  PERSONAL  HABITS  OF  PHILIP.  409 

their  allegiance.  Each  advised  the  course  most 
congenial  to  his  own  temper,  and  the  one,  more- 
over, which  would  have  required  the  aid  of  his  own 
services  to  carry  it  into  execution.  Unfortunately, 
the  violent  measures  of  Alva  were  more  congenial 
to  the  stern  temper  of  the  king,  and  the  duke  was 
sent  at  the  head  of  his  battalions. 

But  if  Alva  thus  gained  the  victory,  it  was  Ruy 
Gomez  who  reaped  the  fruits  of  it.  Left  without 
a  rival  in  the  council,  his  influence  became  pre- 
dominant over  every  other.  It  became  still  more 
firmly  established,  as  the  result  showed  that  his 
rival's  mission  was  a  failure.  So  it  continued,  after 
Alva's  return,  till  the  favorite's  death.  Even  then 
his  well-organized  party  was  so  deeply  rooted, 
that  for  several  years  longer  it  maintained  an  as- 
cendency in  the  cabinet,  while  the  duke  languished 
in  disgrace. 

Philip,  unlike  most  of  his  predecessors,  rarely 
took  his  seat  in  the  council  of  state.  It  was  his 
maxim  that  his  ministers  would  more  freely  discuss 
measures  in  the  absence  of  their  master  than  when 
he  was  there  to  overawe  them.  The  course  he 
adopted  was  for  a  consulta,  or  a  committee  of  two 
or  three  members,  to  wait  on  him  in  his  cabinet, 
and  report  to  him  the  proceedings  of  the  council.17 
He  more  commonly,  especially  in  the  later  years  of 

17  "Non  si  trova  mai  S.  M.  pre-    sempre  si  ritrova,  onde  sono  lette 
sente  alle  deliberation!  ne  i  con-    le  risolutioni  del  consiglio."     Kela- 
sigli,  ma    deliberate    chiama  una    zione  di  Tiepolo,  MS. 
delle   tre   consulte  ....  alia  qual 

VOL.  in.  52 


410  DOMESTIC   AFFAIRS   OF  SPAIN.          [BOOK  VI. 

his  reign,  preferred  to  receive  a  full  report  of 
the  discussion,  written  so  as  to  leave  an  ample 
margin  for  his  own  commentaries.  These  were 
eminently  characteristic  of  the  man,  and  were  so 
minute  as  usually  to  cover  several  sheets  of  paper. 
Philip  had  a  reserved  and  unsocial  temper.  He 
preferred  to  work  alone,  in  the  seclusion  of  his 
closet,  rather  than  in  the  presence  of  others.  This 
may  explain  the  reason,  in  part,  why  he  seemed 
so  much  to  prefer  writing  to  talking.  Even  with 
his  private  secretaries,  who  were  always  near  at 
hand,  he  chose  to  communicate  by  writing;  and 
they  had  as  large  a  mass  of  his  autograph  notes 
in  their  possession,  as  if  the  correspondence  had 
been  carried  on  from  different  parts  of  the  king- 
dom.18 His  thoughts  too  —  at  any  rate  his  words 
—  came  slowly ;  and  by  writing  he  gained  time 
for  the  utterance  of  them. 

Philip  has  been  accused  of  indolence.  As  far  as 
the  body  was  concerned,  such  an  accusation  was 
well  founded.  Even  when  young,  he  had  no  fond- 
ness, as  we  have  seen,  for  the  robust  and  chivalrous 
sports  of  the  age.  He  never,  like  his  father,  con- 
ducted military  expeditions  in  person.  He  thought 
it  wiser  to  follow  the  example  of  his  great-grand- 
father, Ferdinand  the  Catholic,  who  stayed  at  home 
and  sent  his  generals  to  command  his  armies.  As 
little  did  he  like  to  travel,  —  forming  too  in  this 
respect  a  great  contrast  to  the  emperor.  He  had 

18  Ranke,  Ottoman  and  Spanish  Empires,  p.  32. 


CH.  I]  PERSONAL  HABITS  OF  PHILIP.  411 

been  years  on  the  throne  before  he  made  a  visit  to 
his  great  southern  capital,  Seville.  It  was  a  mat- 
ter of  complaint  in  cortes  that  he  thus  withdrew 
himself  from  the  eyes  of  his  subjects.  The  only 
sport  he  cared  for  —  not  by  any  means  to  excess 
—  was  shooting  with  his  gun  or  his  crossbow  such 
game  as  he  could  find  in  his  own  grounds  at  the 
Wood  of  Segovia,  or  Aranjuez,  or  some  other  of 
his  pleasant  country  seats,  none  of  them  at  a  great 
distance  from  Madrid. 

On  a  visit  to  such  places  he  would  take  with 
him  as  large  a  heap  of  papers  as  if  he  were  a  poor 
clerk,  earning  his  bread ;  and  after  the  fatigues  of 
the  chase,  he  would  retire  to  his  cabinet  and  refresh 
himself  with  his  despatches.19  It  would,  indeed, 
be  a  great  mistake  to  charge  him  with  sluggishness 
of  mind.  He  was  content  to  toil  for  hours,  and 
long  into  the  night,  at  his  solitary  labors.20  No  ex- 
pression of  weariness  or  of  impatience  was  known 
to  escape  him.  A  characteristic  anecdote  is  told 
of  him  in  regard  to  this.  Having  written  a  de- 
spatch, late  at  night,  to  be  sent  on  the  following 


19  "  El  dia  que  iva  a  ca9a  bolvia  puede  decir,  todas  en  los  negocios, 
con  ansias  de  bolvor  al  trabajo,  quando  yo  lo  conoci ;  porque  aun- 
como  un  oficial  pobre  que  huviera  que  las  tenia  de  0910  u  ocupaciones 
de  ganar  la  comida  con  ello."    Los  foi^osas  de  su  persona,  las  gastava 
Diclios  y  Hechos  del  Rey  Phelipe  con   tales  criados  elegidos  tan    h 
II.,  (Brusselas,  1666,)  p.  214. —  proposito  que  quanto  hablava  venia 
See   also   Relazione   di   Pigafetta,  a  ser  informarse  mucho,  descanso 
MS.  en  lo  que  a  otro  costara  nota  y  fa- 

20  Relazione    di     Vandramino,  tiga."     MS.  Anon,  in  the  Library 
MS.  — Relazione  di  Contarini,  MS.  of  the  Dukes  of  Burgundy. 

"  Distribuia  las  horas  del  dia,  se 


412  DOMESTIC  AFFAIRS  OF   SPAIN.  [BOOK  VL 

morning,  he  handed  it  to  his  secretary  to  throw 
some  sand  over  it.  This  functionary,  who  hap- 
pened to  be  dozing,  suddenly  roused  himself,  and, 
snatching  up  the  inkstand,  emptied  it  on  the  paper. 
The  king,  coolly  remarking  that  "it  would  have 
been  better  to  use  the  sand,"  set  himself  down, 
without  any  complaint,  to  rewrite  the  whole  of  the 
letter.21  A  prince  so  much  addicted  to  the  pen,  we 
may  well  believe,  must  have  left  a  large  amount  of 
autograph  materials  behind  him.  Few  monarchs, 
in  point  of  fact,  have  done  so  much  in  this  way  to 
illustrate  the  history  of  their  reigns  Fortunate 
would  it  have  been  for  the  historian  who  was  to 
profit  by  it,  if  the  royal  composition  had  been  some- 
what less  diffuse  and  the  handwriting  somewhat 
more  legible. 

Philip  was  an  economist  of  time,  and  regulated 
the  distribution  of  it  with  great  precision.  In  the 
morning,  he  gave  audience  to  foreign  ambassadors. 
He  afterwards  heard  mass.  After  mass  came  din- 
ner, in  his  father's  fashion.  But  dinner  was  not 
an  affair  with  Philip  of  so  much  moment  as  it  was 
with  Charles.  He  was  exceedingly  temperate  both 
in  eating  and  drinking,  and  not  unfrequently  had 
his  physician  at  his  side,  to  warn  him  against  any 
provocative  of  the  gout,  —  the  hereditary  disease 
which  at  a  very  early  period  had  begun  to  affect 
his  health.  After  a  light  repast,  he  gave  audi- 
ence to  such  of  his  subjects  as  desired  to  present 

31  Dichos  y  Hechos  de  Phelipe  II.,  pp.  339,  840. 


CH.  I.]  PERSONAL  HABITS   OF  PHILIP.  413 

their  memorials.  He  received  the  petitioners  gra- 
ciously, and  listened  to  all  they  had  to  say  with 
patience,  —  for  that  was  his  virtue.  But  his  coun- 
tenance was  exceedingly  grave,  —  which,  in  truth, 
was  its  natural  expression ;  and  there  was  a  reserve 
in  his  deportment  which  made  the  boldest  feel  ill 
at  ease  in  his  presence.  On  such  occasions  he 
would  say,  "  Compose  yourself,"  —  a  recommenda- 
tion that  had  not  always  the  tranquillizing  effect 
intended.22  Once  when  a  papal  nuncio  forgot,  in 
his  confusion,  the  address  he  had  prepared,  the 
king  coolly  remarked :  "If  you  will  bring  it  in 
writing,  I  will  read  it  myself,  and  expedite  your 
business."  ^  It  was  natural  that  men  of  even  the 
highest  rank  should  be  overawed  in  the  presence 
of  a  monarch  who  held  the  destinies  of  so  many 
millions  in  his  hands,  and  who  surrounded  him- 
self with  a  veil  of  mystery  which  the  most  cunning 
politician  could  not  penetrate. 

The  reserve,  so  noticeable  in  his  youth,  increased 
with  age.  He  became  more  difficult  of  access.  His 
public  audiences  were  much  less  frequent.  In  the 
summer  he  would  escape  from  them  altogether,  by 
taking  refuge  in  some  one  of  his  country  places. 
His  favorite  retreat  was  his  palace-monastery  of  the 
Escorial,  then  slowly  rising  under  his  patronage, 
and  affording  him  an  occupation  congenial  with  his 
taste.  He  seems,  however,  to  have  sought  the 

23  "  A  estos  estando  turbados,  a  "  Diziendole  si  lo  traeis  escri- 
y  desalentados,  los  animava  dizien-  to,  lo  vere,  y  os  hare  despachar." 
doles,  sossegaos."  Ibid.,  p.  40.  Ibid.,  p.  41. 


414  DOMESTIC  AFFAIRS   OF   SPAIN.          [Booic  VI. 

country  not  so  much  from  the  love  of  its  beauties 
as  for  the  retreat  it  afforded  him  from  the  town. 
When  in  the  latter,  he  rarely  showed  himself  to  the 
public  eye,  going  abroad  chiefly  in  a  close  car- 
riage, and  driving  late  so  as  to  return  to  the  city 
after  dark.24 

Thus  he  lived  in  solitude  even  in  the  heart  of 
his  capital,  knowing  much  less  of  men  from  his 
own  observation  than  from  the  reports  that  were 
made  to  him.  In  availing  himself  of  these  sources 
of  information  he  was  indefatigable.  He  caused  a 
statistical  survey  of  Spain  to  be  prepared  for  his 
own  use.  It  was  a  work  of  immense  labor,  em- 
bracing a  vast  amount  of  curious  details,  such  as 
were  rarely  brought  together  in  those  days.25  He 
kept  his  spies  at  the  principal  European  courts, 
who  furnished  him  with  intelligence ;  and  he  was 
as  well  acquainted  with  what  was  passing  in  Eng- 
land and  in  France,  as  if  he  had  resided  on  the 
spot.  We  have  seen  how  well  he  knew  the  smallest 
details  of  the  proceedings  in  the  Netherlands,  some- 
times even  better  than  Margaret  herself.  He  em- 
ployed similar  means  to  procure  information  that 
might  be  of  service  in  making  appointments  to 
ecclesiastical  and  civil  offices. 

24  "  Quando  esce    di    Palazzo,  &  Ranke,  Ottoman  and  Spanish 

suole  montare   in  un  cocchio  co-  Empires,  p.  32. 

perto  di  tela  incerata,  et  serrata  a  Inglis  speaks  of  seeing  this  work 

modo  che  non  si  vede Suole  in  the  library  when  he  visited  the 

quando  va  in  villa  ritornare  la  sera  Escorial.     Spain  in   1830,  vol.  I. 

per  le  porte  del  Parco,  senza  esser  p.  348. 
voduto  da  alcuno."    Relazione  di 
Piiiafetta,  MS. 


CH.  I.]  PERSONAL  HABITS   OF  PHILIP.  415 

In  his  eagerness  for  information,  his  ear  was 
ever  open  to  accusations  against  his  ministers, 
which,  as  they  were  sure  to  be  locked  up  in  his 
own  bosom,  were  not  slow  in  coming  to  him.26 
This  filled  his  mind  with  suspicions.  He  waited 
till  time  had  proved  their  truth,  treating  the  object 
of  them  with  particular  favor  till  the  hour  of  ven- 
geance had  arrived.  The  reader  will  not  have  for- 
gotten the  terrible  saying  of  Philip's  own  historian, 
"  His  dagger  followed  close  upon  his  smile."  ^ 

Even  to  the  ministers  in  whom  Philip  appeared 
most  to  confide,  he  .often  gave  but  half  his  con- 
fidence. Instead  of  frankly  furnishing  them  with 
a  full  statement  of  facts,  he  sometimes  made  so  im- 
perfect a  disclosure,  that,  when  his  measures  came 
to  be  taken,  his  counsellors  were  surprised  to  find 
of  how  much  they  had  been  kept  in  ignorance. 
When  he  communicated  to  them  any  foreign  de- 
spatches, he  would  not  scruple  to  alter  the  origi- 
nal, striking  out  some  passages  and  inserting  others, 
so  as  best  to  serve  his  purpose.  The  copy,  in  this 
garbled  form,  was  given  to  the  council.  Such 
was  the  case  with  a  letter  of  Don  John  of  Austria, 
containing  an  account  of  the  troubles  of  Genoa, 
the  original  of  which,  with  its  numerous  altera- 
tions in  the  royal  handwriting,  still  exists  in  the 
Archives  of  Simancas.28 

26  Ranke,  Ottoman  and  Spanish        The  historian   tells   us  he  has 
Empires,  p.  33.  seen  the  original   letter   with  the 

27  See  ante,  vol.  II.  p.  542.  changes  made  in  it  by  Philip. 

28  Lafuente,  Historia  de  Espana, 
torn  XIV.  p.  44. 


416  DOMESTIC  AFFAIRS  OF   SPAIN.          [BOOK.  VI. 

But  though  Philip's  suspicious  nature  prevented 
him  from  entirely  trusting  his  ministers,  —  though 
with  chilling  reserve  he  kept  at  a  distance  even 
those  who  approached  him  nearest,  —  he  was  kind, 
even  liberal,  to  his  servants,  was  not  capricious  in 
his  humors,  and  seldom,  if  ever,  gave  way  to  those 
sallies  of  passion  so  common  in  princes  clothed 
with  absolute  power.  He  was  patient  to  the  last 
degree,  and  rarely  changed  his  ministers  without 
good  cause.  Ruy  Gomez  was  not  the  only  courtier 
who  continued  in  the  royal  service  to  the  end  of 
his  days. 

Philip  was  of  a  careful,  or,  to  say  truth,  of  a 
frugal  disposition,  which  he  may  well  have  in- 
herited from  his  father.;  though  this  did  not,  as 
with  his  father  in  later  life,  degenerate  into  parsi- 
mony. The  beginning  of  his  reign,  indeed,  was 
distinguished  by  some  acts  of  uncommon  liberality. 
One  of  these  occurred  at  the  close  of  Alva's  cam- 
paigns in  Italy,  when  the  king  presented  that  com- 
mander with  a  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  ducats, 
greatly  to  the  discontent  of  the  emperor.  This 
was  contrary  to  his  usual  policy.  As  he  grew 
older,  and  the  expenses  of  government  pressed 
more  heavily  on  him,  he  became  more  economi- 
cal. Yet  those  who  served  him  had  no  reason, 
like  the  emperor's  servants,  to  complain  of  their 
master's  meanness.  It  was  observed,  however,  that 
he  was  slow  to  recompense  those  who  served 
him  until  they  had  proved  themselves  worthy  of 
it.  Still  it  was  a  man's  own  fault,  says  a  con- 


CH.  I.]  PERSONAL  HABITS   OF  PHILIP.  417 

temporary,  if  he  was  not  well  paid  for  his  services 
in  the  end.29 

In  one  particular  he  indulged  in  a  most  lavish 
expenditure.  This  was  his  household.  It  was 
formed  on  the  Burgundian  model,  —  the  most 
stately  and  magnificent  in  Europe.  Its  peculiarity 
consisted  in  the  number  and  quality  of  the  mem- 
bers who  composed  it.  The  principal  officers  were 
nobles  of  the  highest  rank,  who  frequently  held 
posts  of  great  consideration  in  the  state.  Thus  the 
duke  of  Alva  was  chief  major-domo ;  the  prince  of 
Eboli  was  first  gentleman  of  the  bedchamber ;  the 
duke  of  Feria  was  captain  of  the  Spanish  guard. 
There  was  the  grand  equerry,  the  grand  hunts- 
man, the  chief  muleteer,  and  a  host  of  officers, 
some  of  wrhom  were  designated  by  menial  titles, 
though  nobles  and  cavaliers  of  family.30  There 
were  forty  pages,  sons  of  the  most  illustrious  houses 
in  Castile.  The  whole  household  amounted  to  no 
less  than  fifteen  hundred  persons.31  The  king's 
guard  consisted  of  three  hundred  men,  one  third 
of  whom  were  Spaniards,  one  third  Flemings,  and 
the  remainder  Germans.32 

29  "  Chi  comincia  a  servirlo  puo  Borgognoni  c  FiammingM,  che  han- 
tener  per  certa  la  remunerazione,  no  ad  esser  ben  nati  e  servono  a 
se  il  difetto  non  vien  da  lui."    Re-  cavallo,  e  si  dicono  Areieri  accom- 
lazione  Anon.,  MS.  pagnando  bene  il  Re  per  la  citta 

30  Relazione  della  Corte  di  Spa-  a  piede  non  in  fila,  ma  alia  rinfusa 
gna,  MS.  —  Relazione  di  Badoer,  intorno  alia  persona  reale ;  1'  altri 
MS.  — Etiquetas  de  Palacio,  MS.  sono  d'Albardieri  100  di  nazion  te- 

31  Relazione  di  Badoer,  MS.  desca,  et  altri  e  tanti  Spagnuoli." 

32  "Hatre  guardie  di  100  per-  Relazione  della  Corte  di  Spagna, 
sone  P  una ;  la  piu  honorata  e  di  MS. 

VOL.  in.  53 


418  DOMESTIC  AFFAIRS   OF  SPAIN.          [BOOK  VI. 

The  queen  had  also  her  establishment  on  the 
same  scale.  She  had  twenty-six  ladies-in-waiting, 
and,  among  other  functionaries,  no  less  than  four 
physicians  to  watch  over  her  health.33 

The  annual  cost  of  the  royal  establishment 
amounted  to  full  two  hundred  thousand  florins.34 
The  cortes  earnestly  remonstrated  against  this  use- 
less prodigality,  beseeching  the  king  to  place  his 
household  on  the  modest  scale  to  which  the  mon- 
archs  of  Castile  had  been  accustomed.35  And  it 
seems  singular  that  one  usually  so  averse  to  ex- 
travagance and  pomp,  should  have  so  recklessly  in- 
dulged in  them  here.  It  was  one  of  those  incon- 
sistencies which  we  sometimes  meet  with  in  private 
life,  when  a  man,  habitually  careful  of  his  expenses, 
indulges  himself  in  some  which  taste,  or,  as  in  this 
case,  early  habits,  have  made  him  regard  as  indis- 
pensable. The  emperor  had  been  careful  to  form 
the  household  of  his  son,  when  very  young,  on  the 
Burgundian  model ;  and  Philip,  thus  early  trained, 
probably  regarded  it  as  essential  to  the  royal  dig- 
nity. 

The  king  did  not  affect  an  ostentation  in  his 
dress  corresponding  with  that  of  his  household. 
This  seemed  to  be  suited  to  the  sober-colored  livery 
of  his  own  feelings,  and  was  almost  always  of  black 
velvet  or  satin,  with  shoes  of  the  former  material. 
He  wore  a  cap,  garnished  with  plumes  after  the 
Spanish  fashion.  He  used  few  ornaments,  scarce 

33  Raumer,  Sixteenth  and  Sev-        3*  Ibid.,  p.  105. 
enteenth  Centuries,  vol.  I.  p.  106.         &  Cortes  of  1558,  peticion  4. 


CH.  I.]  PERSONAL  HABITS   OF  PHILIP.  419 

any  but  the  rich  jewel  of  the  Golden  Fleece,  which 
hung  from  his  neck.  But  in  his  attire  he  was 
scrupulously  neat,  says  the  Venetian  diplomatist 
who  tells  these  particulars ;  and  he  changed  his 
dress  for  a  new  one  every  month,  giving  away  his 
cast-off  suits  to  his  attendants.36 

It  was  a  capital  defect  in  Philip's  administration, 
that  his  love  of  power  and  his  distrust  of  others 
made  him  desire  to  do  everything  himself,  —  even 
those  things  which  could  be  done  much  better  by 
his  ministers.  As  he  was  slow  in  making  up  his 
own  opinions,  and  seldom  acted  without  first  ascer- 
taining those  of  his  council,  we  may  well  understand 
the  mischievous  consequences  of  such  delay.  Loud 
were  the  complaints  of  private  suitors,  who  saw 
month  after  month  pass  away  without  an  answer  to 
their  petitions.  The  state  suffered  no  less,  as  the 
wheels  of  government  seemed  actually  to  stand  still 
under  the  accumulated  pressure  of  the  public  busi- 
ness. Even  when  a  decision  did  come,  it  often 
came  too  late  to  be  of  service ;  for  the  circum- 
stances which  led  to  it  had  wholly  changed.  Of 
this  the  reader  has  seen  more  than  one  example  in 
the  Netherlands.  The  favorite  saying  of  Philip, 
that "  time  and  he  were  a  match  for  any  other  two," 
was  a  sad  mistake.  The  time  he  demanded  was 
his  ruin.  It  was  in  vain  that  Granvelle,  who,  at  a 
later  day,  came  to  Castile  to  assume  the  direction 

36  "  Quest!  habiti  sempre  sono    ad  tmo,   e  quando  ad  un  altro." 
nuovi  et  puliti,  perche  ogni  mese     Relazione  di  Pigafetta,  MS. 
se  gli  muta,  et  poi  git  dona  quando 


420  DOMESTIC  AFFAIRS   OF   SPAIN.          [Booic  VI. 

of  affairs,  endeavored,  in  his  courtly  language,  to 
convince  the  king  of  his  error,  telling  him  that  no 
man  could  bear  up  under  such  a  load  of  business, 
which  sooner  or  later  must  destroy  his  health,  per- 
haps his  life.37 

A  letter  addressed  to  the  king  by  his  grand 
almoner,  Don  Luis  Manrique,  told  the  truth  in 
plainer  terms,  such  as  had  not  often  reached  the 
royal  ear.  "  Your  majesty's  subjects  everywhere 
complain,"  he  says,  "  of  your  manner  of  doing 
business,  —  sitting  all  day  long  over  your  papers, 
from  your  desire,  as  they  intimate,  to  seclude  your- 
self from  the  world,  and  from  a  want  of  confidence 
in  your  ministers.38  Hence  such  interminable  de- 
lays as  fill  the  soul  of  every  suitor  with  despair. 
Your  subjects  are  discontented  that  you  refuse  to 
take  your  seat  in  the  council  of  state.  The  Al- 
mighty," he  adds,  "  did  not  send  kings  into  the 
world  to  spend  their  days  in  reading  or  writing,  or 

37  Gachard  cites  a  passage  from  the  Belgian  scholar,  with  his  usual 
one  of  Granvelle's  unpublished  conscientiousness  and  care,  enters 
letters,  in  which  he  says,  "  Suplico  into  an  examination  of  the  char- 
a  V.  M  ,  con  la  humildad  que  acter  and  personal  habits  of  Philip, 
devo,  que  considerando  quanto  su  &  "  Habiendo  en  otra  ocasion 
vida  importa  al  principe  nuestro  avisado  a  vuestra  magestad  de  la 
seiior,  a  todos  sus  reynos  y  Esta-  publica  querella  y  desconsuelo  que 
dos,  y  vasallos  suyos,  y  aun  d  toda  habia  del  estilo  que  vuestra  ma- 
la christiandad,  mirando  en  que  gestad  habia  tornado  de  negociar, 
miserando  estado  quedaria  sin  V.  estando  perpetuamente  asido  si  los 
M.,  sea  servido  mirar  adelante  mas  papeles,  por  tener  mejor  titulo  para 
por  su  salud,  descargandose  de  tan  huir  de  la  gente,  ademas  de  no 
grande  y  continue  trabajo,  que  quererse  fiar  de  nadie."  Carta  qne 
tanto  dano  le  haze."  Rapport  escrivio  al  Senor  Rev  Felipe  Se- 
prefixed  to  the  Correspondance  de  gundo  Don  Luis  Manrique,  su  li- 
Philippe  II.  (torn.  I.  p.  li.),  in  which  mosnero  mayor,  MS. 


CH.  I]  COURT  AND  NOBLES.  421 

even  in  meditation  and  prayer,"  —  in  which  Philip 
was  understood  to  pass  much  of  his  time,  —  "  but 
to  serve  as  public  oracles,  to  which  all  may  resort 
for  answers.  If  any  sovereign  have  received  this 
grace,  it  is  your  majesty ;  and  the  greater  the  sin, 
therefore,  if  you  do  not  give  free  access  to  all." 39  — 
One  may  be  surprised  to  find  that  language  such  as 
this  was  addressed  to  a  prince  like  Philip  the  Sec- 
ond, and  that  he  should  have  borne  it  so  patiently. 
But  in  this  the  king  resembled  his  father.  Church- 
men and  jesters  —  of  which  latter  he  had  usually 
one  or  two  in  attendance  —  were  privileged  persons 
at  his  court.  In  point  of  fact,  the  homilies  of  the 
one  had  as  little  effect  as  the  jests  of  the  other. 

The  pomp  of  the  royal  establishment  was  imi- 
tated on  a  smaller  scale  by  the  great  nobles  living 
on  their  vast  estates  scattered  over  the  country. 
Their  revenues  were  very  large,  though  often 
heavily  burdened.  Out  of  twenty-three  dukes,  in 
1581,  only  three  had  an  income  so  low  as  forty 
thousand  ducats  a  year.40  That  of  most  of  the 
others  ranged  from  fifty  to  a  hundred  thousand, 
and  that  of  one,  the  duke  of  Medina  Sidonia,  was 

39  "  No  embto  Dios  &  vnestra  esta  gracia,  es  &  vuestra  magestad 

magestad  y  &  todos  los  otros  Reyes,  y  por  eso  es  mayor  la  culpa  de  no 

que  tienen  sus  veces  en  la  tierra,  manifestarse  &  todos."     Ibid, 

para  que  se  extravien  leyendo  ni  A  copy  of  this  letter  is  preserved 

escribiendo  ni  aim   contemplando  among  the  Egerton  MSS.  in  the 

ni  rezando,  si  no  para  que  fuesen  British  Museum, 

y  sean  publicos  y  patentes  oraculos  4°  Nota  di  tutti   li    Titolati   di 

A  donde  todos  sus  subditos  vengan  Spagna  con  li  loro  casate  et  rendite, 

por    sus    respuestas Y  si   d  &c.,  fatta  nel  1581,  MS. 

algun  Rey  en  el  mundo  did  Dios 


422  DOMESTIC  AFFAIRS   OF  SPAIN.         [BOOK  VI 

computed  at  a  hundred  and  thirty-five  thousand. 
Revenues  like  these  would  not  easily  have  been 
matched  in  that  day  by  the  aristocracy  of  any  other 
nation  in  Christendom.41 

The  Spanish  grandees  preferred  to  live  on  their 
estates  in  the  country.  But  in  the  winter  they 
repaired  to  Madrid,  and  displayed  their  magnifi- 
cence at  the  court  of  their  sovereign.  Here  they 
dazzled  the  eye  by  the  splendor  of  their  equipages, 
the  beauty  of  their  horses,  their  rich  liveries,  and 
the  throng  of  their  retainers.  But  with  all  this 
the  Castilian  court  was  far  from  appearing  in  the 
eyes  of  foreigners  a  gay  one,  —  forming  in  this  re- 
spect a  contrast  to  the  Flemish  court  of  Marga- 
ret of  Parma.  It  seemed  to  have  imbibed  much 
of  the  serious  and  indeed  sombre  character  of  the 
monarch  who  presided  over  it.  All  was  stately 
and  ceremonious,  with  old-fashioned  manners  and 
usages.  "  There  is  nothing  new  to  be  seen  there," 
write  the  Venetian  envoys.  "  There  is  no  pleas- 
ant gossip  about  the  events  of  the  day.  If  a  man 
is  acquainted  with  any  news,  he  is  too  prudent  to 
repeat  it.42  The  courtiers  talk  little,  and  for  the 
most  part  are  ignorant,  —  in  fact  without  the  least 
tincture  of  learning.  The  arrogance  of  the  great 

lords  is  beyond  belief;  and  when  they  meet  a  for- 

•.'•/•  >',  • 

41  Ibid.  4Q  "  La  corte  e  muta  ;  in  publico 

The  Spanish  aristocracy,  in  1581,  non  si  ragiona  di  nuove,  et  chi  pure 

reckoned  twenty-three  dukes,  forty-  le   sa,  se  le  tace."     Relazione  di 

two  marquises,  and  fifty-six  counts.  Pigafetta,  MS. 

All  the  dukes  and  thirteen  of  the 

inferior  nobles  were  grandees. 


CH.  I.]  COUKT  AND  NOBLES.  423 

eign  ambassador,  or  even  the  nuncio  of  his  holiness, 
they  rarely  condescend  to  salute  him  by  raising 
their  caps.43  They  all  affect  that  imperturbable 
composure,  or  apathy,  which  they  term  sosiego"** 

They  gave  no  splendid  banquets,  like  the  Flemish 
nobles.  Their  chief  amusement  was  gaming,  — 
the  hereditary  vice  of  the  Spaniard.  They  played 
deep,  often  to  the  great  detriment  of  their  fortunes. 
This  did  not  displease  the  king.  It  may  seem 
strange  that  a  society  so  cold  and  formal  should  be 
much  addicted  to  intrigue.45  In  this  they  followed 
the  example  of  their  master. 

Thus  passing  their  days  in  frivolous  amusements 
and  idle  dalliance,  the  Spanish  nobles,  with  the 
lofty  titles  and  pretensions  of  their  ancestors,  were 
a  degenerate  race.  "With  a  few  brilliant  exceptions, 
they  filled  no  important  posts  in  the  state  or  in  the 
army.  The  places  of  most  consideration  to  which 
they  aspired  were  those  connected  with  the  royal 
household ;  and  their  greatest  honor  was  to  possess 
the  empty  privileges  of  the  grandee,  and  to  sit  with 
their  heads  covered  in  the  presence  of  the  king.46 

43  "  Sono  d'  animo  tanto  elevato  sussiego,  che  vuol  dire  tranquillity 
....  che  e  cosa  molto  difficile  da  etsicurezza,  et  quasi  serenita."  Re- 
credere  .  .  .  .  e  quando  avviene  che  lazione  di  Pigafetta,  MS. 
incontrino  o  nunzi  del  pontefice  o  45  "  Non  si  convita,  non  si  caval- 
ambasciadori  di  qualche  testa  coro-  ca,  si  giuoca,  et  si  fa  all' amore." 
nata  o  d'  altro  stato,  pochissimi  son  Ibid. 

quelli  che  si  levin  la  berreta."    Re-  See  also  the  Relazioni  of  Bado- 

lazione  di  Badoero,  MS.  ero  and  Contarini. 

44  "  Non  si  attende  a  lettere,  ma  4G  Dr.  Salazar  y  Mendoza  takes 
la  Nobilita  e  a  maraviglia  ignorante  a  very  exalted  view  of  the   im- 
e  ritirata,   mantenendo  una  certa  portance  of  this  right  to  wear  the 
sua   alterigia,    che  loro   chiamano  hat  in  the  presence  of  the  king,  — 


424  DOMESTIC  AFFAIRS  OF  SPAIN.          [BOOK  VI. 

From  this  life  of  splendid  humiliation  they  were 
nothing  loath  to  escape  into  the  country,  where 
they  passed  their  days  in  their  ancestral  castles, 
surrounded  by  princely  domains,  which  embraced 
towns  and  villages  within  their  circuit,  and  a 
population  sometimes  reaching  to  thirty  thousand 
families.  Here  the  proud  lords  lived  in  truly  regal 
pomp.  Their  households  were  formed  on  that  of 
the  sovereign.  They  had  their  major-domos,  their 
gentlemen  of  the  bedchamber,  their  grand  equerries, 
and  other  officers  of  rank.  Their  halls  were  filled 
with  hidalgos  and  cavaliers,  and  a  throng  of  inferior 
retainers.  They  were  attended  by  body-guards  of 
one  or  two  hundred  soldiers.  Their  dwellings 
were  sumptuously  furnished,  and  their  sideboards 
loaded  with  plate  from  the  silver  quarries  of  the 
New  World.  Their  chapels  were  magnificent. 
Their  wives  affected  a  royal  state.  They  had  their 
ladies  of  honor ;  and  the  page  who  served  as  cup- 
bearer knelt  while  his  mistress  drank.  Even  knights 
of  ancient  blood,  whom  she  addressed  from  her 
seat,  did  not  refuse  to  bend  the  knee  to  her.47 

Amidst  all  this  splendor  the  Spanish  grandees  had 
no  real  power  to  correspond  with  'it.  They  could 
no  longer,  as  in  the  days  of  their  fathers,  engage  in 
feuds  with  one  another ;  nor  could  they  enjoy  the 
privilege,  so  highly  prized,  of  renouncing  their  alle- 


"a  prerogative,"  he  remarks,  "so  the  dignity  of  the  grandee."    Dig- 
illustrious  in  itself  and  so  admirable  nidades  de  Castilla,  p.  34. 
in  its  effects,  that  it  alone  suffices        47  llanke,  Ottoman  and  Spanish 
to  stamp  its  peculiar  character  on  Empires,  p.  57. 


Cir.  I.]  COURT  AND  NOBLES.  425 

glance  and  declaring  war  upon  their  sovereign. 
Their  numerous  vassals,  instead  of  being  gathered 
as  of  yore  into  a  formidable  military  array,  had 
sunk  into  the  more  humble  rank  of  retainers,  who 
served  only  to  swell  the  idle  pomp  of  their  lord's 
establishment.  They  were  no  longer  allowed  to 
bear  arms,  except  in  the  service  of  the  crown ;  and 
after  the  Moriscoes  had  been  reduced,  the  crown 
had  no  occasion  for  their  services,  —  unless  in  for- 
eign war.48 

The  measures  by  which  Ferdinand  and  Isabella 
had  broken  the  power  of  the  aristocracy  had  been 
enforced  with  still  greater  rigor  by  Charles  the 
Fifth,  and  were  now  carried  out  even  more  effect- 
ually by  Philip  the  Second.  For  Philip  had  the 
advantage  of  being  always  in  Spain,  while  Charles 
passed  most  of  his  time  in  other  parts  of  his  do- 
minions. Thus  ever  present,  Philip  was  as  prompt 
to  enforce  the  law  against  the  highest  noble  as 
against  the  humblest  of  his  subjects. 

Men  of  rank  commanded  the  armies  abroad,  and 
were  sent  as  viceroys  to  Naples,  Sicily,  Milan,  and 
the  provinces  of  the  New  World.  But  at  home 
they  were  rarely  raised  to  civil  or  military  office. 
They  no  longer  formed  a  necessary  part  of  the 
national  legislature,  and  were  seldom  summoned  to 
the  meetings  of  the  cortes ;  for  the  Castilian  noble 
claimed  exemption  from  the  public  burdens,  and  it 
was  rarely  that  the  cortes  were  assembled  for  any 

48  Relazione  di  Tiepolo,  MS.  — Relazione  Anon.,  MS.  —  Relazione 
di  Contarini,  MS. 

VOL.  in.  54 


426  DOMESTIC  AFFAIKS  OF   SPAIN.          [Booic  VI. 

other  purpose  than  to  impose  those  burdens.  Thus 
without  political  power  of  any  kind,  they  resided 
like  so  many  private  gentlemen  on  their  estates  in 
the  country.  Their  princely  style  of  living  gave 
no  umbrage  to  the  king,  who  was  rather  pleased 
to  see  them  dissipate  their  vast  revenues  in  a  way 
that  was  attended  with  no  worse  evil  than  that  of 
driving  the  proprietors  to  exactions  which  made 
them  odious  to  their  vassals.49  Such,  we  are  as- 
sured by  a  Venetian  envoy,  —  who,  with  great  pow- 
ers of  observation,  was  placed  in  the  best  situa- 
tion for  exerting  them,  —  was  the  policy  of  Philip. 
"  Thus,"  he  concludes,  "  did  the  king  make  himself 
feared  by  those  who,  if  they  had  managed  discreet- 
ly, might  have  made  themselves  feared  by  him."50 

While  the  aristocracy  was  thus  depressed,  the 
strong  arm  of  Charles  the  Fifth  had  stripped  the 
Castilian  commons  of  their  most  precious  rights. 
Philip,  happily  for  himself,  was  spared  the  odium 
of  having  reduced  them  to  this  abject  condition. 
But  he  was  as  careful  as  his  father  could  have 
been,  that  they  should  not  rise  from  it.  The  legis- 
lative power  of  the  commons,  that  most  important 
of  all  their  privileges,  was  nearly  annihilated.  The 
Castilian  cortes  were,  it  is  true,  frequently  con- 
voked under  Philip,  —  more  frequently,  on  the 
whole,  than  in  any  preceding  reign.  For  in  them 


49  "  Che  per  contrario  affligiono  M  "  Tcmono  Sua  Macsta,  dove, 

i  loro  proprii  sudditi  onde  incorro-  quando  si  governassero  prudente- 

no   nel  loro  odio."     Kelazione  di  mente,  sarieno  da  essa  per  le  loro 

Contarini,  MS.  forze  temuti."    Ibid. 


Cn.  I]  THE   CORTES.  427 

still  resided  the  power  of  voting  supplies  for  the 
crown.  To  have  summoned  them  so  often,  there- 
fore, was  rather  a  proof  of  the  necessities  of  the 
government  than  of  respect  for  the  rights  of  the 
commons. 

The  cortes,  it  is  true,  still  enjoyed  the  privilege 
of  laying  their  grievances  before  the  king ;  but  as 
they  were  compelled  to  vote  the  supplies  before 
they  presented  their  grievances,  •  they  had  lost  the 
only  lever  by  which  they  could  effectually  operate 
on  the  royal  will.  Yet  when  we  review  their  pe- 
titions, and  see  the  care  with  which  they  watched 
over  the  interests  of  the  nation,  and  the  courage 
with  which  they  maintained  them,  we  cannot  re- 
fuse our  admiration.  We  must  acknowledge  that, 
under  every  circumstance  of  discouragement  and 
oppression,  the  old  Castilian  spirit  still  lingered 
in  the  hearts  of  the  people.  In  proof  of  this,  it 
will  not  be  amiss  to  cite  a  few  of  these  petitions, 
which,  whether  successful  or  not,  may  serve,  at 
least,  to  show  the  state  of  public  opinion  on  the 
topics  to  which  they  relate. 

One,  of  repeated  recurrence,  is  a  remonstrance 
to  the  king  on  the  enormous  expense  of  his  house- 
hold, —  "as  great,"  say  the  cortes,  " as  would  be 
required  for  the  conquest  of  a  kingdom." 51  The 
Burgundian  establishment,  independently  of  its 
costliness,  found  little  favor  with  the  honest  Cas- 
tilian ;  and  the  cortes  prayed  his  majesty  to  aban- 

51  "  Que  bastardn  para  conquistar  y  ganar  un  reyno."      Cortes  of 
Valladolid  of  1558,  pet.  4, 


428  DOMESTIC  AFFAIRS  OF  SPAIN.          [BOOK  VI. 

don  it,  and  to  return  to  the  more  simple  and 
natural  usage  of  his  ancestors.  They  represented 
"  the  pernicious  effects  which  this  manner  of  living 
necessarily  had  on  the  great  nobles  and  others  of 
his  subjects,  prone  to  follow  the  example  of  their 
master."52  To  one  of  these  petitions  Philip  replied, 
that  "  he  would  cause  the  matter  to  be  inquired 
into,  and  such  measures  to  be  taken  as  were  most 
for  his  service."  No  alteration  took  place  during 
his  reign ;  and  the  Burgundian  establishment,  which 
in  1562  involved  an  annual  charge  of  a  hundred 
and  fifty-six  millions  of  maravedis,  was  continued 
by  his  successor.53 

Another  remonstrance  of  constant  recurrence  — 
a  proof  of  its  inefficacy  —  was  that  against  the 
alienation  of  the  crown  lands  and  the  sale  of  offices 
and  the  lesser  titles  of  nobility.  To  this  the  king 
made  answer  in  much  the  same  equivocal  lan- 
guage as  before.  Another  petition  besought  him 
no  longer  to  seek  an  increase  of  his  revenue  by 
imposing  taxes  without  the  sanction  of  the  cortes 
required  by  the  ancient  law  and  usage  of  the  realm. 
Philip's  reply  on  this  occasion  was  plain  enough. 
It  was  in  truth  one  worthy  of  an  Eastern  despot. 
"  The  necessities,"  *he  said,  "which  have  compelled 
me  to  resort  to  these  measures,  far  from  having 
ceased,  have  increased,  and  are  still  increasing, 
allowing  me  no  alternative  but  to  pursue  the 
course  I  have  adopted."54  Philip's  embarrassments 

»»  Cortes  of  Toledo  of  1559,  pet.  3.        «  Ibid.,  torn.  XIV.  p.  397. 
53  Lafuentc,  Historia  de  Espana,  torn.  XIII.  p.  118. 


Cii.  I.]  THE   CORTES.  429 

were  indeed  great,  —  far  beyond  the  reach  of  any 
financial  skill  of  his  ministers  to  remove.  His 
various  expedients  for  relieving  himself  from  the 
burden  which,  as  he  truly  said,  was  becoming 
heavier  every  day,  form  a  curious  chapter  in  the 
history  of  finance.  But  we  have  not  yet  reached 
the  period  at  which  they  can  be  most  effectively 
presented  to  the  reader. 

The  commons  strongly  urged  the  king  to  com- 
plete the  great  work  he  had  early  undertaken,  of 
embodying  in  one  code  the  municipal  law  of  Cas- 
tile.55 They  gave  careful  attention  to  the  adminis- 
tration of  justice,  showed  their  desire  for  the  re- 
form of  various  abuses,  especially  for  quickening 
the  despatch  of  business,  proverbially  slow  in  Spain, 
and,  in  short,  for  relieving  suitors,  as  far  as  possi- 
ble, from  the  manifold  vexations  to  which  they 
were  daily  exposed  in  the  tribunals.  With  a  wise 
liberality,  they  recommended  that,  in  order  to  se- 
cure the  services  of  competent  persons  in  judicial 
offices,  their  salaries  —  in  many  cases  wholly  inad- 
equate —  should  be  greatly  increased.66 

The  cortes  watched  with  a  truly  parental  care 
over  the  great  interests  of  the  state,  —  its  com- 
merce, its  husbandry,  and  its  manufactures.  They 
raised  a  loud,  and  as  it  would  seem  not  an  ineffect- 
ual, note  of  remonstrance  against  the  tyrannical 
practice  of  the  crown  in  seizing  for  its  own  use  the 
bullion  which,  as  elsewhere  stated,  had  been  im- 

55  Cortes  of  Valladolid  of  1558,  56  Lafucnte,  Historiade  Espana, 
pet.  12.  torn.  XIII.  p.  125. 


430  DOMESTIC  AFFAIRS   OF  SPAIN.          [BOOK  VI. 

ported  from  the  New  World  on  their  own  account 
by  the  merchants  of  Seville. 

Some  of  the  petitions  of  the  cortes  show  what 
would  be  thought  at  the  present  day  a  strange 
ignorance  of  the  true  principles  of  legislation  in 
respect  to  commerce.  Thus,  regarding  gold  and 
silver,  independently  of  their  value  as  a  medium  of 
exchange,  as  constituting  in  a  peculiar  manner  the 
wealth  of  a  country,  they  considered  that  the  true 
policy  was  to  keep  the  precious  metals  at  home, 
and  prayed  that  their  exportation  might  be  for- 
bidden. Yet  this  was  a  common  error  in  the  six- 
teenth century  with  other  nations  besides  the  Span- 
iards. It  may  seem  singular,  however,  that  the 
experience  of  three  fourths  of  a  century  had  not 
satisfied  the  Castilian  of  the  futility  of  such  at- 
tempts to  obstruct  the  natural  current  of  commer- 
cial circulation. 

In  the  same  spirit,  they  besought  the  king  to 
prohibit  the  use  of  gold  and  silver  in  plating  copper 
and  other  substances,  as  well  as  for  wearing-apparel 
and  articles  of  household  luxury.  It  was  a  waste 
of  the  precious  metals,  which  were  needed  for  other 
purposes.  This  petition  of  the  commons  may  be 
referred  in  part,  no  doubt,  to  their  fondness  for 
sumptuary  laws,  which  in  Castile  formed  a  more 
ample  code  than  could  be  easily  found  in  any  other 
country.57  The  love  of  costly  and  ostentatious 

57  The  history  of  luxury  in  Cas-  subject  of  a  work  by  Sempere  y 
tile,  and  of  the  various  enactments  Guarinos,  containing  many  curious 
for  the  restraint  of  it,  forms  the  particulars,  especially  in  regard  to 


CH.  I.]  THE   CORTES.  431 

dress  was  a  passion  which  they  may  have  caught 
from  their  neighbors,  the  Spanish  Arabs,  who  de- 
lighted in  this  way  of  displaying  their  opulence. 
It  furnished,  accordingly,  from  an  early  period,  a 
fruitful  theme  of  declamation  to  the  clergy,  in  their 
invectives  against  the  pomp  and  vanities  of  the 
world. 

Unfortunately,  Philip,  who  was  so  frequently  deaf 
to  the  wiser  suggestions  of  the  cortes,  gave  his  sanc- 
tion to  this  petition ;  and  in  a  pragmatic  devoted  to 
the  object,  he  carried  out  the  ideas  of  the  legisla- 
ture as  heartily  as  the  most  austere  reformer  could 
have  desired.  As  a  state  paper  it  has  certainly  a 
novel  aspect,  going  at  great  length  into  such  mi- 
"nute  specifications  of  wearing-apparel,  both  male 
and  female,  that  it  would  seem  to  have  been  de- 
vised by  a  committee  of  tailors  and  milliners,  rather 
than  of  grave  legislators.58  The  tailors,  indeed,  the 
authors  of  these  seductive  abominations,  did  not  es- 
cape the  direct  animadversion  of  the  cortes.  In  an- 
other petition,  they  were  denounced  as  unprofitable 
persons,  occupied  with  needlework,  like  women, 

the  life   of   the    Castilians  at  an  bordado  ni  recamado,  ni  ganduja- 

earlier    period    of    their    history,  do,  ni  entorchado,  ni  chaperia  de 

Ilistoria  del  Luxo,  (Madrid,  1 788,  oro  ni  de  plata,  ni  de  oro  de  canu- 

2  torn.  12mo.)  tillo,  ni  de  martillo,  ni  ningun  ge- 

58  «  Anssi  mismo  mandamos  que  nero  de  trenza  ni  cordon  ni  cor- 

ninguna  persona  de  ninguna  con-  doncillo,  ni  franja,  ni  pasamano,  ni 

dicion  ni  calidad  que  sea,  no  pueda  pespunte,  ni  perfil  de  oro  ni  plata 

traer  ni  traya  en  ropa  ni  en  vesti-  ni  seda,  ni    otra  cosa,  aunque  el 

do,  ni  en  calzas,  ni  jubon,  ni  en  dicho  oro  y  plata  sean  falsos,"  &c. 

gualdrapa,  ni  guarnicion  de  mu'a  Pracmatica  expedida  &  peticion  do 

ni  de  cavallo,  ningun  genero  de  la  Cortes  de  Madrid  de  1563. 


432  DOMESTIC  AFFAIRS   OF   SPAIN.  [BOOK  VI. 

instead  of  tilling  the  ground  or  serving  his  majesty 
in  the  wars,  like  men.59 

In  the  same  spirit  of  impertinent  legislation,  the 
cortes  would  have  regulated  the  expenses  of  the 
table,  which,  they  said,  of  late  years  had  been  ex- 
cessive. They  recommended  that  no  one  should  be 
allowed  to  have  more  than  four  dishes  of  meat  and 
four  of  fruit  served  at  the  same  meal.  They  were 
further  scandalized  by  the  increasing  use  of  coach- 
es, a  mode  of  conveyance  which  had  been  intro- 
duced into  Spain  only  a  few  years  before.  They 
regarded  them  as  tempting  men  to  an  effeminate 
indulgence,  which  most  of  them  could  ill  afford. 
They  considered  the  practice,  moreover,  as  detri- 
mental to  the  good  horsemanship  for  which  their 
ancestors  had  been  so  renowned.  They  prayed, 
therefore,  that,  considering  "  the  nation  had  done 
well  for  so  many  years  without  the  use  of  coaches, 
it  might  henceforth  be  prohibited."  co  Philip  so  far 
complied  with  their  petition,  as  to  forbid  any  one 
but  the  owner  of  four  horses  to  keep  a  coach.  Thus 
he  imagined  that,  while  encouraging  the  raising 
of  horses,  he  should  effectually  discourage  any  but 
the  more  wealthy  from  affecting  this  costly  luxury. 

There  was  another  petition,  somewhat  remark- 
able, and  worth  citing  as  it  shows  the  attachment 
of  the  Castilians  to  a  national  institution  which 

59  "  Ocupados  en  este  oficio  y  ella,  y  dejaban  tambien  de  labrar 

genero  de  vivienda  de  coser,  que  los  campos."    Cortes  of  1573,  pet. 

habia  de  ser  para  las  mugeres,  mu-  75,  ap   Lafuente,  Hist,  de  Espafia, 

chos  hombres  que  podrian  servir  a  torn.  XIV.  p.  407. 

S.  M.  en  la  guerra  dejaban  de  ir  a  m  Ibid.,  p.  408. 


CH.  L]  THE  CORTES.  433 

has  often  incurred  the  censure  of  foreigners.  A 
petition  of  the  cortes  of  1573  prayed  that  some 
direct  encouragement  might  he  given  to  bull-fights, 
which  of  late  had  shown  symptoms  of  decline.  They 
advised  that  the  principal  towns  should  be  required 
to  erect  additional  circuses,  and  to  provide  lances 
for  the  combatants  and  music  for  the  entertain- 
ments at  the  charge  of  the  municipalities.  They 
insisted  on  this  as  important  for  mending  the  breed 
of  horses,  as  well  as  for  furnishing  a  chivalrous 
exercise  for  the  nobles  and  cavaliers.  This  may 
excite  some  surprise  in  a  spectator  of  our  day,  ac- 
customed to  see  only  the  most  wretched  hacks  led 
to  the  slaughter,  and  men  of  humble  condition  skir- 
mishing in  the  arena.  It  was  otherwise  in  those 
palmy  days  of  chivalry,  when  the  horses  employed 
were  of  a  generous  breed,  and  the  combatants  were 
nobles,  who  entered  the  lists  with  as  proud  a  feel- 
ing as  that  with  which  they  would  have  gone  to  a 
tourney.  Even  so  late  as  the  sixteenth  century  it 
was  the  boast  of  Charles  the  Fifth,  that,  when  a 
young  man,  he  had  fought  Ijke  a  matador  and  killed 
his  bull.  Philip  gave  his  assent  to  this  petition, 
with  a  promptness  which  showed  that  he  under- 
stood the  character  of  his  countrymen. 

It  would  be  an  error  to  regard  the  more  excep- 
tionable and  frivolous  petitions  of  the  cortes,  some 
of  which  have  been  above  enumerated,  as  affording 
a  true  type  of  the  predominant  character  of  Cas- 
tilian  legislation.  The  laws,  or,  to  speak  correctly, 
the  petitions  of  that  body,  are  strongly  impressed 


55 


434  DOMESTIC  AFFAIRS  OF  SPAIN.          [Boos.  VI. 

with  a  wise  and  patriotic  sentiment,  showing  a 
keen  perception  of  the  wants  of  the  community  and 
a  tender  anxiety  to  relieve  them.  Thus  we  find  the 
cortes  recommending  that  guardians  should  be  ap- 
pointed to  find  employment  for  such  young  and  des- 
titute persons  as,  without  friends  to  aid  them,  had 
no  means  of  getting  a  livelihood  for  themselves.61 
They  propose  to  have  visitors  chosen,  whose  duty 
it  should  be  to  inspect  the  prisons  every  week, 
and  see  that  fitting  arrangements  were  made  for 
securing  the  health  and  cleanliness  of  the  inmates.62 
They  desire  that  care  should  be  taken  to  have  suit- 
able accommodations  provided  at  the  inns  for  trav- 
ellers.63 With  their  usual  fondness  for  domestic 
inquisition,  they  take  notice  of  the  behavior  of 
servants  to  their  masters,  and,  with  a  simplicity 
that  may  well  excite  a  smile,  they  animadvert  on 
the  conduct  of  maidens  who,  "  in  the  absence  of 
their  mothers,  spend  their  idle  hours  in  read- 
ing romances  full  of  lies  and  vanities,  which  they 
receive  as  truths  for  the  government  of  their  own 

conduct   in    their   intercourse    with   the  world."64 

i* 

61  Ranke,  Ottoman  and  Spanish  cesarios  para  los  caminantes,  Tole- 

Empires,  p.  59.  do,  20  de  Octubre  de  1560. 

63  "  Que  cada  semana  6  cada  64  "  Como  los  mancebos  y  las 

mes  se  nombren  en  los  ayuntami-  donzellas  por  su  ociosidad  se  prin- 

entos  de  cada  ciudad  d  villa  destos  cipalmente  ocupan  en  aquello  [leer 

Reynos,  dos  Regidores,  los  quales  libros  de  mentiras  y  vanidades], 

se  hallen  &  la  vision  y  visitas  de  la  desvanecense  y  aficionanse  en  cier- 

carcel."  Cortes  of  Toledo  of  1559,  ta  manera  a  los  casos  que  leen  en 

1560,  pet.  102.  aquellos  libros  haver  acontescido, 

63  Provision  real  para  que  los  ansi  de  amores  como  de  armas  y 

mesones  del  reyno  esten  bien  pro-  otras  vanidades :  y  afficionados, 

veidos  de  los  mantenimientos  ne-  quando  se  offrece  algun  caso  seme- 


CH.  I.]  THE  CORTES.  435 

The  books  thus  stigmatized  were  doubtless  the 
romances  of  chivalry,  which  at  this  period  were  at 
the  height  of  their  popularity  in  Castile.  Cer- 
vantes had  not  yet  aimed  at  this  pestilent  literature 
those  shafts  of  ridicule  which  did  more  than  any 
legislation  could  have  done  towards  driving  it  from, 
the  land. 

The  commons  watched  over  the  business  of  edu- 
cation as  zealously  as  over  any  of  the  material 
interests  of  the  state.  They  inspected  the  con- 
dition of  the  higher  seminaries,  and  would  have 
provision  made  for  the  foundation  of  new  chairs  in 
the  universities.  In  accordance  with  their  views, 
though  not  in  conformity  to  any  positive  sugges- 
tion, Philip  published  a  pragmatic  in  respect  to 
these  institutions.  He  complained  of  the  practice, 
rapidly  increasing  among  his  subjects,  of  going 
abroad  to  get  their  education,  when  the  most  ample 
provision  was  made  for  it  at  home.  The  effect  was 
eminently  disastrous;  for  while  the  Castilian  uni- 
versities languished  for  want  of  patronage,  the 
student  who  went  abroad  was  pretty  sure  to  re- 
turn with  ideas  not  the  best  suited  to  his  own 
country.  The  king,  therefore,  prohibited  Span- 
iards from  going  to  any  university  out  of  his  do- 
minions, and  required  all  now  abroad  to  return. 
This  edict  he  accompanied  with  the  severe  penalty 
of  forfeiture  of  their  secular  possessions  for  eccle- 

jante,  danse  &  el  mas  &  rienda  suel-    Ranke,  Ottoman  and  Spanish  Em- 
ta  que  si  no  lo  huviessen  leydo."    pires,  p.  60. 
Cortes  of  1558,  pet  107,  cited  by 


4f36  DOMESTIC   AFFAIRS   OF   SPAIN.  [BOOK  VI. 

siastics,  and  of  banishment  and  confiscation  of  prop- 
erty for  laymen.65 

This  kind  of  pragmatic,  though  made  doubtless 
in  accordance  with  the  popular  feeling,  inferred  a 
stretch  of  arbitrary  power  that  cannot  be  charged 
on  those  which  emanated  directly  from  the  sugges- 
tion of  the  legislature.  In  this  respect,  however, 
it  fell  far  short  of  those  ordinances  which  proceeded 
exclusively  from  the  royal  will,  without  reference 
to  the  wishes  of  the  commons.  Such  ordinances 
—  and  they  were  probably  more  numerous  than 
any  other  class  of  laws  during  this  reign  —  are 
doubtless  among  the  most  arbitrary  acts  of  which 
a  monarch  can  be  guilty ;  for  they  imply  nothing 
less  than  an  assumption  of  the  law-making  power 
into  his  own  hands.  Indeed,  they  met  with  a  strong 
remonstrance  in  the  year  1579,  when  Philip  was 
besought  by  the  commons  not  to  make  any  laws 
but  such  as  had  first  received  the  sanction  of  the 
cortes.66  Yet  Philip  might  vindicate  himself  by  the 
example  of  his  predecessors,  —  even  of  those  who, 
like  Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  had  most  at  heart  the 
interests  of  the  nation.67 

It  must  be  further  admitted,  that  the  more  regu- 


63  Pracmatica  para  que  ningun  Henares,  at  the  close  of  Isabella's 

natural  de  estos  reynos  vaya  a  estu-  reign,  in  1503.     This  famous  col- 

diar  fuera  de  ellos,  Aranjuez,  22  lection  was  almost  wholly  made  up 

de  Noviembre  de  1559.  of  the  ordinances  of  Ferdinand  and 

66  Marina,  Teoria  de  las  Cortes,  Isabella.     After    passing    through 
torn.  II.  p.  219.  several  editions,  it  was  finally  ab- 

67  See    the    "  Pragmaticas    del  sorbed  in  the  "  Nueva  Recopila- 
Reyno,"  first  printed  at  Alcala  de  cion  "  of  Philip  the  Second. 


CH.  I]  THE   CORTES.  437 

lar  mode  of  proceeding,  with  the  co-operation  of 
the  cortes,  had  in  it  much  to  warrant  the  idea,  that 
the  real  right  of  legislation  was  vested  in  the  king. 
A  petition,  usually  couched  in  the  most  humble 
terms,  prayed  his  majesty  to  give  his  assent  to  the 
law  proposed.  This  he  did  in  a  few  words;  or, 
what  was  much  more  common,  he  refused  to  give 
it,  declaring  that,  in  the  existing  case,  "  it  was  not 
expedient  that  any  change  should  be  made."  It 
was  observed  that  the  number  of  cases  in  which 
Philip  rejected  the  petitions  of  the  commons  was 
much  greater  than  had  been  usual  with  former 
sovereigns. 

A  more  frequent  practice  with  Philip  was  one 
that  better  suited  his  hesitating  nature  and  habit  of 
procrastination.  He  replied,  in  ambiguous  terms, 
that  "  he  would  take  the  matter  into  consideration," 
or  "  that  he  would  lay  it  before  his  council,  and 
take  such  measures  as  would  be  best  for  his  ser- 
vice." Thus  the  cortes  adjourned  in  ignorance  of 
the  fate  of  their  petitions.  Even  when  he  an- 
nounced his  assent,  as  it  was  left  to  him  to  pre- 
scribe the  terms  of  the  law,  it  might  be  more  or 
less  conformable  to  those  of  the  petition.  The 
cortes  having  been  dismissed,  there  was  no  redress 
to  be  obtained  if  the  law  did  not  express  their 
views,  nor  could  any  remonstrance  be  presented  by 
that  body  until  their  next  session,  usually  three 
years  later.  The  practice  established  by  Charles 
the  Fifth,  of  postponing  the  presenting  of  petitions 
till  the  supplies  had  been  voted,  and  the  immediate 


438  DOMESTIC  AFFAIRS   OF  SPAIN.          [BOOK  VL 

adjournment  of  the  legislature  afterwards,  secured 
an  absolute  authority  to  the  princes  of  the  house 
of  Austria,  that  made  a  fearful  change  in  the  an- 
cient constitution  of  Castile. 

Yet  the  meetings  of  the  cortes,  shorn  as  that 
body  was  of  its  ancient  privileges,  were  not  without 
important  benefits  to  the  nation.  None  could  be 
better  acquainted  than  the  deputies  with  the  actual 
wants  and  wishes  of  their  constituents.  It  was  a 
manifest  advantage  for  the  king  to  receive  this  in- 
formation. It  enabled  him  to  take  the  course  best 
suited  to  the  interests  of  the  people,  to  which  he 
would  naturally  be  inclined  when  he  did  not  regard 
them  as  conflicting  with  his  own.  Even  when  he 
did,  the  strenuous  support  of  their  own  views  by 
the  commons  might  compel  him  to  modify  his 
measures.  However  absolute  the  monarch,  he 
would  naturally  shrink  from  pursuing  a  policy  so 
odious  to  the  people  that,  if  persevered  in,  it  might 
convert  remonstrance  into  downright  resistance. 

The  freedom  of  discussion  among  the  deputies  is 
attested  by  the  independent  tone  with  which  in 
their  petitions  they  denounce  the  manifold  abuses 
in  the  state.  It  is  honorable  to  Philip,  that  he 
should  not  have  attempted  to  stifle  this  freedom  of 
debate;  though  perhaps  this  may  be  more  cor- 
rectly referred  to  his  policy,  which  made  him  will- 
ing to  leave  this  safety-valve  open  for  the  passions 
of  the  people.  He  may  have  been  content  to  flat- 
ter them  with  the  image  of  power,  conscious  that 
he  alone  retained  the  substance  of  it.  However 


CH.  I.]        THE  GUARDS  OF  CASTILE.         439 

this  may  have  been,  the  good  effect  of  the  exercise 
of  these  rights,  imperfect  as  they  were,  by  the 
third  estate,  must  be  highly  estimated.  The  fact 
of  being  called  together  to  consult  on  public  affairs 
gave  the  people  a  consideration  in  their  own  eyes 
which  raised  them  far  above  the  abject  condition 
of  the  subjects  of  an  Eastern  despotism.  It  cher- 
ished in  them  that  love  of  independence  which  was 
their  birthright,  inherited  from  their  ancestors,  and 
thus  maintained  in  their  bosoms  thpse  lofty  senti- 
ments which  were  the  characteristics  of  the  hum- 
bler classes  of  the  Spaniards  beyond  those  of  any 
other  nation  in  Christendom. 

One  feature  was  wanting  to  complete  the  picture 
of  absolute  monarchy.  This  was  a  standing  army, 
—  a  thing  hitherto  unknown  in  Spain.  There  was, 
indeed,  an  immense  force  kept  on  foot  in  the  time 
of  Charles  the  Fifth,  and  many  of  the  troops  were 
Spaniards.  But  they  were  stationed  abroad,  and 
were  intended  solely  for  foreign  enterprises.  It  is 
to  Philip's  time  that  we  are  to  refer  the  first  germs 
of  a  permanent  military  establishment,  designed  to 
maintain  order  and  obedience  at  home. 

The  levies  raised  for  this  purpose  amounted  to 
twenty  companies  of  men-at-arms,  which,  with  the 
complement  of  four  or  five  followers  to  each  lance, 
made  a  force  of  some  strength.  It  was  further 
swelled  by  five  thousand  ginetes,  or  light  cavalry.68 
These  corps  were  a  heavy  charge  on  the  crown. 

68  Relazione  di  Contarini,  MS. 


440  DOMESTIC  AFFAIRS  OF   SPAIN.          [BOOK  VI. 

They  were  called  "  the  Guards  of  Castile."  The 
men-at-arms,  in  particular,  were  an  object  of  great 
care,  and  were  under  admirable  discipline.  Even 
Philip,  who  had  little  relish  for  military  affairs,  was 
in  the  habit  of  occasionally  reviewing  them  in  per- 
son. In  addition  to  these  troops  there  was  a  body 
of  thirty  thousand  militia,  whom  the  king  could 
call  into  the  field  when  necessary.  A  corps  of 
some  sixteen  hundred  horsemen  patroled  the  south- 
ern coasts  of  Andalusia,  to  guard  the  country  from 
invasion  by  the  African  Moslems ;  and  garrisons 
established  in  fortresses  along  the  frontiers  of  Spain, 
both  north  and  south,  completed  a  permanent  force 
for  the  defence  of  the  kingdom  against  domestic 
insurrection,  as  well  as  foreign  invasion. 


CHAPTER     II. 

DOMESTIC  AFFAIRS  OF  SPAIN. 

The  Clergy.  —  Their  Subordination  to  the  Crown.  —  The  Escorial.  — 
Queen  Anne. 

A  REVIEW  of  the  polity  of  Castile  would  be 
incomplete  without  a  notice  of  the  ecclesiastical 
order,  which  may  well  be  supposed  to  have  stood 
pre-eminent  in  such  a  country,  and  under  such  a 
monarch  as  Philip  the  Second.  Indeed,  not  only 
did  that  prince  present  himself  before  the  world  as 
the  great  champion  of  the  Faith,  but  he  seemed 
ever  solicitous  in  private  life  to  display  his  zeal  for 
religion  and  its  ministers.  Many  anecdotes  are  told 
of  him  in  connection  with  this.  On  one  occasion, 
seeing  a  young  girl  going  within  the  railing  of  the 
altar,  he  rebuked  her,  saying,  "  Where  the  priest 
enters  is  no  place  either  for  me  or  you." 1  A  cava- 
lier who  had  given  a  blow  to  a  canon  of  Toledo  he 
sentenced  to  death.2 

Under  his  protection  and  princely  patronage,  the 

*  "  Vos  ni  yo  no  avemos  de  su-        2  Cabrera,  Filipe   Segundo,  p. 
bir  donde  los  Sacerdotes."    Dichos     894. 
y  Hechos  de  Phelipe  II.,  p.  96. 

VOL.  in.  56 


442  DOMESTIC  AFFAIRS   OF  SPAIN.  [BOOK  VI. 

Church,  reached  its  most  palmy  state.  Colleges 
and  convents  —  in  short,  religious  institutions  of 
every  kind  —  were  scattered  broadcast  over  the  land. 
The  good  fathers  loved  pleasant  and  picturesque 
sites  for  their  dwellings ;  and  the  traveller,  as  he 
journeyed  through  the  country,  was  surprised  by 
the  number  of  stately  edifices  which  crowned  the 
hill-tops  or  rested  on  their  slopes,  surrounded  by 
territories  that  spread  out  for  many  a  league  over 
meadows  and  cultivated  fields  and  pasture-land. 

The  secular  clergy,  at  least  the  higher  dignita- 
ries, were  so  well  endowed,  as  sometimes  to  eclipse 
the  grandees  in  the  pomp  of  their  establishments. 
In  the  time  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  the  arch- 
bishop of  Toledo  held  jurisdiction  over  fifteen  prin- 
cipal towns  and  a  great  number  of  villages.  His 
income  amounted  to  full  eighty  thousand  ducats  a 
year.3  In  Philip's  time  the  income  of  the  arch- 
bishop of  Seville  amounted  to  the  same  sum,  while 
that  of  the  see  of  Toledo  had  risen  to  two  hundred 
thousand  ducats,  nearly  twice  as  much  as  that  of 
the  richest  grandee  in  the  kingdom.4  In  power 
and  opulence  the  primate  of  Spain  ranked  next  in 
Christendom  to  the  pope. 

The  great  source  of  all  this  wealth  of  the  eccle- 
siastical order  in  Castile,  as  in  most  other  countries, 
was  the  benefactions  and  bequests  of  the  pious,  — 
of  those,  more  especially,  whose  piety  had  been  de- 
ferred till  the  close  of  life,  when,  anxious  to  make 

3  L.  Marineo  Siculo,  Cosas  Me-        4  Nota  di    tutti    li   Titolati   di 
morabiles,  fol.  23.  Spagna,  MS. 


CH.  II.]  THE   CLERGY.  443 

amends  for  past  delinquencies,  they  bestowed  the 
more  freely  that  it  was  at  the  expense  of  their 
heirs.  As  what  was  thus  bequeathed  was  locked 
up  by  entail,  the  constantly  accumulating  property 
of  the  Church  had  amounted  in  Philip's  time,  if  we 
may  take  the  assertion  of  the  cortes,  to  more  than 
one  half  of  the  landed  property  in  the  kingdom.5 
Thus  the  burden  of  providing  for  the  expenses  of 
the  state  fell  with  increased  heaviness  on  the  com- 
mons. Alienations  in  mortmain  formed  the  subject 
of  one  of  their  earliest  remonstrances  after  Philip's 
accession,  but  without  effect ;  and  though  the  same 
petition  was  urged  in  very  plain  language  at  almost 
every  succeeding  session,  the  king  still  answered, 
that  it  was  not  expedient  to  make  any  change  in 
the  existing  laws.  Besides  his  good-will  to  the 
ecclesiastical  order,  Philip  was  occupied  with  the 
costly  construction  of  the  Escorial ;  and  he  had 
probably  no  mind  to  see  the  streams  of  public 
bounty,  which  had  hitherto  flowed  so  freely  into 
the  reservoirs  of  the  Church,  thus  suddenly  ob- 
structed, when  they  were  so  much  needed  for  his 
own  infant  institution. 

While  Philip  was  thus  willing  to  exalt  the  re- 
ligious order,  already  far  too  powerful,  he  was 
careful  that  it  should  never  gain  such  a  height  as 
would  enable  it  to  overtop  the  royal  authority. 
Both  in  the  Church  and  in  the  council,  —  for  they 
were  freely  introduced  into  the  councils,  —  theolo- 

5  Lafuente,  Historia  de  Espana,  torn.  XIV.  p.  416. 


444  DOMESTIC  AFFAIRS  OF  SPAIN.  [BOOK  VI. 

gians  were  ever  found  the  most  devoted  servants  of 
the  crown.  Indeed,  it  was  on  the  crown  that  they 
were  obliged  to  rest  all  their  hopes  of  preferment. 

Philip  perfectly  understood  that  the  control  of 
the  clergy  must  be  lodged  with  that  power  which 
had  the  right  of  nomination  to  benefices.  The 
Roman  see,  in  its  usual  spirit  of  encroachment,  had 
long  claimed  the  exercise  of  this  right  in  Castile, 
as  it  had  done  in  other  European  states.  The 
great  battle  with  the  Church  was  fought  in  the 
time  of  Isabella  the  Catholic.  Fortunately  the 
sceptre  was  held  by  a  sovereign  whose  loyalty  to 
the  Faith  was  beyond  suspicion.  From  this  hard 
struggle  she  came  off  victorious ;  and  the  govern- 
ment of  Castile  henceforth  retained  possession  of 
the  important  prerogative  of  appointing  to  vacant 
benefices. 

Philip,  with  all  his  deference  to  Rome,  was  not 
a  man  to  relinquish  any  of  the  prerogatives  of  the 
crown.  A  difficulty  arose  under  Pius  the  Fifth, 
who  contended  that  he  still  had  the  right,  pos- 
sessed by  former  popes,  of  nominating  to  eccle- 
siastical offices  in  Milan,  Naples,  and  Sicily,  the 
Italian  possessions  held  by  Spain.  He  complained 
bitterly  of  the  conduct  of  the  councils  in  those 
states,  which  refused  to  allow  the  publication  of  his 
bulls  without  the  royal  exequatur.  Philip,  in  mild 
terms,  expressed  his  desire  to  maintain  the  most 
amicable  relations  with  the  see  of  Rome,  provided 
he  was  not  required  to  compromise  the  interests  of 
his  crown.  At  the  same  time  he  intimated  his  sur- 


CH.  II.]  THE   CLERGY.  445 

prise  that  his  holiness  should  take  exceptions  at 
his  exercise  of  the  rights  of  his  predecessors,  to 
many  of  whom  the  Church  was  indebted  for  the 
most  signal  services.  The  pope  was  well  aware 
of  the  importance  of  maintaining  a  good  under- 
standing with  so  devoted  a  son  of  the  Church ; 
and  Philip  was  allowed  to  remain  henceforth  in 
undisturbed  possession  of  this  inestimable  prerog- 
ative.6 

The  powers  thus  vested  in  the  king  he  exercised 
with  great  discretion.  With  his  usual  facilities  for 
information,  Jie  made  himself  acquainted  with  the 
characters  of  the  clergy  in  the  different  parts  of 
his  dominions.  He  was  so  accurate  in  his  knowl- 
edge, that  he  was  frequently  able  to  detect  an  error 
or  omission  in  the  information  he  received.  To 
one  who  had  been  giving  him  an  account  of  a  cer- 
tain ecclesiastic,  he  remarked :  "  You  have  told  me 
nothing  of  his  amours."  Thus  perfectly  apprised 
of  the  characters  of  the  candidates,  he  was  pre- 
pared, whenever  a  vacancy  occurred,  to  fill  the 
place  with  a  suitable  incumbent.7 

It  was  his  habit,  before  preferring  an  individual 
to  a  high  office,  to  have  proof  of  his  powers  by 
trying  them  first  in  some  subordinate  station.  In 
his  selection  he  laid  much  stress  on  rank,  for  the 
influence  it  carried  with  it.  Yet  frequently,  when 
well  satisfied  of  the  merits  of  the  parties,  he  pro- 

6  Ibid,  torn.  XIII.  p.  261.—  7  Cabrera,  Filipe  Segundo,  lib. 
Cabrera,  Filipe  Segundo,  pp.  432,  XI.  cap.  11 ;  lib.  XII.  cap.  21.  — 
433.  Relazione  Anon.,  1588,  MS. 


446  DOMESTIC  AFFAIRS  OF   SPAIN.  [BOOK  VI. 

moted  those  whose  humble  condition  had  made 
them  little  prepared  for  such  an  elevation.8  There 
was  no  more  effectual  way  to  secure  his  favor,  than 
to  show  a  steady  resistance  to  the  usurpations  of 
Rome.  It  was  owing,  in  part  at  least,  to  the  re- 
fusal of  Quiroga,  the  bishop  of  Cuenca,  to  pub- 
lish a  papal  bull  without  the  royal  assent,  that  he 
was  raised  to  the  highest  dignity  in  the  king- 
dom, as  archbishop  of  Toledo.  Philip  chose  to 
have  a  suitable  acknowledgment  from  the  person 
on  whom  he  conferred  a  favor;  and  once  when 
an  ecclesiastic,  whom  he  had  made  a  bishop, 
went  to  take  possession  of  his  see  without  first 
expressing  his  gratitude,  the  king  sent  for  him 
back,  to  remind  him  of  his  duty.9  Such  an  ac- 
knowledgment was  in  the  nature  of  a  homage 
rendered  to  his  master  on  his  preferment. 

Thus  gratitude  for  the  past  and  hopes  for  the 
future  were  the  strong  ties  which  bound  every 
prelate  to  his  sovereign.  In  a  difference  with  the 
Roman  see,  the  Castilian  churchman  was  sure  to  be 
found  on  the  side  of  the  sovereign,  rather  than  on 
that  of  the  pontiff.  In  his  own  troubles,  in  like 
manner,  it  was  to  the  king,  and  not  to  the  pope, 
that  he  was  to  turn  for  relief.  The  king,  on  the 
other  hand,  when  pressed  by  those  embarrassments 

8  "  Otras  vezes  presentaba  para  cion  no  admitia  su  rezelo  de  ser 
Obispos  Canonigos  tan  particulares  engaiiados  6  burlados.      Eligia  a 
i  presbiteros  tan  apartados  no  solo  quien  no  pedia,  i  merecia."     Ca- 
de tal  esperanc^,  mas  pensamiento  brera,  Filipe  Segundo,  p.  891. 
en  si  mismos,  i  en  la  comun  opin-  9  Ibid.,  lib.  XI.  cap.  11. 
ion,  quo  la  cedula  de  su  presenta- 


CH.  II.]  THE  ESCORIAL.  447 

with  which  he  was  too  often  surrounded,  looked 
for  aid  to  the  clergy,  who  for  the  most  part  ren- 
dered it  cheerfully  and  in  liberal  measure.  No- 
where were  the  clergy  so  heavily  burdened  as  in 
Spain.10  It  was  computed  that  at  least  one  third 
of  their  revenues  was  given  to  the  king.  —  Thus 
completely  were  the  different  orders,  both  spiritual 
and  temporal,  throughout  the  monarchy,  under  the 
control  of  the  sovereign. 

A  few  pages  back,  while  touching  on  alienations 
in  mortmain,  I  had  occasion  to  allude  to  the  Esco- 
rial,  that  "  eighth  wonder  of  the  world,"  as  it  is 
proudly  styled  by  the  Spaniards.  There  can  be  no 
place  more  proper  to  give  an  account  of  this  ex- 
traordinary edifice,  than  the  part  of  the  narrative 
in  which  I  have  been  desirous  to  throw  as  much 
light  as  possible  on  the  character  and  occupations 
of  Philip.  The  Escorial  engrossed  the  leisure  of 
more  than  thirty  years  of  his  life ;  it  reflects  in  a 
peculiar  manner  his  tastes,  and  the  austere  char- 
acter of  his  mind ;  and  whatever  criticism  may 
be  passed  on  it  as  a  work  of  art,  it  cannot  be 
denied  that,  if  every  other  vestige  of  his  reign  were 
to  be  swept  away,  that  wonderful  structure  would 
of  itself  suffice  to  show  the  grandeur  of  his  plans 
and  the  extent  of  his  resources. 

The  common  tradition  that  Philip  built  the 
Escorial  in  pursuance  of  a  vow  which  he  made 
at  the  time  of  the  great  battle  of  St.  Quentin, 

10  Relazione  di  Contarini,  MS.  —  Eanke,  Ottoman  and  Spanish  Em- 
pires, p.  61. 


448  DOMESTIC  AFFAIRS  OF  SPAIN.          [Boon  VI. 

the  tenth  of  August,  1557,  has  been  rejected  by 
modern  critics,  on  the  ground  that  contemporary 
writers,  and  amongst  them  the  historians  of  the 
convent,  make  no  mention  of  the  fact.  But  a  re- 
cently discovered  document  leaves  little  doubt  that 
such  a  vow  was  actually  made.11  However  this  may 
have  been,  it  is  certain  that  the  king  designed  to 
commemorate  the  event  by  this  structure,  as  is  in- 
timated by  its  dedication  to  St.  Lawrence,  the  mar- 
tyr on  whose  day  the  victory  was  gained.  The 
name  given  to  the  place  was  El  Sitio  de  San  Lo- 
renzo el  Heal.  But  the  monastery  was  better  known 
from  the  hamlet  near  which  it  stood,  —  El  Escu- 
rial,  or  El  Escorial,  —  which  latter  soon  became 
the  orthography  generally  adopted  by  the  Castil- 
ians.12 

The  motives  which,  after  all,  operated  probably 
most  powerfully  on  Philip,  had  no  connection 
with  the  battle  of  St.  Quentin.  His  father  the 
emperor  had  directed  by  his  will  that  his  bones 

11  The  document  alluded  to  is  a  que  se  declare  en  las  escrituras, 

letter,  without  date  or  signature,  avi'semelo  v.  m."    Dooumentos  In- 

but  in  the  handwriting  of  the  six-  editos,  torn.  XXVIII.  p.  567. 

teenth  century,  and  purporting  to  ia  Examples  equally  ancient  of 

be  written  by  a  person  intrusted  both  forms  of  spelling  the   name 

with  the  task  of  drafting  the  neces-  may   be   found ;  though   Escorial, 

siry  legal  instruments  for  the  foun-  now   universal    in    the    Castilian, 

dation   of   the   convent.     He   in-  seems  to  have  been  also  the  more 

quires  whether  in  the  preamble  he  common  from  the  first.     The  word 

shall  make  mention  of  his  majesty's  is  derived  from  scoria,  the  dross 

vow.     "  El  voto  que  S.  M.  hijo,  si  of  iron  mines,  found  near  the  spot. 

S.  M.  no  lo  quiere  poner  ni  de-  See    Ford,    Handbook   for    Spain 

clarar,  bien  puede,  porque  no  hay  (3d  edition),  p.  751. 
para  que ;  pero  si   S.  M.  quisiere 


Cii.  IL]  THE  ESCOEIAL.  449 

should  remain  at  Yuste,  until  a  more  suitable  place 
should  be  provided  for  them  by  his  son.  The  build- 
ing now  to  be  erected  was  designed  expressly  as  a 
mausoleum  for  Philip's  parents,  as  well  as  for  their 
descendants  of  the  royal  line  of  Austria.  But  the 
erection  of  a  religious  house  on  a  magnificent 
scale,  that  would  proclaim  to  the  world  his  de- 
votion to  the  Faith,  was  the  predominant  idea  in 
the  mind  of  Philip,  It  was,  moreover,  a  part  of  his 
scheme  to  combine  in  the  plan  a  palace  for  him- 
self; for,  with  a  taste  which  he  may  be  said  to  have 
inherited  from  his  father,  he  loved  to  live  in  the 
sacred  shadows  of  the  cloister.  These  ideas,  some- 
what incongruous  as  they  may  seem,  were  fully 
carried  out  by  the  erection  of  an  edifice  dedicated 
at  once  to  the  threefold  purpose  of  a  palace,  a 
monastery,  and  a  tomb.13 

Soon  after  the  king's  return  to  Spain,  he  set 
about  carrying  his  plan  into  execution.  The  site 
which,  after  careful  examination,  he  selected  for 
the  building,  was  among  the  mountains  of  the  Gua- 
darrama,  on  the  borders  of  New  Castile,14  about 
eight  leagues  northwest  of  Madrid.  The  healthi- 
ness of  the  place  and  its  convenient  distance  from 
the  capital  combined  with  the  stern  and  solitary 
character  of  the  region,  so  congenial  to  his  taste,  to 

!3  A  letter  of  the  royal  founder,  14  "  The  Escorial  is  placed  by 

published  by  Siguei^a,  enumerates  some  geographers  in  Old  Castile  ; 

the  objects  to  which  the  new  build-  but  the  division  of  the  provinces  is 

ing  was  to  be  specially  devoted,  carried  on  the  crest  of  the  Sierra 

Historia  de  la  Orden  de  San  Ge-  which  rises  behind  it."  Ford, 

ronimo,  torn.  III.  p.  534.  Handbook  for  Spain,  p.  750. 

VOL.  in.  57 


450  DOMESTIC  AFFAIRS   OF  SPAIN.          [Boox  VI. 

give  it  the  preference  over  other  spots,  which  might 
have  found  more  favor  with  persons  of  a  different 
nature.  Encompassed  by  rude  and  rocky  hills, 
which  sometimes  soar  to  the  gigantic  elevation  of 
mountains,  it  seemed  to  be  shut  out  completely 
from  the  world.  The  vegetation  was  of  a  thin  and 
stunted  growth,  seldom  spreading  out  into  the 
luxuriant  foliage  of  the  lower  regions;  and  the 
winds  swept  down  from  the  neighboring  sierra 
with  the  violence  of  a  hurricane.  Yet  the  air  was 
salubrious,  and  the  soil  was  nourished  by  springs 
of  the  purest  water.  To  add  to  its  recommenda- 
tions, a  quarry,  close  at  hand,  of  excellent  stone 
somewhat  resembling  granite  in  appearance,  readily 
supplied  the  materials  for  building,  —  a  circum- 
stance, considering  the  vastness  of  the  work,  of  no 
little  importance. 

The  architect  who  furnished  the  plans,  and  on 
whom  the  king  relied  for  superintending  their  exe- 
cution, was  Juan  Bautista  de  Toledo.  He  was  born 
in  Spain,  and,  early  discovering  uncommon  talents 
for  his  profession,  was  sent  to  Italy.  Here  he 
studied  the  principles  of  his  art,  under  the  great 
masters  who  were  then  filling  their  native  land 
with  those  monuments  of  genius  that  furnished 
the  best  study  to  the  artist.  Toledo  imbibed  their 
spirit,  and  under  their  tuition  acquired  that  simple, 
indeed  severe  taste,  which  formed  a  contrast  to  the 
prevalent  tone  of  Spanish  architecture,  but  which, 
happily,  found  favor  with  his  royal  patron. 

Before  a  stone  of  the  new  edifice  was  laid,  Philip 


CH.  II.]  THE  ESCORIAL.  451 

had  taken  care  to  provide  himself  with  the  tenants 
who  were  to  occupy  it.  At  a  general  chapter  of 
the  Jeronymite  fraternity,  a  prior  was  chosen  for 
the  convent  of  the  Escorial,  which  was  to  consist 
of  fifty  members,  soon  increased  to  double  that 
number.  Philip  had  been  induced  to  give  the 
preference  to  the  Jeronymite  order,  partly  from 
their  general  reputation  for  ascetic  piety,  and  in 
part  from  the  regard  shown  for  them  by  his  father, 
who  had  chosen  a  convent  of  that  order  as  the 
place  of  his  last  retreat.  The  monks  were  speedily 
transferred  to  the  village  of  the  Escorial,  where 
they  continued  to  dwell  until  accommodations  were 
prepared  for  them  in  the  magnificent  pile  which 
they  were  thenceforth  to  occupy. 

Their  temporary  habitation  was  of  the  meanest 
kind,  like  most  of  the  buildings  in  the  hamlet. 
It  was  without  window  or  chimney,  and  the  rain 
found  its  way  through  the  dilapidated  roof  of  the 
apartment  which  they  used  as  a  chapel,  so  that 
they  were  obliged  to  protect  themselves  by  a  cover- 
let stretched  above  their  heads.  A  rude  altar  was 
raised  at  one  end  of  the  chapel,  over  which  was 
scrawled  on  the  wall  with  charcoal  the  figure  of  a 
crucifix.15 

The  king,  on  his  visits  to  the  place,  was  lodged 
in  the  house  of  the  curate,  in  not  much  better 
repair  than  the  other  dwellings  in  the  hamlet. 

15  Siguenca,  Hist,  de  la  Orden     San  Geronimo,  Documentos  Ine"di- 
de  San    Geronimo,    torn.   ITI.   p.     tos,  torn.  VII.  p.  22. 
549.  —  Memorias  de  Fray  Juan  de 


452  DOMESTIC  AIT  AIRS   OF  SPAIN.         [BOOK  VI. 

* 

While  there  he  was  punctual  in  his  attendance  at 
mass,  when  a  rude  seat  was  prepared  for  him  near 
the  choir,  consisting  of  a  three-legged  stool,  de- 
fended from  vulgar  eyes  by  a  screen  of  such  old 
and  tattered  cloth  that  the  inquisitive  spectator 
might,  without  difficulty,  see  him  through  the 
holes  in  it.16  He  was  so  near  the  choir,  that  the 
monk  who  stood  next  to  him  could  hardly  avoid 
being  brought  into  contact  with  the  royal  person. 
The  Jeronymite  who  tells  the  story  assures  us  that 
Brother  Antonio  used  to  weep  as  he  declared  that 
more  than  once,  when  he  cast  a  furtive  glance  at  the 
monarch,  he  saw  his  eyes  filled  with  tears.  "  Such," 
says  the  good  father,  "  were  the  devout  and  joyful 
feelings  with  which  the  king,  as  he  gazed  on  the  pov- 
erty around  him,  meditated  his  lofty  plans  for  con- 
verting this  poverty  into  a  scene  of  grandeur  more 
worthy  of  the  worship  to  be  performed  there."  " 

The  brethren  were  much  edified  by  the  humility 
shown  by  Philip  when  attending  the  services  in 
this  wretched  cabin.  They  often  told  the  story  of 
his  one  day  coming  late  to  matins,  when,  unwilling 

18  "  Tenia  de  ordinario  una  ban-  l7  "  Jurdbame  muchas  veces  llo- 

quetilla  de  tres  pies,  bastisima  y  rando  el  dicho  fray  Antonio  que 

grosera,  por  silla,  y  cuando  iba  &  muchas  veces  alzando  cautamente 

misa  porque  estuviese   con   algun  los  ojos  vid  correr  por  los  de  S.  M. 

decencia  se  le  ponia  un  pano  viejo  kigrimas :    tanta  era  su  devocion 

francos  de  Almaguer  el  contador,  mezclada  con  el  alegria  de  verse 

que  ya  de  gastado  y  deshilado  ha-  en  aquella  pobreza  y  ver  trds  esto 

cia  harto  lugar  por  sus  agujeros  ;t  aquella  alta  idea  que  en  su  mente 

los  que  querian  ver  d  la  Persona  traia  de  la  grandeza  &  que  pensaba 

Real."     Memorias  de  Fray  Juan  levantar  aquella  pequenez  del  di- 

de    San    Geronimo,    Documentos  vino  culto."    Ibid.,  ubi  supra. 
Ine'ditos,  torn.  VII.  p.  22. 


CH.  IL]  THE  ESCORIAL.  453 

to  interrupt  the  services,  he  quietly  took  his  seat 
by  the  entrance,  on  a  rude  bench,  at  the  upper  end 
of  which  a  peasant  was  sitting.  He  remained 
some  time  before  his  presence  was  observed,  when 
the  monks  conducted  him  to  his  tribune.18 

On  the  twenty-third  of  April,  1563,  the  first 
stone  of  the  monastery  was  laid.  On  the  twentieth 
of  August  following,  the  corner-stone  of  the  church 
was  also  laid,  with  still  greater  pomp  and  solem- 
nity. The  royal  confessor,  the  bishop  of  Cuen^a, 
arrayed  in  his  pontificals,  presided  over  the  cere- 
monies. The  king  was  present,  and  laid  the  stone 
with  his  own  hands.  The  principal  nobles  of  the 
court  were  in  attendance,  and  there  was  a  great 
concourse  of  spectators,  both  ecclesiastics  and  lay- 
men ;  the  solemn  services  were  concluded  by  the 
brotherhood,  who  joined  in  an  anthem  of  thanks- 
giving and  praise  to  the  Almighty,  to  whom  so 
glorious  a  monument  was  to  be  reared  in  this 
mountain  wilderness.19 

The  rude  sierra  now  swarmed  with  life.  The 
ground  was  covered  with  tents  and  huts.  The 
busy  hum  of  labor  mingled  with  the  songs  of  the 
laborers,  which,  from  their  various  dialects,  be- 
trayed the  different,  and  oftentimes  distant,  prov- 
inces from  which  they  had  come.  In  this  motley 
host  the  greatest  order  and  decorum  prevailed  ;  nor 
were  the  peaceful  occupations  of  the  day  inter- 
rupted by  any  indecent  brawls. 

18  « j  Para  levantar  tanta  fibrica  19  Ibid.,  p.  25  et  seq.  —  Siguen- 
menester  eran  actos  de  humildad  93,  Hist  de  la  Orden  de  San  Ge- 
tan  profunda!"  Ibid.,  p.  23.  ronimo,  torn.  III.  p.  546. 


454  DOMESTIC  AFFAIRS  OF   SPAIN.          [BOOK  YL 

As  the  work  advanced,  Philip's  visits  to  the 
Escorial  were  longer  and  more  frequent.  He  had 
always  shown  his  love  for  the  retirement  of  the 
cloister,  by  passing  some  days  of  every  year  in  it. 
Indeed,  he  was  in  the  habit  of  keeping  Holy  Week 
not  far  from  the  scene  of  his  present  labors,  at  the 
convent  of  Guisando.  In  his  present  monastic  re- 
treat he  had  the  additional  interest  afforded  by  the 
contemplation  of  the  great  work,  which  seemed  to 
engage  as  much  of  his  thoughts  as  any  of  the 
concerns  of  government. 

Philip  had  given  a  degree  of  attention  to  the 
study  of  the  fine  arts  seldom  found  in  persons  of 
his  condition.  He  was  a  connoisseur  in  painting, 
and,  above  all,  in  architecture,  making  a  careful 
study  of  its  principles,  and  occasionally  furnishing 
designs  with  his  own  hand.20  No  prince  of  his 
time  left  behind  him  so  many  proofs  of  his  taste 
and  magnificence  in  building.  The  royal  mint  at 
Segovia,  the  hunting-seat  of  the  Pardo,  the  pleas- 
ant residence  of  Aranjuez,  the  alcazar  of  Madrid, 
the  "  Armeria  Real,"  and  other  noble  works  which 
adorned  his  infant  capital,  were  either  built  or 
greatly  embellished  by  him.  The  land  was  covered 
with  structures  both  civil  and  religious,  which  rose 
under  the  .royal  patronage.  Churches  and  con- 
vents —  the  latter  in  lamentable  profusion  —  con- 

20  "  Tenia  tanta  destre^a  en  dis-  Herrera  su  Antecessor  le  traian  la 

poner  las  tn^as  de  Palacios,  Cas-  primera  planta,  assi  mandava  qui- 

tillos,  Jardines,  y  otras  cosas,  que  tar,   6  poner,   6  mudar,   como  si 

quando  Francisco  de  Mora  mi  Tio  fuera  un  Vitrubio."     Dichos  y  He- 

Tra9ador  mayor  suyo,  y  Juan  de  chos  de  Phelipe  II.,  p.  181. 


CH.  II.]  THE  ESCORIAL.  455 

stantly  met  the  eye  of  the  traveller.  The  general 
style  of  their  execution  was  simple  in  the  extreme. 
Some,  like  the  great  cathedral  of  Valladolid,  of 
more  pretension,  but  still  showing  the  same  austere 
character  in  their  designs,  furnished  excellent  mod- 
els of  architecture  to  counteract  the  meretricious 
tendencies  of  the  age.  Structures  of  a  different 
kind  from  these  were  planted  by  Philip  along  the 
frontiers  in  the  north  and  on  the  southern  coasts 
of  the  kingdom ;  and  the  voyager  in  the  Mediter- 
ranean beheld  fortress  after  fortress  crowning  the 
heights  above  the  shore,  for  its  defence  against  the 
Barbary  corsair.  Nor  was  the  king's  passion  for 
building  confined  to  Spain.  Wherever  his  armies 
penetrated  in  the  semi-civilized  regions  of  the  New 
World,  the  march  of  the  conqueror  was  sure  to  be 
traced  by  the  ecclesiastical  and  military  structures 
which  rose  in  his  rear. 

Fortunately  similarity  of  taste  led  to  the  most 
perfect  harmony  between  the  monarch  and  his 
architect,  in  their  conferences  on  the  great  work 
which  was  to  crown  the  architectural  glories  of 
Philip's  reign.  The  king  inspected  the  details,  and 
watched  over  every  step  in  the  progress  of  the 
building,  with  as  much  care  as  Toledo  himself.  In 
order  to  judge  of  the  effect  from  a  distance,  he  was 
in  the  habit  of  climbing  the  mountains  at  a  spot 
about  half  a  league  from  the  monastery,  where  a 
kind  of  natural  chair  was  formed  by  the  crags. 
Here,  with  his  spyglass  in  his  hand,  he  would  sit 
for  hours,  and  gaze  on  the  complicated  structure 


456  DOMESTIC  AFFAIES   OF   SPAIN.          [BOOK  VI. 

growing  up  below.     The  place  is  still  known  as 
the  "king's  seat."21 

It  was  certainly  no  slight  proof  of  the  deep  in- 
terest which  Philip  took  in  the  work,  that  he  was 
content  to  exchange  his  palace  at  Madrid  for  a 
place  that  afforded  him  no  better  accommodations 
than  the  poverty-stricken  village  of  the  Escorial. 
In  1571  he  made  an  important  change  in  these  ac- 
commodations, by  erecting  a  chapel  which  might 
afford  the  monks  a  more  decent  house  of  worship 
than  their  old,  weather-beaten  hovel ;  and  with  this 
he  combined  a  comfortable  apartment  for  himself. 
In  these  new  quarters  he  passed  still  more  of  his 
time  in  cloistered  seclusion  than  he  had  done  before. 
Far  from  confining  his  attention  to  a  supervision 
of  the  Escorial,  he  brought  his  secretaries  and  his 
papers  along  with  him,  read  here  his  despatches 
from  abroad,  and  kept  up  a  busy  correspondence 
with  all  parts  of  his  dominions.  He  did  four  times 
the  amount  of  work  here,  says  a  Jeronymite,  that 
he  did  in  the  same  number  of  days  in  the  capital.23 
He  used  to  boast  that,  thus  hidden  from  the  world, 
with  a  little  bit  of  paper,  he  ruled  over  both  hemi- 
spheres. That  he  did  not  always  wisely  rule,  is 
proved  by  more  than  one  of  his  despatches  relating 
to  the  affairs  of  Flanders,  which  issued  from  this 
consecrated  place.  Here  he  received  accounts  of 

21  Lafuente,   Historia  de  Espa-  Madrid    en    quatro."      Siguenga, 
na,  torn.  XIII.  p.  253.  Hist  de  la  Orden  de  San  Geroni- 

22  "  Sabese  de  cierto  que  se  ne-  mo,  torn.  III.  p.  575. 
gociava  aqui  mas  en  un  dia  que  en 


CH.  II.]  THE  ESCORIAL.  457 

the  proceedings  of  his  heretic  subjects  in  the  Neth- 
erlands, and  of  the  Morisco  insurgents  in  Granada. 
And  as  he  pondered  on  their  demolition  of  church 
and  convent,  and  their  desecration  of  the  most  holy 
symbols  of  the  Catholic  faith,  he  doubtless  felt  a 
proud  satisfaction  in  proving  his  own  piety  to  the 
world  by  the  erection  of  the  most  sumptuous  edi- 
fice ever  dedicated  to  the  Cross. 

In  1577,  the  Escorial  was  so  far  advanced  to- 
wards its  completion  as  to  afford  accommodations, 
not  merely  for  Philip  and  his  personal  attendants, 
but  for  many  of  the  court,  who  were  in  the  habit 
of  spending  some  time  there  with  the  king  during 
the  summer.  On  one  of  these  occasions,  an  acci- 
dent occurred  which  had  nearly  been  attended  with 
most  disastrous  consequences  to  the  building. 

A  violent  thunder-storm  was  raging  in  the  moun- 
tains, and  the  lightning  struck  one  of  the  great 
towers  of  the  monastery.  In  a  short  time  the 
upper  portion  of  the  building  was  in  a  blaze.  So 
much  of  it,  fortunately,  was  of  solid  materials,  that 
the  fire  made  slow  progress.  But  the  difficulty 
of  bringing  water  to  bear  on  it  was  extreme.  It 
was  eleven  o'clock  at  night  when  the  fire  broke 
out,  and  in  the  orderly  household  of  Philip  all 
had  retired  to  rest.  They  were  soon  roused  by  the 
noise.  The  king  took  his  station  on  the  opposite 
tower,  and  watched  with  deep  anxiety  the  progress 
of  the  flames.  The  duke  of  Alva  was  one  among 
the  guests.  Though  sorely  afflicted  with  the  gout 
at  the  time,  he  wrapped  his  dressing-gown  about 

VOL.  in.  53 


458  DOMESTIC  AFFAIRS  OF  SPAIN.          [BOOK  VI. 

him  and  climbed  to  a  spot  which  afforded  a  still 
nearer  view  of  the  conflagration.  Here  the  "  good 
duke"  at  once  assumed  the  command,  and  gave 
his  orders  with  as  much  promptness  and  decision 
as  on  the  field  of  battle.23 

All  the  workmen,  as  well  as  the  neighboring 
peasantry,  were  assembled  there.  The  men  showed 
the  same  spirit  of  subordination  which  they  had 
shown  throughout  the  erection  of  the  building. 
The  duke's  orders  were  implicitly  obeyed;  and 
more  than  one  instance  is  recorded  of  daring  self- 
devotion  among  the  workmen,  who  toiled  as  if 
conscious  they  were  under  the  eye  of  their  sover- 
eign. The  tower  trembled  under  the  fury  of  the 
flames ;  and  the  upper  portion  of  it  threatened 
every  moment  to  fall  in  ruins.  Great  fears  were 
entertained  that  it  would  crush  the  hospital,  situated 
in  that  part  of  the  monastery.  Fortunately,  it  fell 
in  an  opposite  direction,  carrying  with  it  a  splendid 
chime  of  bells  that  was  lodged  in  it,  but  doing  no 
injury  to  the  spectators.  The  loss  which  bore  most 
heavily  on  the  royal  heart  was  that  of  sundry  in- 
estimable relics  which  perished  in  the  flames.  But 
Philip's  sorrow  was  mitigated  when  he  learned  that 
a  bit  of  the  true  cross,  and  the  right  arm  of  St. 
Lawrence,  the  martyred  patron  of  the  Escorial, 

23  "  El  buen  Duque   de   Alba,  quien  se  babia  visto  en  otros  mayo- 

aunque  su  vejez  y  gota  no  le  daban  res  peligros  en  la  guerra."    Memo- 

lugar,  se  subid  a  lo  alto  de  la  torre  rias  de  Fray  Juan  de  San  Geroni- 

ii  dar  linimo  y  esfuerzo  a  los  oficia-  mo,  Documentos  Ineditos,  torn.  VII. 

les  y  gente;  .  .  .  .  y  esto  lo  hacia  p.  197. 
S.  E.  como  diestro  capitan  y  como 


CH.  II.]  THE  ESCORIAL.  459 

were  rescued  from  the  flames.  At  length,  by  in- 
credible efforts,  the  fire,  which  had  lasted  till  six 
in  the  morning,  was  happily  extinguished,  and 
Philip  withdrew  to  his  chamber,  where  his  first 
act,  we  are  told,  was  to  return  thanks  to  the  Al- 
mighty for  the  preservation  of  the  building  con- 
secrated to  his  service.24 

The  king  was  desirous  that  as  many  of  the  mate- 
rials as  possible  for  the  structure  should  be  collect- 
ed from  his  own  dominions.     These  were  so  vast, 
and  so  various  in  their  productions,  that  they  fur- 
nished nearly  every  article  required  for  the  con- 
struction of  the  edifice,  as  well  as  for  its  interior 
decoration.     The  gray  stone  of  which  its  walls  were 
formed  was  drawn  from  a  neighboring  quarry.     It 
was  called  berroquena,  —  a  stone  bearing  a  resem- 
blance to  granite,  though  not  so  hard.     The  blocks 
hewn  from  the  quarries,  and  dressed  there,  were  of 
such  magnitude  as  sometimes  to  require  forty  or 
fifty  yoke  of  oxen  to  drag  them.     The  jasper  came 
from  the  neighborhood  of  Burgo  de  Osma.     The 
more  delicate  marbles,  of  a  great  variety  of  colors, 
were  furnished  by  the  mountain  ranges  in  the  south 
of  the  Peninsula.     The  costly  and  elegant  fabrics 
were  many  of  them   supplied  by   native  artisans. 
Such  were  the   damasks  and  velvets  of  Granada. 
Other   cities,   as    Madrid,   Toledo,   and   Saragossa, 
showed  the  proficiency   of   native  art  in    curious 
manufactures  of  bronze  and  iron,  and  occasionally 
of  the  more  precious  metals. 

24  Ibid.,  p.  201. 


460  DOMESTIC  AFFAIRS   OF  SPAIN.  [BOOK  VI. 

Yet  Philip  was  largely  indebted  to  his  foreign 
possessions,  especially  those  in  Italy  and  the  Low 
Countries,  for  the  embellishment  of  the  interior 
of  the  edifice,  which,  in  its  sumptuous  style  of 
decoration,  presented  a  contrast  to  the  stern  sim- 
plicity of  its  exterior.  Milan,  so  renowned  at  that 
period  for  its  fine  workmanship  in  steel,  gold,  and 
precious  stones,  contributed  many  exquisite  speci- 
mens of  art.  The  walls  were  clothed  with  gor- 
geous tapestries  from  the  Flemish  looms.  Spanish 
convents  vied  with  each  other  in  furnishing  em- 
broideries for  the  altars.  Even  the  rude  colonies 
in  the  New  World  had  their  part  in  the  great 
work,  and  the  American  forests  supplied  their  ce- 
dar and  ebony  and  richly-tinted  woods,  which  dis- 
played all  their  magical  brilliancy  of  color  under 
the  hands  of  the  Castilian  workman.25 

Though  desirous,  as  far  as  possible,  to  employ 
the  products  of  his  own  dominions,  and  to  en- 
courage native  art,  in  one  particular  he  resorted 
almost  exclusively  to  foreigners.  The  oil-paintings 
and  frescos  which  profusely  decorated  the  walls 
and  ceilings  of  the  Escorial  were  executed  by  art- 
ists drawn  chiefly  from  Italy,  whose  schools  of 
design  were  still  in  their  glory.  But  of  all  liv- 
ing painters,  Titian  was  the  one  whom  Philip, 
like  his  father,  most  delighted  to  honor.  To  the 
king's  generous  patronage  the  world  is  indebted  for 

25  SigueiK^a,  Hist,  de  la  Orden    p.  289.  — Lafuente,  Hist  de  Es- 
de  San  Geronimo,  torn.  in.  p.  596.     pana,  torn.  XIV.  p.  427. 
—  Dichos  y  Hechos  de  Phelipe  II., 


CH.  II.]  THE  ESCORIAL.  461 

some  of  that  great  master's  noblest  productions, 
which  found  a  fitting  place  on  the  walls  of  the 
Escorial. 

The  prices  which  Philip  paid  enabled  him  to 
command  the  services  of  the  most  eminent  artists. 
Many  anecdotes  are  told  of  his  munificence.  He 
was,  however,  a  severe  critic.  He  did  not  pre- 
maturely disclose  his  opinion.  But  when  the  hour 
came,  the  painter  had  sometimes  the  mortification 
to  find  the  work  he  had  executed,  it  may  be  with 
greater  confidence  than  skill,  peremptorily  rejected, 
or  at  best  condemned  to  some  obscure  corner  of  the 
building.  This  was  the  fate  of  an  Italian  artist,  of 
much  more  pretension  than  power,  who,  after  re- 
peated failures  according  to  the  judgment  of  the 
king,  —  which  later  critics  have  not  reversed,  — 
was  dismissed  to  his  own  country.  But  even  here 
Philip  dealt  in  a  magnanimous  way  with  the  un- 
lucky painter.  "  It  is  not  Zuccaro's  fault,"  he  said, 
"  but  that  of  the  persons  who  brought  him  here  "  ; 
and  when  he  sent  him  back  to  Italy,  he  gave  him 
a  considerable  sum  of  money  in  addition  to  his 
large  salary.26 

Before  this  magnificent  pile,  in  a  manner  the 
creation  of  his  own  taste,  Philip's  nature  appeared 
to  expand,  and  to  discover  some  approach  to  those 
generous  sympathies  for  humanity  which  elsewhere 
seem  to  have  been  denied  him.  He  would  linger 
for  hours  while  he  watched  the  labors  of  the  artist, 

*  Stirling,  Annals  of  the  Artists  of  Spain,  torn.  I.  p.  211. 


462  DOMESTIC   AFFAIRS   OF  SPAIN.          [BOOK  VI. 

making  occasional  criticisms,  and  laying  his  hand 
familiarly  on  his  shoulder.27  He  seemed  to  put 
off  the  coldness  and  reserve  which  formed  so  es- 
sential a  part  of  his  character.  On  one  occasion, 
it  is  said,  a  stranger,  having  come  into  the  Esco- 
rial  when  the  king  was  there,  mistook  him  for 
one  of  the  officials,  and  asked  him  some  questions 
about  the  pictures.  Philip,  without  undeceiving 
the  man,  humored  his  mistake,  and  good-naturedly 
undertook  the  part  of  cicerone,  by  answering  his 
inquiries  and  showing  him  some  of  the  objects 
most  worth  seeing.28  Similar  anecdotes  have  been 
told  of  others.  What  is  strange  is,  that  Philip 
should  have  acted  the  part  of  the  good-natured  man. 
In  1584,  the  masonry  of  the  Escorial  was  com- 
pleted. Twenty-one  years  had  elapsed  since  the 
first  stone  of  the  monastery  was  laid.  This  cer- 
tainly must  be  regarded  as  a  short  period  for  the 
erection  of  so  stupendous  a  pile.  St.  Peter's  church, 
with  which  one  naturally  compares  it  as  the  build- 
ing nearest  in  size  and  magnificence,  occupied  more 
than  a  century  in  its  erection,  which  spread  over 
the  reigns  of  at  least  eighteen  popes.  But  the 
Escorial,  with  the  exception  of  the  subterraneous 
chapel  constructed  by  Philip  the  Fourth  for  the 
burial-place  of  the  Spanish  princes,  was  executed  in 
the  reign  of  one  monarch.  That  monarch  held  in 
his  hands  the  revenues  of  both  the  Old  World  and 
the  New ;  and  as  he  gave,  in  some  sort,  a  personal 

87  Stirling,  Annals  of  the  Art-        *  Dichos  y  Hechos  de  Phelipe 
ists  of  Spain,  torn.  I.  p.  203.  II.,  p.  81. 


CH.  II  ]  THE  ESCORIAL.  463 

supervision  to  the  work,  we  may  be  sure  that  no 
one  was  allowed  to  sleep  on  his  post. 

Yet  the  architect  who  designed  the  building  was 
not  permitted  to  complete  it.  Long  before  it  was 
finished,  the  hand  of  Toledo  had  mouldered  in  the 
dust.  By  his  death  it  seemed  that  Philip  had  met 
with  an  irreparable  loss.  He  felt  it  to  be  so  him- 
self; and  with  great  distrust  consigned  the  impor- 
tant task  to  Juan  de  Herrera,  a  young  Asturian. 
But  though  young,  Herrera  had  been  formed  on 
the  best  models  ;  for  he  was  the  favorite  pupil  of 
Toledo,  and  it  soon  appeared  that  he  had  not  only 
imbibed  the  severe  and  elevated  tastes  of  his  master, 
but  that  his  own  genius  fully  enabled  him  to  com- 
prehend all  Toledo's  great  conceptions,  and  to  carry 
them  out  as  perfectly  as  that  artist  could  have  done 
himself.  Philip  saw  with  satisfaction  that  he  had 
made  no  mistake  in  his  selection.  He  soon  con- 
ferred as  freely  with  the  new  architect  as  he  had 
done  with  his  predecessor.  He  even  showed  him 
greater  favor,  settling  on  him  a  salary  of  a  thou- 
sand ducats  a  year,  and  giving  him  an  office  in  the 
royal  household,  and  the  cross  of  St.  lago.  Herrera 
had  the  happiness  to  complete  the  Escorial.  In- 
deed, he  lived  some  six  years  after  its  completion. 
He  left  several  works,  both  civil  and  ecclesiastical, 
which  perpetuate  his  fame.  But  the  Escorial  is 
the  monument  by  which  his  name,  and  that  of  his 
master,  Toledo,  have  come  down  to  posterity  as 
those  of  the  two  greatest  architects  of  whom  Spain 
can  boast 


464  DOMESTIC  AFFAIRS   OF   SPAIN.          [Booic  VI. 

This  is  not  the  place  for  criticism  on  the  archi- 
tectural merits  of  the  Escorial.  Such  criticism 
more  properly  belongs  to  a  treatise  on  art.  It  has 
been  my  object  simply  to  lay  before  the  reader  such 
an  account  of  the  execution  of  this  great  work  as 
would  enable  him  to  form  some  idea  of  the  object 
to  which  Philip  devoted  so  large  a  portion  of  his 
time,  and  which  so  eminently  reflected  his  peculiar 
cast  of  mind. 

Critics  have  greatly  differed  from  each  other  in 
their  judgments  of  the  Escorial.  Few  foreigners 
have  been  found  to  acquiesce  in  the  undiluted 
panegyric  of  those  Castilians  who  pronounce  it 
the  eighth  wonder  of  the  world.29  Yet  it  cannot 
be  denied  that  few  foreigners  are  qualified  to  decide 
on  the  merits  of  a  work,  to  judge  of  which  correctly 
requires  a  perfect  understanding  of  the  character 
of  the  country  in  which  it  was  built,  and  of  the 
monarch  who  built  it.  The  traveller  who  gazes  on 
its  long  lines  of  cold  gray  stone,  scarcely  broken 
by  an  ornament,  feels  a  dreary  sensation  creeping 
over  him,  while  he  contrasts  it  with  the  lighter 
and  more  graceful  edifices  to  which  his  eye  has 
been  accustomed.  But  he  may  read  in  this  the 
true  expression  of  the  founder's  character.  Philip 
did  not  aim  at  the  beautiful,  much  less  at  the 
festive  and  cheerful.  The  feelings  which  he  de- 
sired to  raise  in  the  spectator  were  of  that  solemn, 

29  One  of  its  historians,  Father  del  Munrlo."  Descripcion  del  Real 
Francisco  de  los  Santos,  styles  it,  Monasterio  de  San  Lorenzo  de  el 
on  his  title-page,  "  Unica  Maravilla  Escorial  (Madrid,  1698). 


CH.  II.]  THE  ESCORIAL.  465 

indeed  sombre  complexion,  which  corresponded 
best  with  his  own  religious  faith. 

Whatever  defects  may  be  charged  on  the  Esco- 
rial,  it  is  impossible  to  view  it  from  a  distance, 
and  see  the  mighty  pile  as  it  emerges  from  the 
gloomy  depths  of  the  mountains,  without  feeling 
how  perfectly  it  conforms  in  its  aspect  to  the  wild 
and  melancholy  scenery  of  the  sierra.  Nor  can 
one  enter  the  consecrated  precincts,  without  con- 
fessing the  genius  of  the  place,  and  experiencing 
sensations  of  a  mysterious  awe  as  he  wanders 
through  the  desolate  halls,  which  fancy  peoples 
with  the  solemn  images  of  the  past. 

The  architect  of  the  building  was  embarrassed 
by  more  than  one  difficulty  of  a  very  peculiar  kind. 
It  was  not  simply  a  monastery  that  he  was  to  build. 
The  same  edifice,  as  we  have  seen,  was  to  compre- 
hend at  once  a  convent,  a  palace,  and  a  tomb.  It 
was  no  easy  problem  to  reconcile  objects  so  dis- 
cordant, and  infuse  into  them  a  common  principle 
of  unity.  It  is  no  reproach  to  the  builder  that 
he  did  not  perfectly  succeed  in  this,  and  that  the 
palace  should  impair  the  predominant  tone  of  feel- 
ing raised  by  the  other  parts  of  the  structure,  look- 
ing in  fact  like  an  excrescence,  rather  than  an  in- 
tegral portion  of  the  edifice. 

Another  difficulty,  of  a  more  whimsical  nature, 
imposed  on  the  architect,  was  the  necessity  of  ac- 
commodating the  plan  of  the  building  to  the  form 
of  a  gridiron,  —  as  typical  of  the  kind  of  martyr- 
dom suffered  by  the  patron  saint  of  the  Escorial. 

VOL.  in.  59 


466  DOMESTIC  AFFAIRS  OF  SPAIN.         [BOOK  VI. 

Thus  the  long  lines  of  cloisters,  with  their  inter- 
vening courts,  served  for  the  bars  of  the  instru- 
ment. The  four  lofty  spires  at  the  corners  of  the 
monastery,  represented  its  legs  inverted;  and  the 
palace,  extending  its  slender  length  on  the  east, 
furnished  the  awkward  handle. 

It  is  impossible  for  language  to  convey  any  ade- 
quate idea  of  a  work  of  art.  Yet  architecture  has 
this  advantage  over  the  sister  arts  of  design,  that 
the  mere  statement  of  the  dimensions  helps  us 
much  in  forming  a  conception  of  the  work.  A  few 
of  these  dimensions  will  serve  to  give  an  idea  of 
the  magnitude  of  the  edifice.  They  are  reported 
to  us  by  Los  Santos,  a  Jeronymite  monk,  who  has 
left  one  of  the  best  accounts  of  the  Escorial. 

The  main  building,  or  monastery,  he  estimates  at 
seven  hundred  and  forty  Castilian  feet  in  length  by 
five  hundred  and  eighty  in  breadth.  Its  greatest 
height,  measured  to  the  central  cross  above  the 
dome  of  the  great  church,  is  three  hundred  and 
fifteen  feet.  The  whole  circumference  of  the  Esco- 
rial, including  the  palace,  he  reckons  at  two  thou- 
sand nine  hundred  and  eighty  feet,  or  near  three 
fifths  of  a  mile.  The  patient  inquirer  tells  us  there 
were  no  less  than  twelve  thousand  doors  and  win- 
dows in  the  building  ;  that  the  weight  of  the  keys 
alone  amounted  to  fifty  arrobas,  or  twelve  hundred 
and  fifty  pounds ;  and,  finally,  that  there  were 
sixty-eight  fountains  playing  in  the  halls  and  courts 
of  this  enormous  pile.30 

30  Los  Santos,  Descripcion  del  Escorial,  fol.  116. 


CH.  II.]  THE  ESCORIAL.  467 

The  cost  of  its  construction  and  interior  decora- 
tion, we  are  informed  by  Father  Sigue^a,  amount- 
ed to  very  near  six  millions  of  ducats.31  Siguenca 
was  prior  of  the  monastery,  and  had  access,  of 
course,  to  the  best  sources  of  information.  That 
he  did  not  exaggerate,  may  be  inferred  from  the 
fact  that  he  was  desirous  to  relieve  the  building 
from  the  imputation  of  any  excessive  expenditure 
incurred  in  its  erection,  —  a  common  theme  of  com- 
plaint, it  seems,  and  one  that  was  urged  with 
strong  marks  of  discontent  by  contemporary  writ- 
ers. Probably  no  single  edifice  ever  contained 
such  an  amount  and  variety  of  inestimable  treas- 
ures as  the  Escorial,  —  so  many  paintings  and  sculp- 
tures by  the  greatest  masters,  —  so  many  articles  of 
exquisite  workmanship,  composed  of  the  most  pre- 
cious materials.  It  would  be  a  mistake  to  suppose 
that,  when  the  building  was  finished,  the  labors  of 
Philip  were  at  an  end.  One  might  almost  say  they 
were  but  begun.  The  casket  was  completed  ;  but 
the  remainder  of  his  days  was  to  be  passed  in  filling 
it  with  the  rarest  and  richest  gems.  This  was  a 
labor  never  to  be  completed.  It  was  to  be  be- 
queathed to  his  successors,  who,  with  more  or  less 
taste,  but  with  the  revenues  of  the  Indies  at  their 
disposal,  continued  to  lavish  them  on  the  embel- 
lishment of  the  Escorial.32 

31  Siguen9a,  Hist,  de  la  Orden  clare  that  '  the   Almighty   owes  a 
de  San  Geronimo,  torn.  III.  p.  862.  debt  of  gratitude   to    Philip  the 

32  The  enthusiasm  of  Fray  Alon-  Second  for  the  dedication   of  so 
so  de  San  Geronimo  carries  him  so  glorious  a  structure  to  the  Chris- 
far,  that  he  does  not  hesitate  to  de-  tian    worship !     "  Este     Templo, 


468  DOMESTIC  AFFAIRS  OF  SPAIN.          [BOOK  VI. 

Philip  the  Second  set  the  example.  He  omitted 
nothing  which  could  give  a  value,  real  or  imagi- 
nary, to  his  museum.  He  gathered  at  an  immense 
cost  several  hundred  cases  of  the  bones  of  saints 
and  martyrs,  depositing  them  in  rich  silver  shrines, 
of  elaborate  workmanship.  He  collected  four  thou- 
sand volumes,  hi  various  languages,  especially  the 
Oriental,  as  the  basis  of  the  fine  library  of  the 
Escorial. 

The  care  of  successive  princes,  who  continued  to 
spend  there  a  part  of  every  year,  preserved  the 
palace-monastery  and  its  contents  from  the  rude 
touch  of  Time.  But  what  the  hand  of  Time  had 
spared,  the  hand  of  violence  destroyed.  The  French, 
who  in  the  early  part  of  the  present  century  swept 
like  a  horde  of  Vandals  over  the  Peninsula,  did 
not  overlook  the  Escorial.  For  in  it  they  saw  the 
monument  designed  to  commemorate  their  own 
humiliating  defeat.  A  body  of  dragoons  under  La 
Houssaye  burst  into  the  monastery  in  the  winter 
of  1808;  and  the  ravages  of  a  few  days  demolished 
what  it  had  cost  years  and  the  highest  efforts  of  art 
to  construct.  The  apprehension  of  similar  violence 
from  the  Carlists,  in  1837,  led  to  the  removal  of  the 

Senor,  deve  &  Filipo  Segundo  vue-  of  the  hundredth  anniversary  of  its 

stra  Grandeza ;  con  que  gratitud  foundation.     A  volume    compiled 

le  estard  mirando,  en  el  Impireo,  by  Fray  Luis  de  Santa  Maria  is 

vuestra  Divinidad  ! "  filled  with  a  particular  account  of 

This  language,  so  near  akin  to  the  ceremonies,  under  the  title  of 

blasphemy,  as  it  would  be  thought  "  Octava  sagradamente  culta,  cele- 

in  our  day,  occurs  in  a  panegyric  brada  en  la  Octava  Maravilla,"  &c. 

delivered  at  the  Escorial  on  the  oc-  (Madrid,  1664,  folio.) 
casion  of  a  solemn  festival  in  honor 


CH.  II.]  THE  ESCOEIAL.  469 

finest  paintings  to  Madrid.  The  Escorial  ceased 
to  be  a  royal  residence.  Tenantless  and  unpro- 
tected, it  was  left  to  the  fury  of  the  blasts  which 
swept  down  the  hills  of  the  Guadarrama. 

The  traveller  who  now  visits  the  place  will  find 
its  condition  very  different  from  what  it  was  in 
the  beginning  of  the  century.  The  bare  and  mil- 
dewed walls  no  longer  glow  with  the  magical  tints 
of  Raphael  and  Titian,  and  the  sober  pomp  of  the 
Castilian  school.  The  exquisite  specimens  of  art 
with  which  the  halls  were  filled  have  been  wan- 
tonly demolished,  or  more  frequently  pilfered  for 
the  sake  of  the  rich  materials.  The  monks,  so 
long  the  guardians  of  the  place,  have  shared  the 
fate  of  their  brethren  elsewhere,  since  the  sup- 
pression of  religious  houses,  and  their  venerable 
forms  have  disappeared.  Silence  and  solitude  reign 
throughout  the  courts,  undisturbed  by  any  sound 
save  that  of  the  ceaseless  winds,  which  seem  to  be 
ever  chanting  their  melancholy  dirge  over  the  faded 
glories  of  the  Escorial.  There  is  little  now  to  re- 
mind one  of  the  palace  or  of  the  monastery.  Of 
the  three  great  objects  to  which  the  edifice  was  de- 
voted, one  alone  survives,  —  that  of  a  mausoleum 
for  the  royal  line  of  Castile.  The  spirit  of  the  dead 
broods  over  the  place, — of  the  sceptred  dead,  who 
lie  in  the  same  dark  chamber  where  they  have 
lain  for  centuries,  unconscious  of  the  changes  that 
have  been  going  on  all  around  them. 

During  the  latter  half  of  Philip's  reign,  he  was 
in  the  habit  of  repairing  with  his  court  to  the  Es- 


470  DOMESTIC  AFFAIRS   OF   SPAIN.          [BOOK  VI. 

corial,  and  passing  here  a  part  of  the  summer. 
Hither  he  brought  his  young  queen,  Anne  of  Aus- 
tria, —  when  the  gloomy  pile  assumed  an  unwonted 
appearance  of  animation.  In  a  previous  chapter 
the  reader  has  seen  some  notice  of  his  preparations 
for  his  marriage  with  that  princess,  in  less  than  two 
years  after  he  had  consigned  the  lovely  Isabella  to 
the  tomb.  Anne  had  been  already  plighted  to  the 
unfortunate  Don  Carlos.  Philip's  marriage  with 
her  afforded  him  the  melancholy  triumph  of  a 
second  time  supplanting  his  son^  She  was  his 
niece  ;  for  the  Empress  Mary,  her  mother,  was  the 
daughter  of  Charles  the  Fifth.  There  was,  more- 
over, a  great  disparity  in  their  years ;  for  the  Aus- 
trian princess,  having  been  born  in  Castile  during 
the  regency  of  her  parents,  in  1549,  was  at  this 
time  but  twenty-one  years  of  age,  —  less  than  half 
the  age  of  Philip.  It  does  not  appear  that  her 
father,  the  Emperor  Maximilian,  made  any  objec- 
tion to  the  match.  If  he  felt  any,  he  was  too 
politic  to  prevent  a  marriage  which  would  place 
his  daughter  on  the  throne  of  the  most  potent 
monarchy  in  Europe. 

It  was  arranged  that  the  princess  should  proceed 
to  Spain  by  the  way  of  the  Netherlands.  In  Sep- 
tember, 1570,  Anne  bade  a  last  adieu  to  her  fa- 
ther's court,  and  with  a  stately  retinue  set  out  on 
her  long  journey.  On  entering  Flanders,  she  was 
received  with  great  pomp  by  the  duke  of  Alva,  at 
the  head  of  the  Flemish  nobles.  Soon  after  her 
arrival,  Queen  Elizabeth  despatched  a  squadron  of 


CH.  II.]  QUEEN  ANNE.  471 

eight  vessels,  with  offers  to  transport  her  to  Spain, 
and  an  invitation  for  her  to  .visit  England  on 
her  way.  These  offers  were  courteously  declined ; 
and  the  German  princess,  escorted  by  Count  Bossu, 
captain-general  of  the  Flemish  navy,  with  a  gal- 
lant squadron,  was  fortunate  in  reaching  the  place 
of  her  destination,  after  a  voyage  of  less  than  a 
week.  On  the  third  of  October  she  landed  at  San- 
tander,  on  the  northern  coast  of  Spam,  where  she 
found  the  archbishop  of  Seville  and  the  duke  of 
Bejar,  with  a  brilliant  train  of  followers,  waiting 
to  receive  her. 

Under  this  escort,  Anne  was  conducted  by  the 
way  of  Burgos  and  Valladolid  to  the  ancient  city 
of  Segovia.  In  the  great  towns  through  which 
she  passed,  she  was  entertained  in  a  style  suited  to 
her  rank ;  and  everywhere  along  her  route  she  was 
greeted  with  the  hearty  acclamations  of  the  people. 
For  the  match  was  popular  with  the  nation ;  and 
the  cortes  had  urged  the  king  to  expedite  it  as 
much  as  possible.33  The  Spaniards  longed  for  a 
male  heir  to  the  crown ;  and  since  the  death  of 
Carlos,  Philip  had  only  daughters  remaining  to 
him. 

In  Segovia,  where  the  marriage  ceremony  was  to 
be  performed,  magnificent  preparations  had  been 
made  for  the  reception  of  the  princess.  As  she 
approached  that  city,  she  was  met  by  a  large 
body  of  the  local  militia,  dressed  in  gay  uniforms, 
and  by  the  municipality  of  the  place,  arrayed  in 

33  Florez,  Reynas  Catholicas,  torn.  II.  p.  905. 


472  DOMESTIC  AFFAIRS   OF  SPAIN.          [BOOK  VI. 

their  robes  of  office  and  mounted  on  horseback. 
With  this  brave  escort  she  entered  the  gates.  The 
streets  were  ornamented  with  beautiful  fountains, 
and  spanned  by  triumphal  arches,  under  which 
the  princess  proceeded,  amidst  the  shouts  of  the 
populace,  to  the  great  cathedral.34 

Anne,  then  in  the  bloom  of  youth,  is  described 
as  having  a  rich  and  delicate  complexion.  Her 
figure  was  good,  her  deportment  gracious,  and  she 
rode  her  richly  caparisoned  palfrey  with  natural 
ease  and  dignity.  Her  not  very  impartial  chroni- 
cler tells  us,  that  the  spectators  particularly  ad- 
mired the  novelty  of  her  Bohemian  costume,  her 
riding-hat  gayly  ornamented  with  feathers,  and  her 
short  mantle  of  crimson  velvet  richly  fringed  with 
gold.35 

After  Te  Deum  had  been  chanted,  the  splendid 
procession  took  its  way  to  the  far-famed  alcazar, 
that  palace-fortress,  originally  built  by  the  Moors, 
which  now  served  both  as  a  royal  residence  and 
as  a  place  of  confinement  for  prisoners  of  state. 
Here  it  was  that  the  unfortunate  Montigny  passed 
many  a  weary  month  of  captivity ;  and  less  than 
three  months  had  elapsed  since  he  had  been  re- 
moved from  the  place  which  was  so  soon  to  become 
the  scene  of  royal  festivity,  and  consigned  to  the 
fatal  fortress  of  Simancas,  to  perish  by  the  hand  of 


34  Florez,    Reynas     Catholicas,  alto  matizaclo  con  plumas,  capotillo 
torn.  II.  p.  908.  de  terciopelo  carmesi,  bordado  de 

35  "  Realzada  con  gracia  por  el  oro  a  la  moda  Bohema."    Ibid.,  p. 
mismo  trage  del  camino,  sombrero  907. 


CH.  H.]  QUEEN  ANNE.  473 

the  midnight  executioner.  Anne,  it  may  be  re- 
membered, was  said,  on  her  journey  through  the 
Low  Countries,  to  have  promised  Montigny's  family 
to  intercede  with  her  lord  in  his  behalf.  But  the 
king,  perhaps  willing  to  be  spared  the  awkward- 
ness of  refusing  the  first  boon  asked  by  his  young 
bride,  disposed  of  his  victim  soon  after  her  landing, 
while  she  was  yet  in  the  north. 

Anne  entered  the  alcazar  amidst  salvoes  of  ar- 
tillery. She  found  there  the  good  Princess  Joanna, 
Philip's  sister,  who  received  her  with  the  same 
womanly  kindness  which  she  had  shown  twelve 
years  before  to  Elizabeth  of  France,  when,  on  a 
similar  occasion,  she  made  her  first  entrance  into 
Castile.  The  marriage  was  appointed  to  take  place 
on  the  following  day,  the  fourteenth  of  Novem- 
ber. Philip,  it  is  said,  obtained  his  first  view  of 
his  betrothed  when,  mingling  in  disguise  among 
the  cavalcade  of  courtiers,  he  accompanied  her  en- 
trance into  the  capital.36  When  he  had  led  his  late 
queen,  Isabella,  to  the  altar,  some  white  hairs  on 
his  temples  attracted  her  attention.37  During  the 
ten  years  which  had  since  elapsed,  the  cares  of 
office  had  wrought  the  same  effect  on  him  as  on 
his  father,  and  turned  his  head  prematurely  gray. 
The  marriage  was  solemnized  with  great  pomp  in 
the  cathedral  of  Segovia.  The  service  was  per- 
formed by  the  archbishop  of  Seville.  The  spacious 
building  was  crowded  to  overflowing  with  specta- 


36  Ibid.,  ubi  supra.  ^  Ante,  vol.  I.  p.  452. 

VOL.   III.  60 


474  DOMESTIC  AFFAIRS  OF   SPAIN.          [BOOK  VI. 

• 

tors,  among  whom  were  the  highest  dignitaries  of 
the  Church  and  the  most  illustrious  of  the  nobility 
of  Spain.38 

During  the  few  days  which  followed,  while  the 
royal  pair  remained  in  Segovia,  the  city  was  aban- 
doned to  jubilee.  The  auspicious  event  was  cele- 
brated by  public  illuminations  and  by  magnificent 
fetes,  at  which  the  king  and  queen  danced  in  the 
presence  of  the  whole  court,  who  stood  around  in 
respectful  silence.39  On  the  eighteenth,  the  new- 
married  couple  proceeded  to  Madrid,  where  such 
splendid  preparations  had  been  made  for  their  re- 
ception as  evinced  the  loyalty  of  the  capital. 

As  soon  as  the  building  of  the  Escorial  was  suf- 
ficiently advanced  to  furnish  suitable  accommoda- 
tions for  his  young  queen,  Philip  passed  a  part  of 
every  summer  in  its  cloistered  solitudes,  which  had 
more  attraction  for  him  than  any  other  of  his  resi- 
dences. The  presence  of  Anne  and  her  courtly 
train  diffused  something  like  an  air  of  gayety  over 
the  grand  but  gloomy  pile,  to  which  it  had  been 
little  accustomed.  Among  other  diversions  for  her 
entertainment  we  find  mention  made  of  autos  sa- 
cramentales,  those  religious  dramas  that  remind 
one  of  the  ancient  Mysteries  and  Moralities  which 
entertained  our  English  ancestors.  These  autos 
were  so  much  in  favor  with  the  Spaniards  as  to 
keep  possession  of  the  stage  longer  than  in  most 

38  Florez,    Reynas    Catholicas,  Reyna,   estando  de   pie   toda    la 
torn.  II.  p.  908.  —  Cabrera,  Filipe  Corte."     Florez,  Reynas  Catholi- 
Segundo,  p.  661.  cas,  torn.  II.  p.  908. 

39  «  En  el  sarao  bailaron  Rey  y 


CH.  II.]  QUEEN  AKNE.  475 

other  countries ;  nor  did  they  receive  their  full  de- 
velopment until  they  had  awakened  the  genius  of 
Calderon. 

It  was  a  pen,  however,  bearing  little  resemblance 
to  that  of  Calderon  which  furnished  these  edifying 
dramas.  They  proceeded,  probably,  from  some  Je- 
ronymite  gifted  with  a  more  poetic  vein  than  his 
brethren.  The  actors  were  taken  from  among  the 
pupils  in  the  seminary  established  in  the  Escorial. 
Anne,  who  appears  to  have  been  simple  in  her 
tastes,  is  said  to  have  found  much  pleasure  in  these 
exhibitions,  and  in  such  recreation  as  could  be  af- 
forded her  by  excursions  into  the  wild,  romantic 
country  that  surrounded  the  monastery.  Historians 
have  left  us  but  few  particulars  of  her  life  and 
character,  —  much  fewer  than  of  her  lovely  prede- 
cessor. Such  accounts  as  we  have,  represent  her  as 
of  an  amiable  disposition,  and  addicted  to  pious 
works.  She  was  rarely  idle,  and  employed  much 
of  her  time  in  needlework,  leaving  many  specimens 
of  her  skill  in  this  way  in  the  decorations  of  the 
convents  and  churches.  A  rich  piece  of  embroidery, 
wrought  by  her  hands  and  those  of  her  maidens, 
was  long  preserved  in  the  royal  chapel,  under  the 
name  of  "  Queen  Anne's  tapestry." 

Her  wedded  life  was  destined  not  to  be  a  long 
one,  —  only  two  years  longer  than  that  of  Isabella. 
She  was  blessed,  however,  with  a  more  numerous 
progeny  than  either  of  her  predecessors.  She  had 
four  sons  and  a  daughter.  But  all  died  in  infancy 
or  early  childhood  except  the  third  son,  who  as 


476  DOMESTIC  AFFAIRS  OF  SPAIN.          [BOOK  VI. 

Philip    the   Third  lived  to  take  his  place  in   the 
royal  dynasty  of  Castile. 

The  queen  died  on  the  twenty-sixth  of  October, 
1580,  in  the  thirty-first  year  of  her  age  and  the 
eleventh  of  her  reign.  A  singular  anecdote  is  told 
in  connection  with  her  death.  This  occurred  at 
Badajoz,  where  the  court  was  then  established,  as  a 
convenient  place  for  overlooking  the  war  in  which 
the  country  was  at  that  time  engaged  with  Portugal. 
While  there  the  king  fell  ill.  The  symptoms  were 
of  the  most  alarming  character.  The  queen,  in  her 
distress,  implored  the  Almighty  to  spare  a  life  so 
important  to  the  welfare  of  the  kingdom  and  of  the 
Church,  and  instead  of  it  to  accept  the  sacrifice  of 
her  own.  Heaven,  says  the  chronicler,  as  the  re- 
sult showed,  listened  to  her  prayer.40  The  king 
recovered;  and  the  queen  fell  ill  of  a  disorder 
which  in  a  few  days  terminated  fatally.  Her  re- 
mains, after  lying  in  state  for  some  time,  were 
transported  with  solemn  pomp  to  the  Escorial, 
where  they  enjoyed  the  melancholy  pre-eminence 
of  being  laid  in  the  quarter  of  the  mausoleum 
reserved  exclusively  for  kings  and  the  mothers  of 
kings.  Such  was  the  end  of  Anne  of  Austria,  the 
fourth  and  last  wife  of  Philip  the  Second. 

40  "  El  efecto  dijo,  que  oyd  Dios    Hey,  cayd  mala  la  Reyna."    Ibid., 
su    oracion:    pues    mejorando    el    p.  913. 


END   OF  THE  THIRD   VOLUME. 


DC  SB  LIBRAHJf 


University  of  California 

SOUTHERN  REGIONAL  LIBRARY  FACILITY 

305  De  Neve  Drive  •  Parking  Lot  17  •  Box  951388 

LOS  ANGELES,  CALIFORNIA  90095-1388 

ate  ri  a  I  iathe^ibrary  from  which  it  was  borrowed. 


JUt  2  4  2001 

SRLF 
2  WEEK  LOAN 


A     000  543  421     2 


- 


I  -T 

I 


.     I 

• 


.. 


. 

I    I:  i    ) 
, 


• 

• 


.. 

; 


• 
• 


